Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 April 2005
IN 1895, GRANT ALLEN PUBLISHED A NEW WOMAN NOVEL entitled The Woman Who Did. This treatise-like novel appeared as part of the Keynotes Series, a group of ideologically progressive texts published by John Lane for Bodley Head in the 1890s. As Margaret Diane Stetz writes, Lane made this series “a haven for ‘New Woman’ fiction, naturalistic short stories, and ‘decadent’ poetry and art” (72). Marketed as status and sex objects (81), many of the thirty-three novels and short-story collections that make up the series concern themselves with New Woman issues such as marriage and female sexuality. Lane had taken the name for this series from George Egerton's Keynotes (1893), a collection of short stories told from the perspective of an emancipated woman. The Woman Who Did, published two years later, also featured a New Woman and became the most notorious book of the series. Combining a free-love, anti-marriage message with a tragic plot, Allen's novel focuses on a clergyman's daughter, Herminia Barton, who refuses to marry the father of her child, Alan Merrick, on feminist principles. Unwilling to enter an institution that she compares to “vile slavery” (43), she chooses to live unmarried with her lover and daughter until his death. She withstands the calumny of family and friends and years of grieving and penury only to discover in the end that her daughter rejects her feminism and views her illegitimacy not as the “supreme privilege” her mother believed it to be, but rather as a “curse” (132). In a way typical of New Woman novels, the story ends with the heroine's suicide.
IN 1895, GRANT ALLEN PUBLISHED A NEW WOMAN NOVEL entitled The Woman Who Did.1
In 1894, Sarah Grand coined the term New Woman to describe “an emergent social and literary type” who fought for civil liberties and sexual freedom. This paper occasionally refers to the New Woman as a social and economic phenomenon before 1894 because she had been surfacing since the 1880s (Blain 792).
As Keating observes, the defiant gestures in New Woman novels were typically undermined by tragic conclusions: “the occasional call for the development of a new kind of feminist awareness is never strong enough to counterbalance the suicides, lonely deaths and crushed ambitions that feature in several of the novels” (195).
The Woman Who Did, a relatively obscure text today, was a best-selling novel during its day. In one year, it ran through nineteen editions, and Allen earned £1000 in royalties a year from it until his death in 1899 (Cunningham 63). Its success, however, was mixed with controversy and scandal. Feminist readers attacked its pretension and conservative readers deplored its moral turpitude, while the literati viewed it simply as bad writing. Also in 1895, Victoria Crosse (Vivian Cory) and Lucas Cleeve (Adelina G. I. Kingscote) wrote earnest and righteous rejoinders to Allen's theme of free love in their novels, respectively The Woman Who Didn't and The Woman Who Wouldn't. “The Woman Who–” swiftly became a catchpenny phrase. Whereas Crosse and Cleeve tended toward maudlin indignation,3
In a scathing review of the novels of Crosse and Cleeve, the Times refers to them as “lady preachers” who write “the dull, distasteful tracts in guise of fiction” (11).
In recent criticism, The Woman Who Did has received attention in studies on the New Woman and first-wave feminism. Normally feminist in perspective, these studies have exposed the problems inherent in Allen's feminism. Gail Cunningham (1978) writes that “beneath all this talk of independence and freedom lurks an almost entirely traditional ideal of femininity” (61); Patricia Stubbs (1979) argues that Allen “was no feminist” and notes the novel's “fundamental conformism” to gender roles (118); Alison Cotes (1983) suggests that “the disparity between [feminist] theory and plot” makes it an “unsatisfactory novel” (8). Ann L. Ardis (1990) and Gillian Kersley (1983) both look at how the “aggressive conservativism” (Ardis 51) of a “surprisingly conventional daughter” (Kersley 87) undermines the book's professed social radicalism; Peter Keating (1989) and Elaine Showalter (1990) note how the novel's ambivalence about the Woman Question was typical of New Woman writing (190, 52). More recently, Sarah Wintle (1995) concludes that The Woman Who Did “is not only one of the most notorious of the New Woman novels, but also one of the most conservative” (18). Without exception, recent critics express dissatisfaction with the gender politics of Allen's novel, some insinuating that a man could but awkwardly promote women's social and sexual freedom.4
Nowhere is it overt in recent scholarship on The Woman Who Did that men could not be advocates of women's rights. However, there is a tendency in the criticism to present the female New Woman novelists as the true revolutionaries. For instance, Kersley dismisses the social value of Allen's novel by contrasting him with the renowned New Woman, Sarah Grand, and by using Grand's deprecatory words to conclude her section on Allen: “it seems to me that Mr Grant Allen wants us to return to the customs of the poultry yard” (qtd. 87). Similarly, Stubbs negates Allen's efforts in the women's movement by concluding unequivocally that he “was no feminist” and opposing him to “Mrs Fawcett and the other orthodox feminists” (118).
Le Gallienne also draws attention to George Meredith as another male author of New Woman fiction. Meredith's Lord Ormont and his Aminta (1894), he shows, also focuses on a woman's sexual unorthodoxy but does not announce it as “an aggressive new rule” in the manner of The Woman Who Did and, therefore, did not excite the same controversy.
This essay addresses the anxiety that surrounded male participation in the production of New Woman literature. More specifically, it examines the problematic representation of male authorship in and around the composition of The Woman Who Did. This uneasiness about male participation in the New Woman book market has not been adequately addressed in recent New Woman or Allen scholarship, but it is germane to the making and critical reception of Allen's book. It informs not only Allen's representation of himself as author but also his critical reception. This essay, then, is a diachronic literary survey of the construction of male authorial identity around The Woman Who Did and shows how Allen's authorial identity changed not primarily from market pressure but from the burden of gender. We focus on four moments in the novel's literary history: Allen's anxious self-posturing as a New Woman writer in The Woman Who Did, the gendered criticism of the reviews that focused on his inconsistent stance as New Woman author, Punch's parody of the novel that aimed at disciplining male and female gender transgressions, and finally the evolution of Allen's authorial representation as New Woman author after the public furor over The Woman Who Did. This literary history of Allen's novel shows that neither authorship nor gender is an individual accomplishment but a historical process of collective contest and negotiation. Allen and his critics together created his evolving authorial persona as New Woman writer, a figure whose gender identity is confused, multiple, and shifting. Arguably, Allen's befuddled authorial persona is the quintessential figure of the 1890s, the decade of “sexual anarchy,” as Showalter argues, when gender identity was in flux because of the efforts not only of first-wave feminists but also of the male partisans of the movement.
