Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks on Women's Rights in North Africa and the Middle East in Vilnius, Lithuania

Secretary Clinton. Today it is North Africa and Middle East experiencing its own season of change and we especially have to work together to ensure that all people, women, as well, as men are part of that change.

And for our part, we are supporting on the ground efforts to increase women's participation in political process. In Egypt, we have seen steps both forwards and backwards: women played an absolutely critical role in carrying out Egypt's revolution. And yet Egypt's constitutional committee does not have a single female member. When women marched to celebrate International Women's Day, they were harassed and abused. As one woman put it, the men were keen for me to be here when we demanding that Mubarak should go, but now that he has gone, they want me to go home.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. The United States congratulates the Special Tribunal for its hard work on completing this important step. We understand that this is an emotional and significant period for all involved, and we call on all parties to promote calm and continue to respect the Special Tribunal as it carries out its duties in a professional and apolitical manner.

The confirmation of the indictments by the pre-trial judge and their delivery by the Special Tribunal to the Lebanese authorities is an important milestone toward justice and ending a period of impunity for political violence in Lebanon. We call on the Government of Lebanon to continue to meet its obligations under international law to support the Special Tribunal.

The Special Tribunal is an independent judicial entity, established by an agreement between the Lebanese Government and the United Nations in response to a very difficult time in Lebanon's history. Its work is legitimate and necessary. It represents a chance for Lebanon to move beyond its long history of political violence and to achieve the future of peace and stability that the Lebanese people deserve. Those who oppose the Special Tribunal seek to create a false choice between justice and stability. Lebanon, like any country, needs and deserves both.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Today, the United States and the United Kingdom imposed visa restrictions on officials of the Government of Iran and other individuals who have participated in human rights abuses in Iran. And Canada has announced its support for increased measures against these perpetrators. Iranian officials subject to this visa ban include government ministers, military and law enforcement officers, and judiciary and prison officials.

Today's actions are an important reminder to Iran that the international community will continue to hold accountable those officials who commit human rights abuses and suppress the democratic aspirations of fellow citizens. Until the Iranian government brings human rights abusers to justice and protects its citizens, the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and other partners will stand up on behalf of the Iranian people.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with Representative Catherine Ashton in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, everyone. And it is, as always, a delight to welcome High Representative Ashton back to the State Department for the continuing consultations that we have been engaged in ever since her appointment. I always look forward to these meetings and working closely with her and her team on the full range of shared challenges that confront the United States and the European Union. I think it goes without saying that this is such a consequential partnership that is rooted in our common values and aspirations as well as serving as a cornerstone for global peace and prosperity and security. Today, once again, we covered a lot of ground. Let me just touch on a few of the issues.

First, Lady Ashton and I discussed events in Syria. The United States strongly condemns Syria's failure to protect diplomatic facilities in Damascus, including the American and French embassies and our ambassador's residence. As we have expressed directly to the Syrian Government today, we demand that they meet their international responsibilities immediately to protect all diplomats and the property of all countries. The Asad regime will not succeed in deflecting the world's attention from the real story unfolding in Syria. This is not about America or France or any other country; this is about the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people for dignity, universal rights, and the rule of law.

Despite promising dialogue and promises of change, the Syrian Government has responded to the people's peaceful protests with more violence, more arrests, and more intimidation. These assaults must stop. Neither the Syrian people nor the international community will accept half-measures or lofty speeches. We call on the regime immediately to halt its campaign of violence, pull its security forces back from Hama and other cities, and allow the Syrian people to express their opinions freely so that a genuine transition to democracy can take place.

Let me also add that if anyone, including President Asad, thinks that the United States is secretly hoping the regime will emerge from this turmoil to continue its brutality and repression, they are wrong. President Asad is not indispensible, and we have absolutely nothing invested in him remaining in power. Our goal is to see that the will of the Syrian people for a democratic transformation occurs.

Let me turn now to Libya, which again, Lady Ashton and I discussed in preparation for the upcoming Contact Group meeting in Istanbul. We will be joined there by a growing number of international partners reflecting deep and widespread concern about the safety of Libyan civilians and the clear need for Colonel Qadhafi to leave power. As momentum continues to build in Libya, the people are not waiting to plan their new post-Qadhafi future. They are laying the foundation, organizing the institutions, and preparing the infrastructure, and the international community will support these efforts. So the United States welcomes the EU's announcement that it is opening an office in Benghazi. Together, we will work with the UN and other partners to coordinate post-conflict assistance and help a free Libya emerge from the dictator's shadow.

