Bellagamba and Klute argue in their introduction that the state has not ‘rolled back’ in Africa, but is engaged in struggles over its supremacy with other powerful actors. The authors introduce the term ‘heterarchy’ as opposed to the hierarchical representation of the state as standing above and disciplining other groups in society. Heterarchy captures the ‘current plurality of competing power foci’ and the mutable and unstable intertwining of state and non-state actors (p. 9).
John Galaty's chapter gives a helpful overview of general political developments and the emergence of civil society in Kenya. Galaty argues that the community-based organizations (CBOs) and local NGOs constitute a ‘third political space between often ethnic-based regional collectives and the state’, and have added viability and depth to the state and its policies (p. 52). Luca Ciabarri provides an account of the various political actors involved in the political processes in Somaliland, the proto-state that unilaterally seceded from a collapsing Somali state in 1991. His main contribution is a case study of the local political dynamics involved in the parliamentary elections in that polity in 2005. Luca Jourdan discusses the power politics of a local warlord in eastern Congo – a good example of the construction of power through extraversion in an unpredictable and fluid context. Mirjam De Bruijn presents an account of the survival of homeless individuals in Chad's capital, N'Djamena. She describes the dynamic relation between these ‘survivors’, ‘the state’ and local NGOs with international links.
Alice Bellagamba introduces the reader to local power struggles in The Gambia. These involve a religious scholar, local youths and elders, and government and opposition forces. In Bellagamba's view, the imam is a power to be reckoned with alongside the state. ‘A word from him would have made all the difference for many people in the town’ (p. 117). In his chapter on ‘border anomalies’, Paul Nugent aptly captures the complexities and contradictions of official border demarcation, on the one hand, and everyday life and local perceptions along borders on the other. His case studies on interactions across the borders between Ghana and Togo, and between Ghana and Senegal, point to the limited legitimacy of official maps. Nugent finds that states can tolerate violations of their sovereignty along borders, as long as these violations are not made public and do not become part of political conflicts.
Valsecchi provides a differentiated discussion of the roles and positions of chiefs in Ghana. While it is clear that individual chiefs and chieftaincy as a ‘traditional’ institution enjoy much public attention, and have been recognized as independent political institutions in the constitution of 1991, it is still difficult to assess the relevance of chieftaincy and its specific powers over the lives of Ghanaian citizens (p. 144). This highly nuanced account contributes to the ongoing debate on the resurgence of traditional authorities in contemporary Africa. The same can be said of Helene Maria Kyed's chapter on ‘traditional’ leaders in post-war Mozambique. She brilliantly captures the position of these leaders as betwixt and between armed forces (during the civil war), the post-war state and the local communities.
Peter Skalnik discusses the role of ‘original political institutions’ in contemporary African politics. In his view, these institutions, which he summarily calls chieftaincy, can supplement the frequently deficient states in Africa. He envisages a crucial role for chiefs in the democratization process in the continent. This is a fairly ‘romantic’ perspective that collides with the rather sober accounts of conflicts and difficulties surrounding ‘traditional’ institutions provided by Kyed and Valsecchi. Finally, Stephen Ellis stresses in his epilogue that statehood in Africa has been dependent on (‘globally’) well-connected intermediaries since colonial times. He sees continuities between the past and the contemporary politics of powers operating alongside/beside the state – be they traditional authorities or local CBOs and NGOs. Those engaging with the continent are well-advised to know more about the powers ‘beside the state’.
In sum, this book provides a fresh look at politics in Africa. Some of its chapters are extremely valuable. Still, when reading through it one feels the lack of overall theoretical integration – in particular, the absence of a clear definition of ‘power’. What do the borderlanders of Nugent have in common with the self-employed homeless of De Bruijn, and the Ghanaian chiefs? What are the conditions for having power beside the state, and what kinds of power are we talking about?