AS A MAN WRITING ABOUT THE NEW WOMAN, Allen struggled to introduce himself into a book market directed at a female audience and dominated by female authors such as Sarah Grand and Olive Schreiner. Before the publication of The Woman Who Did, Allen made an earlier, but unsuccessful, foray into popular women's fiction with For Maimie's Sake (1886). Featuring a woman bigamist, this novel was an early statement of unorthodox female sexuality. At this stage in his novel-writing career, Allen defined authorship as a trade rather than a calling. As he said in an 1893 interview with Raymond Blathwayt, “my line is to write what I think the public wish to buy, and not what I wish to say, or what I really think and feel” (72). Allen implies that it was a desire for financial gain rather than political fervor that motivated him to venture into the woman's book market and write For Maimie's Sake, a novel he described as “wicked” (73). In this interview, he also suggests an essential difference between male and female authors, a difference that prevents men from writing “wicked novels” with the same success as women:
But I suppose “[For Maimie's Sake] wasn't wicked enough,” or my natural innocence peeped through too obtrusively, and the young ladies who patronised the wicked novel didn't seem to take to it. Perhaps the modesty natural to man prevents our being able to compete on this ground with lady novelists. (73)
Before writing The Woman Who Did, Allen may have complained of being an outsider in the New Woman's book market, but he also attempted to claim a space for himself within it. In his 1889 essay “Plain Words on the Woman Question,” he first carved out a role for the male author in the women's movement. The essay focuses on men's role in the women's movement rather than on the women's movement. Drawing on the cultural authority of John Stuart Mill, the eminent mid-century advocate of women's emancipation, he places himself within a tradition of men writing on women's behalf and sets himself up against a “certain type of modern lady writers.” He suggests that he is better able to expose the “truisms” that women writers overlook (448) and better able to plead the cause of women's rights than women themselves:
I have the greatest sympathy with the modern woman's desire for emancipation. I am an enthusiast on the Woman Question. Indeed, so far am I from wishing to keep her in subjection to [men] that I should like to see her a great deal more emancipated than she herself as yet at all desires…. I feel sure that while women are crying for emancipation they really want to be left in slavery; and that it is only a few exceptional men, here and there in the world, who wish to see them fully and wholly enfranchised. (450–52)
Now, we men are (rightly) very jealous of our virility. We hold it a slight not to be borne that anyone should impugn our essential manhood. And we do well to be angry: for virility is the keynote to all that is best and most forcible in the masculine character. (452)
By the time Allen wrote The Woman Who Did, nearly a decade after For Maimie's Sake, he evinced the same anxieties about gendered authorship. In this work, his second fictional undertaking on the subject of the Woman Question, he figures the male author as a competitor rather than a failure and as a visionary rather than an entrepreneur. In other words, he constructs his authorial image into one that allows for male participation in a female-dominated market. In so doing, however, he betrays uneasiness. On the one hand, he encourages the reader to identify him with his protagonist, Herminia, a New Woman who like him also happens to be a novelist. On the other hand, although he appears to align himself with his New Woman protagonist, he simultaneously distances himself from her, introducing inconsistencies in his feminism that have perplexed and infuriated readers of all types. Also, as a further attempt to dissociate himself from the New Woman, he cultivates the idea of the male author as a New Man, possibly as a defensive response to the threat to masculinity in the women's movement. Put simply, Allen's anxieties manifest themselves in his inconsistent authorial positioning as New Woman partisan, New Woman detractor, and New Man visionary.
One of the most striking features of The Woman Who Did is its conflation of author and protagonist. By conflating himself with Herminia, Allen not only identifies himself as sympathetic to the New Woman cause but also subsequently feminizes himself. Nowhere is this alignment between author and protagonist more apparent than in chapter 13, when Herminia writes her first novel. The correspondences between Herminia's career path and Allen's are numerous. Between doing hackwork and raising her infant girl, Herminia writes her own New Woman novel. This novel, entitled A Woman's World, is a “blankly pessimistic” account of “the experiences and beliefs and sentiments of a martyred woman.” Herminia sends her manuscript to a publisher “in fear and trembling” but finally finds one who “sympathized with thinkers” to publish her book (96; ch. 13). The reviewers, however, are indifferent to her novel. With the exception of the Spectator, which denounces its politics but recognizes its “gleam of pure genius” (97), her novel passes unnoticed.
When describing Herminia's undertaking as New Woman novelist, Allen is describing his own experience with The Woman Who Did. Like Herminia, Allen's career began with hackwork followed by a significant political novel. He too wrote a desolate novel about a martyred woman. Herminia's novel A Woman's World is “earnestly and sincerely written” (97); so was Allen's: he boldly announces in his epigraph to The Woman Who Did that he writes “wholly and solely to satisfy [his] own taste and conscience” (22). Like Herminia, Allen also confronted the same publishing difficulties. Before his manuscript was accepted by John Lane, it was repeatedly rejected. In the face of these rejections, Allen even made plans to preserve the manuscript in the Bodleian, lest it be forgotten (Clodd 154). To some extent, Allen's representation of Herminia's novel writing even anticipates the critical reception of Allen's own novel. Although his novel proved to be far more successful than Herminia's, the Spectator reviewed The Woman Who Did in the same manner as Allen envisioned it receiving Herminia's A Woman's World. The Spectator called it “strong and impressive” but questioned its polemical–if unsuccessful–support of free love (432).
In the same chapter, Allen finds another way to align himself with Herminia by feminizing the novel genre. As his narrator in The Woman Who Did explains, women are “naturally” gifted at writing novels:
After a time, in the intervals between doing her journalistic work and nursing Alan's baby, Herminia found leisure to write a novel. That is every woman's native idea of literature…. If a man tells you he wants to write a book, nine times out of ten he means a treatise or argument on some subject that interests him…. But when a woman tells you she wants to write a book, nine times out of ten, she means she wants to write a novel. For that task nature has most often endowed her richly…. So Herminia, like the rest, wrote her own pet novel. (95–96; ch. 13)
This chapter on Herminia's novel writing is one of the most self-reflexive moments in the novel, for Allen uses Herminia as a mouthpiece for his own meditations on authorship and publication. His cross-gendered identification with his protagonist not only suggests his empathy with the woman writer but also feminizes authorial identity. In his choice of a female protagonist to echo his own literary career, Allen appears to conceive of his role as New Woman author as gendered female. Moreover, by feminizing the act of writing the novel, Allen necessarily calls into question the gender of the male novelist. Endeavoring to sell himself as a New Woman novelist in an impenetrable market, he participates in a series of gendered cross-identifications that strategically elide the fact of his sex.