We also discussed our shared commitment to support the democratic transitions underway in Egypt and Tunisia. As I said at the Community of Democracies in Lithuania, established democracies have a responsibility to help those emerging find their footing. So we are working together to help Egyptians and Tunisians begin the slow, hard work of building sustainable democracies rooted in guaranteed human rights, accountable institutions, and the rule of law.

And finally, although we talked about many other issues, let me just mention our shared desire to support the countries of the Western Balkans as they continue to build prosperous, peaceful, and democratic societies and move toward their rightful places as full members of the European and Euro-Atlantic community. The recent agreements between Kosovo and Serbia in the EU-facilitated dialogue are a positive and mutually beneficial step. But this is only the beginning. Now the agreements need to be implemented, and we need to see more progress, particularly in the north of Kosovo. We expect both sides to continue their hard work and come to practical agreements to improve the daily lives of all people, normalize relations, and bring both countries closer to achieving their EU aspirations.

So as you can see, we had, as we always do, a lot to talk about, and of all these critical challenges, it is especially gratifying that the United States and the European Union are working hand in hand. And so again, let me thank the high representative, my friend and colleague, for her partnership and for the work that we will be doing in the future.

Representative Ashton. Thank you very much, and it's a great pleasure, as always, to be back in Washington and with Secretary Clinton, though the heat here is rather like Juba was on Saturday.

I just wanted to say to the American press as well that there was an enormous cheer from the crowds in Juba when they heard of the support from the United States when Ambassador Rice spoke, and it was a great moment. And there was a good cheer too when I spoke up for the European Union.

And as the Secretary says, we talked about a range of different topics, and I begin by endorsing what Hillary said about what's happening in terms of the embassies of the United States and France in Syria. This is very alarming. We see the dialogue beginning; we don't see the opposition included effectively by President Asad. It is really important that he takes note, again, of what we've called for consistently, which is the end to violence. And we continue to use our political and economic power to try and get him to turn away from what is a terrible situation.

We've been talking, as indeed I'm sure Secretary Clinton has, with Turkey about the refugees who are coming across the border. And I've had teams going to talk to them about the situation they find themselves in, and it's very grave indeed. The stories that they tell us really do reflect the information that you will be— have been receiving as well.

And of course, on to Libya: We have an office in Benghazi. I was very proud to see a European Union flag flying over Freedom Square and to go to officially open the office in Benghazi. The purpose of that is an opportunity to channel our support to the people, through the Transitional National Council, and through civil society to be able to support them on security management, which is a huge issue, and also to build the institutions that they will need. A young man I met who had spent eight years in prison under Colonel Qadhafi said, “What we want is very simple. We want what you have—the everyday life of democracy.” And that's something that we'll work together on to make sure that in the post-Qadhafi world, with our colleagues under UN leadership, but with the Africa Union, the Arab League, with the OIC, with many others, that we continue to get ready for the post-Qadhafi world of Libya, which will be, we know, significantly better for the people there.

As the Secretary says, there are so many other countries where we're engaged together, and we think particularly, of course, of Egypt and Tunisia. I have appointed an EU special representative to look at the area of North Africa and to support the people by bringing together the European Union institutions and member-states, especially with the European Investment Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, provide additional resources. We've been able to find about 5 to 7 billion euros additionally, which will help to support infrastructure, public and private sector engagement, and help, for example, with housing projects in Egypt and with road infrastructure in Tunisia. These are important economic matters because they need to go side by side with the push and support for democracy and the moves to support the democratic growth in all of the countries concerned.

And then finally, again, as the Secretary said, to think about the other part of our neighborhood, the Balkans, and especially the Serbia-Kosovo dialogue. Prime Minister Thaci from Kosovo and I had lunch last week, and we talked about the potential of what we're trying to do with the discussions, which is really to make life easier in practical ways for the people in the north of Kosovo. So it's engaged with issues like driving license plates, ways in which we can help the movement of people between the two, and to find ways, too, to build the trust so that we can move forward with them into the future, which for both lies in the European Union.

So thank you again for the time we spent together. We meet all over the world, but we'll meet after this trip again in Istanbul on Friday. But this is an incredibly important partnership.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Q. Thank you. Madam Secretary, on Syria, do you believe that the government is inciting this activity at the Embassy and kind of masterminding it? Because—and if they're not protecting it, that would be extremely concerning.