Yet, while Allen performs these gender inversions by conflating himself with Herminia and participating in activities that he genders female, he also distances himself from these associations. If, on the one hand, he is a partisan of the New Woman, he is, on the other hand, her subtle detractor. His opening dedication first shows how he casually disaligns himself with the causes he putatively supports on the following page in his epigraphal commitment statement. His dedication reads: “To my dear wife to whom I have dedicated my twenty happiest years I dedicate also this brief memorial of a less fortunate love” (21). In a novel that advocates free union and castigates marriage, the author's dedication to his wife is out of place. His book may endorse advanced ideas, but he distances himself from them by reminding his readers of his own conservative lifestyle. His dedication reads as a preemptive defense against critics ready to malign his own way of life. In the same way that the dedication and epigraph play off against each other to convey contradictory messages about Allen's authorial stance, so too do the two lines of the Preface that introduce the novel: “‘But surely no woman would ever dare to do so,’ said my friend. ‘I knew a woman who did,’ said I; ‘and this is her story’” (23). The politics and gender identity of the speakers in the Preface are ambiguous. They could be two scandalized women in conversation or, just as likely, two men at a club titillating themselves with lewd thoughts. By obscuring the identity, and therefore the sensibilities, of these speakers, Allen gives scope to moral conservatism and sexual titillation at the same time. In so doing, he obfuscates his own authorial allegiances.
In addition to the prefatory material, the novel's internal inconsistencies upset Allen's alliance with the women's movement. Throughout, his identification with the New Woman is accompanied by marked resistance. The uneasy movement in narrative voice from third-person omniscient to first person, for example, suggests a slippage in allegiance and perspective. During the proposal scene in chapter three, the narrative voice shifts from direct engagement with the thoughts of the characters to an independent voice ready for soliloquy. The narrator, whom Allen makes every effort in his prefatory material to conflate with himself, engages directly with an imagined audience with such comments as “you will admit” and “that is how nature has made us.” He also asserts his own opinion, using idioms such as “to my mind” (37; ch. 3). This shift in narrative voice disrupts the direct engagement between narrator and character, allowing room for authorial distance and even opposition.
Another way in which Allen opposes his identification with the New Woman and her cause is to resist his feminization. While he elsewhere genders novel writing as female and thus feminizes himself by virtue of being a novelist, he alternatively genders the narrative voice in The Woman Who Did as male. At one point, the narrator identifies himself with Alan Merrick, Herminia's lover, asking “is it not for that [protecting women]…that nature makes us virile?” and concluding “we must shield the weaker vessel” (48; ch. 4; emphasis added). The similarity between Allen's name and that of his male protagonist extends the identification between narrator and protagonist further to author and protagonist. Finally, as a further means to resist feminization and to gender his narrative voice male, Allen frequently allows it to sermonize in order to bring his book back into the proscribed sphere of male literary activity by making it more like a treatise than a novel.
On the basic level of plot, however, Allen shows his most serious disaffection with the New Woman movement. As the recent scholarship on the novel has noticed, Allen's feminism appears to fail itself. The novel's essentialist remarks about women's instinctive passivity and natural maternalism undercut its description of an advanced woman: “It is a woman's ancestral part to look up to a man” (77; ch. 9); “the male [is] active and aggressive; the female, sedentary, passive, and receptive” (64; ch. 7); “every good woman is by nature a mother” (94; ch. 13); a woman is “rudderless” without a man. Once Alan dies, Herminia's “mission…fails” (94); her daughter, Dolly, wants to conform to conventional models of femininity, to “dress in pretty clothes, be admired by gentleman, and marry” (Stubbs 118), and Herminia eventually commits suicide. Allen may suggest his identification with the New Woman elsewhere in the novel, but these gross inconsistencies in narrative voice and plot development reveal the ways in which he also dissociates himself from her.
If his ambivalence about his authorial role is reflected in his simultaneous identification and disidentification with the New Woman and her cause, it is equally manifest in his construction of himself as an “advanced man.” As he revisits the idea that he introduced in his earlier essay “Plain Words” –that he was one of the “few exceptional men” able to lead the women's movement–Allen experiments with the idea of the New Man in The Woman Who Did. Although he never adopts the term New Man, opting instead for “advanced man,” the term was coined by Punch as early as October 1894 to refer to a masculine type constructed around the New Woman phenomenon. In Allen's novel, it is the figure of a secular prophet that he briefly introduces as his New Man. Evangelical rhetoric is pervasive throughout this sermon-like novel: it is first present in his epigraph where he admits that he writes “wholly and solely to satisfy [his] own taste and [his] own conscience,” but it is also often linked with Allen's sometime surrogate, Herminia. She preaches from a hill-top (34; ch. 2); she is Christ-like in “the sacrifice she was willing to make for humanity” (49; ch. 4); she is a “martyr to humanity” and “like some saint of the middle ages”; and she ultimately represents “the church of the future” (140; ch. 24). The secular prophet figure is germinal in the novel, introduced tentatively to construct a masculine identity still linked to and even articulated through the New Woman. It is in the post-novel aftermath, when he must defend himself against charges of effeminacy and immorality, that Allen aggressively adopts the figure of the New Man to discover a distinct place for the male New Woman author.
Allen's conflicted representation of authorship in The Woman Who Did suggests uneasiness about his incursion into what he perceives as a women's book market, but it also reveals an exploratory rejoinder to insinuations of effeminacy. Essentially his inconsistent ties with the New Woman as well as his tentative self-creation as a New Man prophet show how his support of the women's movement is undercut by a sense of threatened masculinity. This curious blend of sympathy and uneasiness produces an ironic incongruity between Allen's theory and practice: as much as he professes to be concerned with the women's movement, he is perhaps more concerned with finding a place for the male author.
THE WOMAN WHO DID WAS AN ENORMOUS CRITICAL AND financial success for Allen. Whether or not they liked the book, his contemporaries agreed that it was important. W. T. Stead, in an early review of the novel in Review of Reviews (1895), called it “the book of a lifetime” (177). Advertisements for the book at the back of each volume of the Keynote Series capitalized on the controversy and notoriety surrounding it. They included excerpted reviews from the periodical press that denounced the novel's politics but acknowledged its significance: “Though I dislike and disbelieve in his gospel, I thoroughly respect Mr. Grant Allen for having stated it so honourably and bravely” (Academy); “Even its bitterest enemies must surely feel some thrill of admiration for its courage” (Sketch); “It may not merit praise, but it merits reading” (Saturday Review). The most fascinating aspect of the novel's reception, however, was the way in which reviewers and biographers responded to Allen's problematic authorial representation. Critics with different political perspectives commented on Allen's association with the New Woman and her cause, some viewing him as sympathetic, others seeing him as adversarial, and still others perceiving him as fickle. Critics also commented on his representation of himself as the male prophet of the women's movement, a self-characterization that he enthusiastically adopted for himself after publishing his novel. While some believed in his authorial posturing as New Man visionary, others described it as a commercial enterprise or castigated it as effeminate and degenerate. These varying responses not only reveal the uneasy contradictions that underlie Allen's construction of male authorship but also offer insight into a literary market that remunerated the New Man author and yet was also deeply hostile toward him.
Reviewers who saw Allen as a partisan of the women's movement were inclined to conflate him with Herminia and adopted different perspectives on this alliance depending on their political views. Stead, noting the correspondence between Allen and Herminia's career paths, regards Herminia as Allen's mouthpiece: he sees Allen as “speaking of his heroine…in terms which are undoubtedly suggested by his own experience” (177) and “speaking of his own book under the disguise of his heroine's solitary novel” (178). If Stead used biography to read Allen's novel, other critics used the novel to infer Allen's biography. Many critics assumed that because Allen wrote about an unconventional heroine, he himself led an unconventional life. As Edward Clodd, Grant's biographer, explained, the world “argued that a man who attacked the institution of marriage and defended free love must be a libertine; it declared that his separation from his wife was notorious, whereas the fact is that he is never happy on the rare occasions that he is away from her” (162). While Allen's detractors searched for turpitude, his supporters inevitably defended his personal life. William Chislett, one of Allen's later biographers, defended Allen against such charges of notoriety. He suggests that “if [Allen's] muse was wanton in this book, his life was pure” (203). In so doing, he conflates Allen with Herminia by implying their professional closeness as author and muse, while simultaneously distancing them by emphasizing their personal difference as saint and harlot. Chislett maintains the same kind of precarious balancing act that Allen himself develops throughout his novel.
Other critics objected to this balancing act. Some critics stressed the alliance between Allen and the women's movement, whereas others noticed the estrangement. Stead, though he comments on the apparent sympathy between author and protagonist, also writes that “Mr Grant Allen's book brings more clearly into relief than any other novel of recent times the fundamental argument against his own doctrine” of free union (178). The Spectator, perhaps influenced by Stead's review, similarly argues that “the course and the denouement of the novel are simply a reductio ad absurdum of the doctrines which the book is clearly written to support” (431). While Stead and the conservative reviewer for the Spectator found it “fortunate” (432) that the novel undermined its own promotion of women's emancipation, contemporary avant-gardes and women's rights activists were quick to denounce Allen's ambivalent feminism. H. G. Wells, remembering years later the book that “everybody bristled at,” reveals how “this hasty, headlong, incompetent book seemed like a treason to a great cause” (549). Sarah Grand, Allen's competitor in the New Woman book market, said in an interview with Sarah Tooley of the Humanitarian (1896) that Allen wanted women “to return to the customs of the poultry yard” (168).
Likewise, in an essay for the Contemporary Review (1895), suffragist Millicent Garrett Fawcett found Allen's political message confusing, debating at first whether the novel was in earnest or “an elaborately worked-up satire” (627). Noting that Allen “purports to be writing in support of the enfranchisement of women” (629), she questions his stance by revealing his protagonist's inadequacies as a leader of the women's movement. She rails against Herminia for her lack of “real individuality or independence,” her inability to recover after the death of her lover, and her decision to lie about her marital status and her daughter's illegitimacy (627). She reveals the disjunction between Allen and the New Woman by showing that he is unable to create the consummate New Woman, only a sanctimonious and “ineffabl[y] priggish” version of her (628). Fawcett also expresses concern about the gap between “profession and practice” in Allen's work, focusing on what she perceives to be the deceptive nature of Allen's self-representation as women's rights advocate. She points out that while Allen may “purport to be writing in support of the enfranchisement of women,” his record of service to the cause does not support such claims: “Mr. Grant Allen has never given help by tongue or pen to any practical effort to improve the legal or social status of women” (629). Fawcett thus vehemently condemns Allen: “He is not a friend but an enemy” to feminism (630).
In the same way that there was a mixed response to Allen's representation of himself as a New Woman partisan, there was also a mixed response to his posturing as a New Man prophet. These critics were responding not only to the hints of such an authorial persona in The Woman Who Did but especially to Allen's aggressive intensification of such hints after he had published the novel. As Keating notes, with this novel, Allen “took upon himself the role of spokesman for what he called ‘The New Hedonism’ and ‘Hill-top’ purity, much-debated and short-lived catch phrases” (189). In a letter to an acquaintance who refused him hospitality after the scandal of The Woman Who Did, for example, Allen elaborated his role as inspired spokesman for the New Woman: “I am working for the establishment of a higher, nobler, and purer society than any yet contemplated on earth” (Clodd 168). However, his Introduction to The British Barbarians (1895), where he states his authorial principles, describes his role as preacher-novelist most clearly (and pompously). Here, he introduces the metaphor of the novelist evangelizing from the hill-top and likens himself to “the preacher of righteousness who addresses humanity” (xvi). Among his literary coterie, Allen also cultivated this representation of himself, signing the flyleaf of Clodd's copy of The Woman Who Did with “This my Evangel” (155). Allen constructed himself, as a latter-day Prophet, an evangelist of the “truth” and “automatic mouthpiece” for the age (xxiii). By thus aggrandizing his authorial role, Allen rescued the male New Woman author from attacks of effeminacy and infirmity and also carved out a place for the male author in the New Woman literary market. In a sense, the New Woman is not the subject of Allen's work, but rather its instrument. With her help, he attempts to elaborate a new style of fin-de-siècle male authorship that is powerfully reminiscent of the Carlylean man of letters from earlier in the century.6
For a discussion of Thomas Carlyle's construction of the man of letters earlier in the period, see Adams.
A number of critics recommended this new style of authorial identity and even adopted Allen's evangelical tone when speaking about him. In his biography, Clodd preserves and elaborates Allen's self-representation as New-Man prophet, suggesting, for example, that “it was with the ardour of a Paul or a Francis Xavier that [Allen] proclaimed his gospel of freedom between man and woman” (155). Clodd may have been among the most sincere, but he was not alone in perpetuating this image of Allen as preacher-novelist. Stead's review also uses religious language to describe Allen and his work. He compares The Woman Who Did to the Revelation of St. John the Divine and describes Allen alternatively as “one of the great lay preachers of the press” and “the fervent apostle of free love” (177). Stead's inflated rhetoric suggests satire, and indeed, he ridicules what he saw as Allen's misguided views about sexual freedom throughout his review; however, he also applauds the man as an “able and earnest writer” (178) and, like other reviewers (see The Spectator 431), seems genuinely impressed by Allen's prefatory inscription of moral commitment.