And I just want to follow up on your comments about how, if he thinks that the U.S. is secretly hoping he'll emerge, they're mistaken and that's he not indispensible. You've been saying over the last several months even that that window is narrowly closing. It sounds as if you're pretty close– if not already there, that you've given up any hope of him turning it around. And maybe you're not ready to say that magic phrase, but it certainly seems that that's how you feel. If you could expand on that.

And then for both of you on this Quartet meeting today, I was wondering what you think given the situation, the Palestinians saying that they're going to declare in September, neither one of them willing to accept the President's markers on a state within the ’67—some of those conditions he laid out. What do you possibly think that the Quartet could come up with tonight that could really change the situation on the ground and avoid a disaster in September? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, Elise, first of all, with respect to Syria, here's what we know. What we know is that mobs have attacked our Embassy and the French Embassy on successive days now for the last several days. Mobs have attacked the residence where our ambassador lives. And we know that the concerns we've expressed to the Syrian Government that they are not taking adequate steps to protect our diplomats and our property have yet to engender the kind of response we would expect to see.

And by either allowing or inciting this kind of behavior by these mobs against Americans and French diplomats and their property, they are clearly trying to deflect attention from their crackdown internally and to move the world's view away from what they're doing and to create some kind of ongoing conflict between Syrians and people like our diplomats. And it just doesn't work. We expect them to protect our diplomats. We expect them to protect our embassies and our residences. And we don't think that they are doing enough to evidence a willingness to follow through on their international responsibilities.

So we've made it abundantly clear that we—what we expect. We've also made clear that we are investigating reports about how this—these incidents have occurred and who was behind them. And we are not going to be satisfied until the Syrians protect our people, and I'm sure the French feel exactly the same way.

With respect to the Quartet, as you know, we are meeting this evening. And I don't think either High Representative or I have anything specifically to say at this point, because obviously we want to hold the meeting and discuss in depth with our colleagues the way forward.

Q. The question about President Asad and—

Secretary Clinton. I mean, look—I mean, from our perspective, he has lost legitimacy, he has failed to deliver on the promises he's made, he has sought and accepted aid from the Iranians as to how to repress his own people, and there's a laundry list of actions that have been certainly concerning and should raise issue with not only his behavior but those who are supporting him in the international community. And we would like to see even more countries speaking out as forcefully as we have.

Representative Ashton. Just on the Quartet, just to agree with Hillary. We meet tonight against a backdrop of wanting to try and see progress between the Palestinians and the Israelis in terms of talks. And we'll see where we get to this evening.

Q. Hi. Madam Secretary, if I may ask you on the state of relations with Pakistan and the decision to suspend some $800 million in aid, what do you say to those who suggest that that may, in fact, be counterproductive to rebuilding relations with Pakistan following the bin Ladin raid?

And if I may, Madam Secretary, I'd like to get your thoughts on the passing of one of your predecessors, former First Lady Betty Ford. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, as to the first, with Pakistan, our relationship with Pakistan is not always easy, but it's one that we do consider vital to our national security and to our regional interests. We recognize—and you've heard me say this many times—that Pakistan is a valuable ally in the fight against terrorism and it has suffered tremendous civilian and military losses in taking on those extremist elements who are threatening the Pakistani people and the Pakistani state.

That said, the Government of Pakistan must take certain steps, and we have outlined those steps on more than one occasion, to ensure that we can deliver all the military assistance that the United States has discussed with Pakistan. So our decision to pause delivery on this portion of security assistance does not signify a shift in policy but underscores the fact that our partnership depends on cooperation. That's always been the case and it must continue to be so in the future.

We remain committed to helping Pakistan build and improve its capabilities and continue our conversations with Pakistani officials as to what our financial support entails, because we've always had certain expectations that have to be met. And I would add that this is primarily—or exclusively a pause in military assistance, because our civilian assistance has not been affected and we continue to work closely with the Pakistani Government as to how best to deliver that civilian assistance.

With respect to Betty Ford, I will be honored to travel to California tomorrow to attend her memorial service. I feel very grateful for having known her over the years. Actually, her late husband, President Ford, gave me my first job as an intern in Washington before you were born—and so I have always been very grateful to the Fords for what they have represented and the incredible impact that Betty Ford made during her time both as First Lady and in the years after that.