Critics other than Clodd and Stead, however, viewed Allen's strident evangelism as disingenuous. Wells, for example, adopts Allen's evangelical tone only to criticize it. “And the gospel Mr. Grant Allen…is preaching,” Wells asks bluntly, “what is it?” (550). Wells invokes this image of Allen as preacher to suggest the confusion and hollowness behind his gospel. Wells was not the only critic to question the earnestness behind Allen's authorial representation as preacher-novelist. Richard Le Gallienne, Allen's biographer and friend, suggested that Allen deliberately marketed himself in this way. However, where Wells criticized Allen for the vacuity of his gospel, Le Gallienne, a true decadent, lauds Allen's earnest self-posturing for its style and its commercial genius. As he writes, “Allen had a really enviable faculty of provoking the world to throw stones” (16). The language of commerce and ethics also mingle in Le Gallienne's description of Allen's authorial representation in and around The Woman Who Did to suggest that one informed the other for Allen. He describes the book as a “poster of rebellion” and “an advertisement of an idea” that is so successful because it banks on “the moral idea it advertised” as well as the “single-minded and pure-of-heart” (16). In other words, what Le Gallienne intimates about Allen, and certainly admires about him, is that his construction of himself as a preacher-novelist was as much a commercial phenomenon as it may have been sincerely felt. As Stetz argues, Lane's Keynote Series was concerned with selling status and sex (81), but as Le Gallienne reveals, The Woman Who Did was also interested in advertising a new kind of authorial identity for men–one predicated on sincerity, earnestness, and moral commitment. Wells may have criticized the incoherence of Allen's preacher-novelist, but Le Gallienne perceived that the idea sold; there was a market for this New Man.
Some critics saw Allen's New Man evangel as merely disingenuous, but others saw it as obnoxious. In the tradition of Linton (whose earlier essay on male partisans of the “wild women” has already been mentioned), a number of critics from the periodical presses felt that there was still no place for men in the women's movement. Fawcett argued most vehemently on the grounds of gender against Allen's participation in New Woman's literature:
There will be very few women who do not see that his little book belongs very much more to the unregenerate man than to women at all. The ape and tiger in man rebel against the restraints which civilisation has imposed on his primitive instincts; but the ape and tiger become feebler as civilisation becomes more developed. Occasionally they utter an incoherent cry, and “The Woman Who Did” is one of them. (631)
Whereas Fawcett objected to the reassertion of conventional gender roles and the primacy of the male in Allen's New Woman fiction, Oliphant and Stutfield argued for preservation of conventional gender roles. Yet although they objected on different political grounds to Allen's foray into women's literary territory, they agreed that the male author did not have a place in New Women's writing. Each objected in a different way to Allen's curious assertions of masculinity in New Woman fiction, not only revealing anxieties about gender incursions and inversions but also showing the multiple ways in which gendered identities were understood and deployed during the Victorian period, especially at the end of the century, when gender categories were hotly contested.
CRITICS LIKE FAWCETT, STUTFIELD, AND OLIPHANT SHOW that while contemporary reactions to Allen's construction of authorial identity varied considerably, they shared a fascination with Allen's gender. Whether concentrating on his relationships with the New Woman or the New Man, Allen's critics were preoccupied with the conspicuous involvement of a male author in the New Woman novel genre. “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do” (1895), an anonymous article published in Punch or The London Charivari, is no exception to this rule (Figure 4 and Figure 5). Punch was a prominent forum for late-Victorian commentary on the New Woman phenomenon. In articles and cartoons printed throughout the 1890s, contributors examined the involvement of women in such stereotypical New Woman activities as cycling and smoking.7
For examples of Punch's commentary on New Woman activities, see the 6 October 1894 issue, especially “We've Not Come to That Yet” (167), and the 30 March 1895 issue, especially “The Key-Noteorious Mrs. Ebbsmith” (148). For more listings and for a discussion of some of this material, see Ledger.
In 1894, Punch published a two-part parody of Egerton's Keynotes, “She-Notes, by Borgia Smudgiton.” A parody of The Yellow Aster entitled “More She-Notes” followed in the same year. See Miles for a discussion of Punch's parodies of Egerton's Keynotes and the Keynote Series.
Two novels, The Woman Who Didn't and The Woman Who Wouldn't, have already been mentioned. A selection of examples from Punch is cited and examined at the end of this section.
E. T. Reid, Illustration for “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do.” Punch (detail), 30 Mar. 1895, 153.
E. T. Reid, “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do,” Punch, 30 March 1895, 153.
Anxieties surrounding gender and authorship play an important role in this process. Specifically, the Punch parody reflects a range of concerns about Allen's involvement as a male author in literary campaigns for the New Woman and her platform. In this sense, Punch has a great deal in common with the likes of Fawcett and Stutfield. The piece differs, however, in its attempts to discredit Allen's involvement in this genre by focusing on such aspects of New Woman authorship as commercial profitability and the notion that the New Woman was first and foremost a literary construct. Of course, the primary difference between the Punch piece and the work of other critics is its extensive use of humor. The result is an entertaining and effective attack on the credibility and legitimacy of the male New Woman novelist and his work.
The title, “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do,” makes the parodic character of the piece immediately apparent. Readers who were familiar with the novel or with Allen's larger body of work would have been quick to recognize the article's imitation of Allen's writing style. The piece mimics his cumbersome vocabulary, his tendency to write in the style of a guidebook, and his fascination with botanical and geological terms. Readers of the novel would also have recognized Punch's re-presentation of two of the most memorable passages from The Woman Who Did: a description of the South Downs landscape which appears on the first page of the novel and a key courtship scene between Herminia Barton and Alan Merrick from chapter 5. In this scene, Herminia and Alan reveal their feelings for one another and begin to negotiate the terms of their unconventional union. Punch's rendition of the meeting between the two lovers differs from the original in a number of significant ways. For instance, Punch replaces Alan Merrick with “Perugino Allan,” a figure who functions as a caricature not of Alan Merrick but of his creator, Grant Allen. In making this change, Punch draws on Allen's own representation of an alignment between himself and Merrick. Their names (Allan/Allen) suggest this alignment, but it is also implied by a series of more subtle connections. These include the author's and the male protagonist's common experience of the city of Perugia as a site of creative productivity. In his epigraph, Allen identifies the novel as having been “written at Perugia/Spring 1893” (22). Merrick similarly “loved” Perugia and sketches the city, describing it as “such a capital place for sketching” (76; ch. 9). Of course, Allen and Merrick's shared support for moral reform and their commitment to the cause of female emancipation are the most significant links between them. By replacing Merrick with “Perugino Allan,” Punch highlights these connections, using them to position Allen within a parodic version of a setting and scene that he had created.
Punch also refashions Herminia Barton who emerges in the context of the parody as “Pseudonymia Bampton.” Herminia's renaming as “Pseudonymia” comments on the duplicitous nature of Herminia's self-representation and on the related failure of her program of martyrdom and moral reform. It responds, more specifically, to her use of the pseudonyms Mrs. Alan Merrick and Mrs. Barton in the course of the novel in order to represent herself falsely as a married woman and a widow. The name “Pseudonymia” also highlights Herminia's professional identity as an author by invoking her use of the pen name Miss Montague when she publishes her New Woman novel. This is in keeping with the larger piece's focus on authorship, a focus introduced in the first paragraph:
The two were seated in an untrammelled Bohemian sort of way on the imperturbable expanse of the South Downs. Beneath them was a carpet of sheep-sorrel, its orbicular perianth being slightly depressed by their healthy weight. In the distance they noticed thankfully the saucer-shaped combes of paludina limestone rising in pleasant strata to the rearing scarp of the Weald. PERUGINO ALLAN was the gentleman's name. He had only met PSEUDONYMIA BAMPTON the day before, but already from mere community of literary instincts they were life-long friends. (153)
To be more specific, the reference to a “community of literary instincts” highlights the common professional ground existing between the two author figures. The sense of “community” implied by this statement is immediately problematized, however, by the conversation that takes place between Pseudonymia and Perugino in the remainder of the article. This conversation emphasizes the gender of its two participants and the impact which gender has on their perspectives and writing. For instance, when Perugino arrives at the meeting place, Pseudonymia welcomes him with the following proclamation:
I have often wanted to meet a real man who had written a book with a key to it on the back of the cover. Now tell me frankly some more beautiful things about the present system of chartered monogamy, so loathing to my sex. Talk straight on, please, pages at a time. (153)
The key designs that appeared on Keynotes editions incorporated the initials of the author of the respective volume. As such, Pseudonymia's pun on the “key” to Allen's novel carries in it the suggestion that Allen's identity is the true key to an understanding of his work. For more information and reproductions of the key designs, see Frost.
The passage is also significant for the way in which it figures Pseudonymia as a reader, defining her position in relation to Perugino as that of a consumer and admirer of his literary output. Both her initial compliment and her subsequent request for “some more beautiful things” position her as a recipient of his work and opinions. The passage evokes a gendered division between author and reader, differentiating the “real man” author from the woman that he addresses. Of course, the passage also criticizes Allen's writing style, targeting both the melodramatic and verbose quality of the novel. The final line, “Talk straight on, please, pages at a time,” lampoons the treatise-like nature of the novel and the lengthy philosophical speeches made by both its protagonist and its narrator. More importantly, however, the passage characterizes the involvement of a male author in the New Woman movement as laughable. Perugino, who lectures a woman on an issue “so loathing to [her] sex,” is at best an interfering and arrogant figure; at worst he is a self-serving schemer.
Although the passage initially represents Pseudonymia as a reader, her experiences as an author are targeted later when she questions Perugino about his career. She begins by asking Perugino about the differences between his most recent novel and the books that preceded it. She asks about the years that it has taken for him to put his anti-marriage sentiments into print. Perugino's response functions as an attack on Allen's self-representation as an advocate and activist for moral reform:
“My child,” replied the artist, “I was compelled to write down to the public taste. One must consider one's prospects. This, you will say, seems to clash with what I said before about calculating egoists. But profession and practice are ever divorced under our depraved system of civilisation. At last, having established myself, I rose superior to sordid avarice, and wrote for once solely to satisfy my own taste and conscience.” (153)
When Pseudonymia hears Perugino's reasons for delaying the publication of his book, she considers her own experiences as an author and the way in which her situation differs from that of Perugino. Her reaction draws attention to the extent to which the different experiences of Allen and his novel-writing female protagonist are gendered. Specifically, Pseudonymia responds to Perugino's proclamations about the publication of a risqué novel with the observation, “As the physically weaker vessel, I could only have done it under an assumed name” (153). The statement is a subtle attack on Allen's decision to have his female protagonist seek the shelter of a pseudonym when he published his novel in his own name. The statement is also an accurate reflection of the fact that many female New Woman novelists published under pen names. Allen is an exception to the rule, an exception whose gender allows him to do away with the use of a pseudonym, a luxury not enjoyed by his “physically weaker” female protagonist or the women writers which she represents. Once again, Punch is highlighting the significance of gender for the authorship of New Woman novels.
The final stages of the Punch parody portray Allen's relation to female New Woman authors in an even less flattering light. Toward the end of their conversation, Perugino asks Pseudonymia to stand in as a kind of surrogate for him in the anti-marriage campaign. His request comments on the self-reflexive dimensions of Allen's novel, characterizing Herminia as a mouthpiece for Allen and his views. In light of this request, the name Pseudonymia takes on another possible meaning, one in which Herminia figures as a kind of pseudonymous stand-in for Allen and his anti-marriage views. It also depicts Herminia as a kind of martyr for a cause in which Allen is unwilling to become directly involved. Perugino explains to Pseudonymia:
What we want now is a protomartyr in the cause…. I am, alas! happily married. But you, you are single; why should you not set to all your sister-slaves a high example of that martyrdom of which the glory, as well as the inconvenience, have been denied to me? (153)
The parody draws to an abrupt and somewhat surprising conclusion once Perugino has made this request. In a surprising but fitting twist, Perugino learns that Pseudonymia is not an eligible candidate because, unbeknownst to him, she is, in fact, married. Pseudonymia's revelation combines a parody of Allen's melodramatic dialogue with commentary on the nature of New Woman authorship:
“Ah, dear PERUGINO!” she cried, visibly affected for the third time to her finger-tips, “must it ever be so? Profession, as you say, divorced from practice? Must one more noble name be added to the list of those that shock the world so fearlessly in their books and live such despicably blameless lives? I myself, too, am misleading in print. You judged me by my pseudonymous publications to be single and unscrupulous. But you were wrong.” (153)
What is most damaging about this closing passage is the extent to which it expresses skepticism about the character of both male and female New Woman authors. The exchange identifies both men and women with a split between theory and practice, accusing them of living lives in which “profession” is “divorced from practice” (153). The public perception of New Woman authors, represented here by Perugino and Pseudonymia, is based on false and inaccurate information. In Pseudonymia's case, her writing has promoted mistaken beliefs about her identity. The self-representation of Herminia, Allen, and the New Woman novelist in general is portrayed as a literary construct, a fiction that is produced by and limited to literary texts. As a result, the parody undermines the authority and credibility of New Woman authors and figures both New Woman authors and New Woman authorship as deceptive and illegitimate. Pseudonymia's characterization of herself as “misleading in print” is particularly interesting. In addition to implying a gap between her life and her writing, the word “misleading” carries with it the suggestion that New Woman novels misdirect their readers, leading them to false conclusions and the adoption of faulty beliefs. Both the authors and the messages of their texts become aligned with deception, invalidity, and illegitimacy.