I know from my own personal experience with her, that her commitment to speaking out on issues that before she took them on were just not discussed, made a huge difference in the lives of Americans. When she went public with her breast cancer, that was revolutionary. It seems now that it was so commonplace. But I remember well when my mother's best friend was dying of breast cancer, nobody talked about it in those days. And Betty Ford came along and made it acceptable. And then when she not only spoke out about her own struggles with addiction, but went on to found the Betty Ford Center, she made a huge difference in the lives of people. And again, she took something that had been kind of hidden away, not talked about in public or polite company, and showed that you could address it and shone a big, bright spotlight on it.

Q. Yes. My question is on Palestine. Representative Ashton, you mentioned the celebrations in Juba when South Sudan declared independence. But if Palestine declares independence in September, I don't imagine you're going to have quite as unanimous approval for it. And on that score, I'm just curious what are you doing or how confident are you that the EU 27 will have a united position on Palestine being independent? Because they didn't for Kosovo and they still don't.

And also, Secretary Clinton, what will the U.S. do if Palestine declares independence?

Representative Ashton. Well, the important word in your sentence was “if” and we don't yet know what resolution there might be before the UN, and we'll all have to make our decisions on the basis of what that is. The most important issue as far as I'm concerned is to create the reality, and the work that we're engaged in is trying to support both sides to get back into talks in order to create that reality. And in a way, that will be the most important thing and the time when perhaps real celebrations can begin.

Can I just say that Betty Ford's reputation spread way beyond the United States, and as somebody who watched American politics from afar, I wish I'd known her. But certainly, what she did in terms of exactly as Hillary says, raising issues that were taboo, she raised them in the country I know best as well as here.

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think that embedded in your question is the right answer. Sudan and South Sudan negotiated a peace agreement that led to independence. That is what we're asking the Palestinians and the Israelis to do. The United States, the UK, Norway and other countries were very involved in the 2005 agreement which ended years of civil war and conflict. In the absence of that agreement, I do not believe there would have been celebration in Juba.

And so therefore, what we strongly advocate is a return to negotiations, because a resolution, a statement, an assertion, is not an agreement. And the path to two states living side by side in peace and security lies through direct negotiations. And the sooner the parties get back to that, the sooner there can be the result that many of us have worked for for a long time.

Thank you.

Secretary Leon Panetta delivered these remarks at Camp Victory, Iraq

Secretary Panetta. Thank you, guys. Thank you. All right. Thank you very much, sergeant. Thanks to all of you for what you do.

This is my first trip as Secretary of Defense, and I wanted to take my first trip to the war zones. So I've been to Afghanistan and now here in Iraq. And I wanted the chance to meet with the men and women who are putting their lives on the line for our country.

You're the ones who I'm responsible for. You're the ones I care about. You're the ones that I want to make sure are protected, not only for yourselves but for your families. And so that's the reason I wanted to come out here and talk to you directly.

First and foremost—and it's something I used to do as director of the CIA when I met with people in our stations around the world. As you know, we had a big presence here, we had a big presence in Afghanistan, but throughout the world.

First and foremost I want to express my deepest thanks for what you do. Thanks for your service. Thanks for your sacrifice. You're away from family. You're away from those you love. And you're here fighting a war and doing a hell of a job.

The first time I came to Iraq was, you know, about five years ago as a member of the Iraq Study Group. And we came here and this place was in turmoil. And as a result of the great sacrifice and work of the United States military, I have to tell you that this country is on a much better path. You've been able to provide greater security here. This nation has been able to develop itself as a democracy in this part of the world.

We have a chance to put in place a nation that is going to be extremely important to this region as a model for democratic government but, more importantly, as a symbol of the fact that when you fight for your freedom, when you fight for your independence, that that becomes a great signal to the rest of this region that, in fact, this entire area can move in the right direction towards providing better rights, better dignity, better opportunity for their people.

I guess one of the things I want to pledge to you is that as the new secretary of defense, I view one of my greatest responsibilities is to make sure I'm doing every damn thing to protect your families and to protect you for what you've done.

So, again, I thank you a great deal. America thanks you for what you've done. And I just want to say, God bless you for the service that you've provided. But more importantly, may you all be brought home safely from this responsibility.

Thanks again for everything, and I'm happy to answer your questions, guys.

Q. Good morning, Mr. Secretary.

Secretary Panetta. Good morning.

Q. I'm Sergeant Jamison. I'm with— excuse me—5-4 Cavalry, 1st Infantry Division. This is my second deployment to Iraq, and one of the biggest differences that I've noticed so far is the influence of Iran as far as weapons.

Secretary Panetta. Yeah.

Q. And I'd like to know what actions you're planning on taking to stop weapons from crossing from Iran into Iraq and being used against Americans.

Secretary Panetta. Yeah. We're very concerned about Iran and weapons they're providing to extremists here in Iraq. And the reality is that we've seen the results of that. In June we lost a hell of a lot of Americans as a result of those attacks.

And we cannot just simply stand back and allow this to continue to happen. My first responsibility as secretary of defense, the first responsibility of your commanders, is to make damn sure that we do everything necessary to protect you. And we are going to do that.

Now, the effort here obviously has to be to push the Iraqis to take on the responsibility of going after some of these Shia groups, going after those that would use those kinds of weapons, going after those weapons caches to make sure that we can try to hit them before they're put into a capability that can go out there and take lives.

So, number one, we'll put pressure on the Iraqis to go after those Shia. And they're beginning to do that. We've gotten—we've had a number of joint operations that are going on with them.

Secondly, to do what we have to do unilaterally to be able to go after those threats as well, and we're doing that.

And, thirdly, to bring pressure on Iran to not engage in this kind of behavior, because, you know, very frankly, they need to know that our first responsibility is to protect those that are defending our country, and that is something we are going to do.

So I want to assure you that this is not something we're just going to walk away from. We're going to take this on straight on.

Q. Good morning, sir. My name is Specialist Fleischner. I'm a medic with 5-4 Cav., 2nd Brigade, 1st ID.

As we transition from combat force in both theaters of operations under garrison operations, do we have a plan to maintain a defensive posture in the Middle East, as we have in Korea and Europe in the past?

Secretary Panetta. You know, I think it's pretty clear that as we make this transition—and, you know, we're now in the process—one of my jobs, frankly, as the secretary of defense—I said, you know, there's kind of three or four key jobs for me.

Number one, frankly, is to defeat al-Qaeda. I'm interested in making sure that al-Qaeda never represents a threat to the United States of America. The reason you guys are here is because on 9/11, the United States got attacked and 3,000 Americans, and 3,000 not just Americans but 3,000 human beings got killed—innocent human beings got killed because of al-Qaeda. And we've been fighting them, you know, as a result of that.

And, you know, one of my goals—I mean, one of the proudest moments I've had in 40 years, the time I've been in Washington—one of the proudest moments I've had is the ability to put together a plan—once we got the intelligence on where we thought bin Laden was located, to put together the plan, working with special forces, to put together the plan to go after bin Laden and to get that son of a bitch.

It's one of the best things we were able to accomplish because it made very clear to the world that nobody attacks this country and gets away with it. Nobody attacks this country and gets away with it.

But, having said that, al-Qaeda is still out there. We see it here in Iraq. We see it in Yemen. We see it in Somalia. You know, they continue to remain a force that will try to attack our country, and so we've got to continue the job of going after them. We've impacted on them. We've undermined them. And I think we've just got to continue to pressure them to make sure that we end that threat once and for all. That's one challenge.

Secondly, I'm trying to—you know, obviously the president wants to accomplish this, and as secretary of defense my responsibility is to see that it's done right, which is to take these three conflicts we're involved in and try to bring them to a—be able to prevail in these conflicts and bring them to a responsible end.

And that's what's going on here in Iraq. Thanks to your response—everything that's been done by our military, I think we're on the path to gradually bringing it to a responsible end. But to do that, obviously, you know, we need to make sure that the security of this country is there and that al-Qaeda never comes back and represents a threat. I mean, the purpose of what we're doing in Iraq is to ensure that this never becomes a safe haven for al-Qaeda.

The same thing is true for Afghanistan. One thing we don't want to do as we draw down is to, in any way, allow Afghanistan to become a safe haven again from which al-Qaeda can conduct attacks on our homeland.

So it's achieving that degree of stability there that makes clear that that will never happen. To do that in Afghanistan, you know, as we bring it down, we've got to make sure that we can transition to Afghan military and police, and that they can take responsibility.

But we're always going to have to play a role to try to ensure that they have the support they need in order to accomplish that. So it's an enduring presence that we will have there, not just now but for—you know, for a long period of time here, to make sure that we keep this on the right path.

For this region—you know, we're involved in Libya. The political goal there is obviously to take down Gadhafi, and hopefully we can get that done as well. This is a region of the world where we've had a hell of a lot of turmoil in the last year. Almost everywhere you look there's been something going on. And our responsibility is to ensure that whatever changes are taking place hopefully are headed in the right direction.