Punch's preoccupation with the gendered nature of New Woman authorship is also apparent in an image that appeared alongside the “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do.” Produced by E. T. Reed,11
Reed is not identified by Punch as the artist. Our identification of Reed is based on reproductions of the initials of Punch illustrators in Spielmann.
The image emphasizes and explores gender differences existing between Perugino and Pseudonymia. On the one hand, like the text, the image attempts to emphasize Allen's limitations. Reed portrays Perugino as a rather mundane man, dressed in a suit and a bowler hat. He appears as a kind of interloper or trespasser in a highly stylized and exotic landscape; his clothing and his spatial and stylistic relationship to his surrounding scene communicate his alienation from it. The spatial arrangements of the image also communicate Perugino's alienation from Pseudonymia. Positioned in the background, much smaller than Pseudonymia, Perugino is overshadowed and appears insignificant and ineffectual. He is emasculated; a small, utterly ordinary, and insignificant figure, he has no clear role to play in this realm. Reed's image subsequently supplements and affirms the parody's textual representation of Allen as a useless and self-interested participant in the New Woman debate. The illustration also comments on Allen's distance from both his audience and his subject matter. Receding into the distance, with his back turned against Pseudonymia, Perugino is far removed from women, their experiences, and their perspectives. If the image is read as a portrait of the male New Woman novelist, it is clearly not a flattering one.
Pseudonymia, on the other hand, dominates the landscape. She occupies the foreground and is aligned with her surroundings by both her posture and the style in which Reed portrays her. Like many of Beardsley's women, she is an ambiguous representation of femininity, giant, powerful, and potentially malevolent.12
For a more detailed discussion of the malevolence of Beardsley's women and of Beardsley's involvement in the Keynotes series, see Frost.
Herminia's appearance and clothing are described at length in chapter 1: “She was tall and dark, with abundant black hair, richly waved above the ample forehead; and she wore a curious oriental-looking navy-blue robe of some soft woolen stuff” (26).
The negative perspectives on New Woman authorship in “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do” also inform minor allusions to Allen and his novel in Punch. One such reference appeared in July of 1895, in a letter published under the title “Misoneogyny.” The majority of the letter is taken up by a poem about the New Woman. It opens with a series of questions:
Oh, where is that horrible modern monstrosity, Where is the woman whom people call “New,” Who thinks, speaks, and acts with such utter atrocity Tell me, oh where are the “women who do”? (1–4)
This monster has, surely, no lasting vitality, Only existing in fancy and print; It is just an unlovely abstract personality, Coin from the end-of-the-century mint. (9–12)
A number of cartoons published in 1895 also allude to Allen's novel. Of particular note are a pair of cartoons by George Du Maurier which explore the gendered nature of New Woman authorship. Both cartoons appeared in October of 1895. The first, “Feline Amenities,” draws on traditional characterizations of women as “catty” (Figure 6). It represents two women in conversation, a “Female Friend” and the “fair Author of ‘The Woman Who Durstn't’” (174). In the caption, the visiting lady comments on the fair author's work, saying: “Now you've had such a success, I suppose your publishers will take any rubbish you choose to write” (174). In addition to invoking and belittling recent contributions to the “Woman Who” debate by authors such as Victoria Crosse, the cartoon communicates a number of more general messages about the New Woman novel. To begin with, the cartoon portrays the New Woman novel as a female genre, a genre written by, for, and about women. At the same time, however, the caption complicates this identification by acknowledging the important role of presumably male publishers in this industry. The reference to publishers associates New Woman literature with commercialism and implies that the New Woman novel is a profit-driven enterprise. The visitor's cutting reference to “rubbish” also implies that New Woman literature is of a poor quality. Placing this criticism in the mouth of a woman reader allows the cartoon to suggest a distance among women readers, women novelists and the New Women they portray. As such, the association of the author's work with “rubbish” implies that it is a disingenuous or fraudulent representation of women and society. “Feline Amenities” is thus like the “Misoneogyny” poem in that it represents the New Woman as a fiction, as a literary or discursive construct.
George Du Maurier, “Feline Amenities.” Punch, 12 Oct. 1895, 174.
In a second cartoon from later in the same month, Du Maurier returned to the topic of the New Woman novel, portraying a rather masculine woman dressing in front of a mirror (Figure 7). The caption identifies this woman as: “The Latest Literary Success: ‘The Woman Who Wanted To’” (202). The caption clearly evokes Allen's novel, depicting the woman in the cartoon as a kind of ugly sister to Herminia. On one level, the cartoon is a straightforward attack on the New Woman. This attack enlists perceptions of the New Woman as masculine, unattractive, and sexually voracious. The overall effect is to designate the New Woman as abnormal, as desiring, but undesirable. The woman Du Maurier sketches looks, in fact, very much like a man in drag and even bears a slight, but suggestive resemblance to Allen.14
The cartoon resembles photographs of Allen. Facial features common to both include deep-set eyes and a large, distinctly shaped nose. See, for example, portraits included in Blathwayt and also in Stead.
George Du Maurier, “The Lastest Literary Success.” Punch, 26 Oct. 1895, 202.
This preoccupation is also apparent in an earlier article that experiments with gender reversal and misidentification in more direct ways. The article, entitled “The New Man: A Fragment from the Romance of the Near Future,” was published in October 1894, several months before the publication of Allen's novel. In it, Punch comments on the New Woman phenomenon by reversing stereotypical gender roles and placing men in the conventional position of women. The main character of the piece is, for example, a devoted but beleaguered male homemaker who waits up late for his drunken, carousing wife to return home from the Club. Significantly, his characterization includes references to “Bobby,” a “New Man” novel, which promotes radical alternatives to the dissatisfactions of a homebound life. Waiting for his wife, the man reads about the eponymous protagonist who breaks with convention, attending the theater without a chaperone and doing other progressive things. The homemaker is shocked and asks: “How can men write of men like this? I am not surprised that women think badly of us when we thus paint ourselves” (167). When his insensitive wife finally arrives home, he puts the New Man novel aside in order to attend to her. As part of a larger reversal of gender roles that takes place in this piece, the New Woman novelist and the New Woman protagonist are replaced with a New Man novelist and New Man protagonist. Similarly, a male reader replaces a female reader. Despite these reversals, novel reading and novel writing are gendered feminine. The gender switch produces humor, but it does not disrupt or reconfigure gender relations or hierarchies; instead, it temporarily reverses them. Indeed, by replacing the New Woman novel, author, and reader with a New Man equivalent of the same, Punch characterizes any significant reversal in gender roles or relations as laughable. The piece also manages to present a disjunction between social reality and the vision presented by New Woman literature. Bobby is clearly characterized by the male reader as an imaginary figure, a being who exists only in literature.