So there's no question we're going to have to maintain a presence. There's no question that we're going to have to play a role in providing that direction. There's no question that, you know, as these crises develop, that the United States will have to continue to play a significant role working with you guys, working with our special forces, working with the other elements of the military to ensure that—you know, that we're able to direct this in the right course.

So, I think the answer to your question is, we're going to be around for a hell of a long time, making sure that the world goes right.

Q. I'm Sergeant Lockwood, HSC [Headquarters and Support Company], HHBN [Headquarters and Headquarters Battalion], 25th ID.

With what the media has shown us, our role in NATO is very, very large. I'm wondering, at what point in time do we draw the line and say we cannot lead everything; we need to take care of ourselves prior to taking care of everybody else?

Secretary Panetta. Well, as you may know, my predecessor, Secretary Gates, went to NATO and made very clear that, you know, they have a responsibility to begin to put up both the financing and the defense forces needed to play a role in NATO.

I do believe, by the way—I mean, I think, you know, for the United States— look, we are the best equipped, we're the best trained, we are the strongest military force on the face of the earth, OK? That's important, and I want to maintain that as secretary of defense.

But as we confront challenges in the world, we're also going to have to develop partnerships with others. They're going to have to play a role too. It can't just be the United States. We've got to be able to develop partners. That's what NATO is all about. That's what other security relationships are all about.

And the fact is, NATO is playing a role in Libya. NATO is playing a role with regards to other areas as well. I mean, and we're partners with them. But the reality is that, you know, we're the big boy on the block, you know. We bring the best equipment; we bring the best training; we bring the best force to bear.

Others, you know, are operating but they're operating on a short leash. A lot of them are going through budget constrictions. I mean, the problem right now, frankly, in Libya is that, you know, within the next 90 days, a lot of these other countries could be exhausted in terms of their capabilities, and so the United States, you know, is going to be looked at to help fill the gap.

They have got to—they've got to— they've got to assume their responsibility in the world as well, and for them to assume that that responsibility means that they're going to have to—you know, they're going to have to make commitments, they're going to have to develop their defense capabilities, they're going to have to invest in that kind of partnership as well. We can't be the ones that carry the financial burden in all of these situations. Others have got to do it as well.

I'm a believer in partnerships, but when you talk about partnerships, damn it, you've got to be partners. And that means you've got to be able to put up, you know, an equivalent amount of capability so that you can really be partners when we have to go to war.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. I am deeply saddened by the deaths of 13 Turkish soldiers in Diyarbakir province. On behalf of the United States I send heartfelt condolences to the families and friends of the victims. We stand with Turkey in its fight against the PKK, a designated terrorist organization which has claimed tens of thousands of Turkish lives. We support Turkey in its fight against terror and we will continue to work with the Government of Turkey to combat terrorism in all its forms. I will be meeting with Turkey's leaders over the next two days in Istanbul where I will personally convey to them our commitment to close cooperation.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with Minister Ahmet Davutoglu in Istanbul, Turkey

Minister Davutoglu. Distinguished members of the press, today we have a very important friend with us, and we are hosting—and I'm very pleased to be hosting her in Istanbul and is Secretary of State of the U.S., Mrs. Hillary Clinton. Right after the fourth Contact Group meeting yesterday in order to complete our bilateral meeting, we worked together today. And I would like to welcome her again. And the United States and the Turkish relations are the best structures—are among the best structures, diplomatic relations of the world—of the modern world. After long years of war and after—before that as well, so the Turkish-U.S. relationships have always had their specific characteristics, and they have contributed to the global peace, and they have been very strategic. And over the recent times with esteemed Obama and Clinton, this tradition has continued in a strong way. And in the visit of the esteemed Obama, he—so we have gone beyond being strategic allies, and there is a modern partnership. Over the last two or three years, we have had very intense diplomatic contacts, and this has become obvious and important again.

In our relationships—relations with the United States not only in the field of security, but also in the economic and also diplomatic areas, we are determined to maximize them. And for this reason, over the recent months, my (inaudible), which I have talked to recently over the recent months has been Mrs. Clinton. We have talked on the phone very often. And so the previous telephone conversation transferred some of the items of the agenda to the next one. And on our latest phone call, we decided to meet in Istanbul and make a discussion and also an evaluation. And in the deliberations we had yesterday, it was impossible for us to talk about all the agenda—both Mr. Obama and also his Excellency, President Abdullah Gul. So we are trying to do what it takes to be model partners. In our today's talks, we talked about regional issues and also developments in the Middle East and also the influences and impacts of these developments on the region. And also we shared—we exchanged information and also ideas about this and also some developments in the (inaudible) and following the (inaudible) meeting and also the latest point that reached in the relations of Armenia.

And so we also discussed very extensively and also in the Bosnia-Herzegovina as there is a functioning (inaudible). We also talked about the importance of a functioning state in Bosnia-Herzegovina for the Balkan world and between Serbia and Kosovo. We also reiterated and shared the support (inaudible) extent for these relationships. And also in the context of developments in the Middle East, and we have talked about the latest developments in our relationships between Turkey and Israel. In addition to this, the Turkey-EU relations and also the latest point reached in the negotiations about Cyprus. So we've had the potential to share— exchange information about this and all these very extensive (inaudible) and in this beautiful Istanbul air, I'm very pleased to have—we are very pleased to have discussed all these issues.

Due to the latest PKK attacks and as it is the case all the time, cooperation against terrorism has always been—has been one of the primary items of our agenda for this reason, and we talked about the need and we emphasized the need for the solidarity against terrorism and so the Turkish-EU—I'm sorry, U.S. relationship will be used in the best way—in the most effective way. I would like to welcome her once again, and I believe that we'll be in contact from now on, and we'll be having very often negotiations, and we are going to continue to manage all these issues again. So I would like to welcome Mrs. Clinton and her very esteemed—her distinguished delegation.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Foreign Minister. And let me say how much of a pleasure it is personally for me to be with you here in Istanbul and what a great honor it is to represent my country in these important discussions.

Let me begin by once again offering our condolences for the loss of Turkish soldiers in Southeast Turkey. As I told the foreign minister and as I told President Gul last night and as I will repeat to the prime minister when I shortly see him, the United States stands with our ally, Turkey, against terrorism and threats to internal and regional stability. Our commitments to Turkey and its security is rock solid and unwavering.

Two years ago in Ankara, President Obama pledged to renew the alliance between the United States and Turkey, and especially to focus on the friendship between the Turkish and American people. Today, we can say with confidence that our bonds are sound, our friendship is sure, and our alliance is strong. Our partnership is rooted in a long history and a very long list of mutual interests, but most importantly it is rooted in our common democratic values. It is through the lens of this shared democratic tradition that the United States welcomes Turkey's rise as an economic power, as a leader in the region and beyond, and as a valued ally on the most pressing global challenges.

I'd like to say just a few words about the future of our relationship and why I believe it is so important to both our nations. First, on the economic front, because of the seriousness of the strategic issues we confront together, the economic dimensions of our relationship can too often be overlooked. But as President Gul and President Obama have affirmed, the growing economic cooperation between Turkey and America is providing new energy to us both. So far this year, trade between us is up more than 50 percent. That means more jobs and greater prosperity in both our countries. But we see even greater potential ahead and we are committed to furthering and expanding trade and investment. We are both entrepreneurial peoples, and the more we work together, the more creativity and talent we will unleash. So I am delighted that Turkey will host the second Global Entrepreneurship Summit here in Istanbul later this year, building on the progress that we made last year in Washington.

There's also a chance to foster even closer ties between our people, our businesses, and our communities. For example, in the run-up to the summit, the public-private initiative called Partners for a New Beginning is working with the Coca-Cola Company, the Istanbul Chamber of Commerce, and other partners to offer Turkish women entrepreneurs new seed grants, training, and mentoring.

Through our Global Entrepreneurship Program and other initiatives, we are working with Turkish high schools and universities to link the next generation of Turkish business leaders with young counterparts in the United States.

Today, the foreign minister and I discussed additional ways we can further strengthen our ties. Turkey's upcoming constitutional reform process presents an opportunity to address concerns about recent restrictions that I heard about today from young Turks about the freedom of expression and religion, to bolster protections for minority rights, and advance the prospects for EU membership, which we wholly and enthusiastically support.

We also hope that a process will include civil society and parties from across the political spectrum. And of course, I hope that sometime soon we can see the reopening of the Halki Seminary that highlights Turkey's strength of democracy and its leadership in a changing region.

I think across the region, people from the Middle East and North Africa particularly are seeking to draw lessons from Turkey's experience. It is vital that they learn the lessons that Turkey has learned and is putting into practice every single day. Turkey's history serves as a reminder that democratic development depends on responsible leadership, and it's important that that responsible leadership help to mentor the next generation of leaders in these other countries.