A one-line joke from November 1894 shows a similarly conservative interest in the New Man and the potential subversiveness of this role. It reads simply: “THE NEW MAN.–Woman” (249). The equation works in two possible directions. On the one hand, it infers that the changing position and behavior of some women identifies them as the “new” men. On the other hand, the equation implies that men who are sympathetic to the New Woman cause and who have reformed their behavior are emasculated as a consequence. Either way, the message speaks to the existence of considerable anxieties about the possible blurring of gender roles.
Punch's reception of Allen's novel had much in common with the wider critical response. Like other critics, Punch comments on the style of the novel, the gap between Allen's theory and his practice, and the conflation of Allen and his protagonists. But, Punch's response to the novel extends beyond these concerns to embrace a series of more stringent views on the New Woman novel and the New Woman novel author. These include the characterization of the New Woman as a deceptive fiction and the alignment of male New Woman authorship with the transgressions of transvestitism. Perhaps Punch's reformulations of Allen's original title give the clearest and most immediate indication of the deep-seated conservatism of these views. In the parody, Punch rewrote The Woman Who Did as “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do,” replacing the fact of accomplishment with suggestions of inadequacy and failure. In the poem from “Misoneogyny,” the representational validity of The Woman Who Did comes under fire as the speaker changes the verb in the title to the present tense in order to ask, “Where are the ‘Women Who Do’?” (35). A final reworking of the title for the cartoon, “The Woman Who Wanted To,” emphasizes ineffectuality and unfulfilled desire. Regardless of the specific details, the intended effect is the same: Punch mocks Allen's novel, discrediting the New Woman and her New Man literary proponents and combating the threat which they were thought to present.
THE FINAL YEARS OF ALLEN'S LIFE AND career make for an enlightening postscript to the evolution of both his and his readers' attitudes toward male authorship in the New Woman book market. After The Woman Who Did, he continued to write New Woman fiction, namely The Type-Writer Girl (1897), Rosalba (1899), Miss Cayley's Adventures (1899), and Hilda Wade (1899). The latter two novels, first serialized in The Strand, introduce unconventional female detectives as the protagonists but disclose a conservative agenda as women finally marry and end their careers. Allen's other two novels are more interesting for what they reveal about his evolving relationship to the New Woman novel. Both The Type-Writer Girl and Rosalba use first-person narratives and feature New Woman protagonists. The Type-Writer Girl focuses on Juliet Appleton, an archetypal New Woman who is economically self-sufficient, a bike-rider, and a would-be anarchist. Significantly, she is also an author; a chapter entitled “I Try Literature” describes the creation and publication of her “little literary first-born” (172; ch. 16), “a short story of the modern girl who earns her own living in London” (171). The protagonist also voices a critical perspective on male novelists and their failure to depict women accurately, suggesting a fundamental conflict between male and female authors:
Men novelists have depicted us as men wish us to be; we have meekly and obediently accepted their portrait: to some extent, even, we have striven, against the grain, to model ourselves upon it. (199; ch. 18)
Even more importantly, however, these novels demonstrate Allen's continued engagement with the question of his own authorial identity in the New Woman book market. Allen published these two novels under a female pseudonym–Olive Pratt Rayner. In The Type-Writer Girl, he even included a dedication to lend credence to the existence of a woman named Rayner: “To Theodore Rayner and Oliver Wendell Pratt, A Wife's Homage, A Sister's Love” (6). Allen's adoption of a female pseudonym to produce these two novels is the logical outcome of the kinds of complex and shifting configurations of gender that characterize both his own construction of authorial identity and the critical reception of The Woman Who Did. Christopher Keep, discussing The Type-Writer Girl, argues that Allen's use of a pseudonym and first-person female narrator is a “duplicitous” way to appropriate women's perspective in order “to subvert effectively the gender radicalism of his character from within” (415). Keep's concept of Allen's “ventriloquism” could describe Allen's authorial role in both The Type-Writer Girl and Rosalba, but Allen's use of a woman's authorial identity and voice does not seem as successful or confident as Keep suggests.15
Despite Keep's argument, there is no evidence to suggest that Allen wishes to undermine the radicalism of his female protagonists; in fact, they remain among the most unorthodox of his New Women because they do not finally capitulate to suicide, neuralgia, or domesticity.
The Type-Writer Girl and Rosalba did not excite the same response as The Woman Who Did. For both novels, there were only a handful of reviews, and reviewers seemed unaware that Allen was the author. The Times, for example, spoke of the female author's “inexperience” (11). The Athenaeum, the only major periodical to review the books, also accepted the fiction of the female author. Its reviews were particularly anxious to establish the underlying virtue of the unorthodox New Woman characters: one review insists that The Type-Writer Girl is “wholesome in tone” (348), while another finds that Rosalba shows “the real generosity and womanliness that underlie the mutinous spirit of this merry, rather vulgar maid” (93). Allen's authorship was not discovered until after his death in 1899. On October 28th, approximately one week after his death, the Athenaeum published his obituary and revealed his pseudonym (589). While it is unclear whether this information circulated before his death, it is clear that it had no significant impact. Neither eulogy, biography, or press commented on his appropriation of a female pen-name, nor did the sale of his female signature novels increase to suggest awakened public interest.16
The London publisher of The Type-Writer Girl and Rosalba did not print a second edition of these novels. There were two American editions of The Type-Writer Girl and one of Rosalba, but they did not have a significant impact on American readers.
We are indebted to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for its generous support.

E. T. Reid, Illustration for “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do.” Punch (detail), 30 Mar. 1895, 153.
E. T. Reid, “The Woman Who Wouldn't Do,” Punch, 30 March 1895, 153.

George Du Maurier, “Feline Amenities.” Punch, 12 Oct. 1895, 174.

George Du Maurier, “The Lastest Literary Success.” Punch, 26 Oct. 1895, 202.