So I am excited that we are here and we have talked about all the issues that the foreign minister has mentioned, from, of course, the successful meeting of the Contact Group yesterday about Libya, the situation in Syria, what is happening in Afghanistan, where Turkish troops are training Afghan forces to take on their own security, and of course, our mutual efforts against violent extremism, against terrorists, including the PKK.

So again, let me thank the foreign minister for his hospitality and for the breadth of our discussion. And it seems like our conversation never stops, Foreign Minister, so I look forward to the next chapter.

Q. I am sorry (inaudible), but I would like to ask my question to the guest (inaudible). Secretary, in Cyprus you want the negotiations to be sped up and you want it to be concluded by 2012. Mr. Davutoglu—if this happens, Davutoglu says that the relations can be frozen between the European Union and Cyprus. So what is your approach for a referendum that is going to take place in Cyprus in regard to speeding up negotiations of Cyprus? Do you want to take a more active role if such a referendum takes place? And do you see a risk between the relations between you and Turkey if this referendum were to take place?

Secretary Clinton. First of all, as you probably know, the United States very actively promoted the referendum that was presented to the population of Cyprus back in 2005—right, 2004. And we were disappointed by the outcome, because we thought that that would have resolved a lot of the issues that are still being very difficult to overcome. We don't think the status quo on Cyprus benefits anyone. It's gone on for far too long. We believe both sides would benefit from a settlement, and we strongly support the renewed, reenergized efforts that the United Nations is leading and that the Cypriots themselves are responsible for, because ultimately, they're the ones who have to make the hard decisions about how to resolve all of the outstanding issues.

We want to see a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation, and we would like to see it as soon as possible. We would like to see it by 2012. And that is something that the UN has said. That's something I know Turkey believes. It's something we believe. And we're going to do everything we can to support this process and finally try to see a resolution.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. The United States condemns today's attacks in southern Israel and all acts of terrorism in the strongest terms. These brutal and cowardly attacks appear to be premeditated acts of terrorism against innocent civilians. Our deepest condolences go out to the victims, their families and loved ones.

This violence only underscores our strong concerns about the security situation in the Sinai Peninsula. Recent commitments by the Egyptian Government to address the security situation in the Sinai are important and we urge the Egyptian Government to find a lasting resolution.

The United States and Israel are united in the fight against terror. We hope that those involved in the planning of these gruesome attacks will be brought to swift justice. We stand by Israel as our friend, partner, and ally—now and always.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. We are deeply disappointed that Iranian judicial authorities have sentenced Shane Bauer and Joshua Fattal to 8 years in prison. We continue to call and work for their immediate release—it is time for them to return home and be reunited with their families.

I join President Obama and the people of the United States in expressing our unflagging support for Shane, Joshua, Sarah and their families during this difficult time.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu delivered these remarks in New York City

Q. Madam Secretary, are you able to give the press a readout of your meeting just now with President Obama (inaudible)?

Secretary Clinton. I think that's being done through the White House, so I'll let them give the readout.

Q. Was any progress made on suspending this bid for statehood on Friday?

Secretary Clinton. I think I'll let the White House give the readout.

Q. Would you like to give the press any reaction to the hikers being released?

Secretary Clinton. I would like to say how pleased, relieved, and grateful I am that these two young men are finally out of an Iranian prison, where they never should have been in the first place. And I am not going to say any more because they have a chance now to reunite with their families and to decompress from what has been a terrible experience for them. And I'm looking forward to seeing them when they return home.

Q. Mr. Prime Minister, why won't you freeze the settlements if that's one way to get back to talks?

Prime Minister Netanyahu. Well, I did, as you know, and did something that no previous Israeli government did. I actually froze any construction for ten months, waited nine months and one week; the Palestinians finally came and said, well, keep on freezing. So I think wisely—and we concluded with the United States— that what we really have to do is get on with the real issues and get down and negotiate all these issues in order to get peace. We have to negotiate the issues to resolve them. We can't just negotiate about the negotiations.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Mouldi Kefti delivered these remarks in New York, NY

Secretary Clinton. I wanted to just say a very few words about how important this is to the United States. In the last year, the people of Tunisia have stood up and demanded their universal rights. And by doing so, they have changed the course of history. In just one month, Tunisians will exercise their newly-enshrined democratic rights and vote for a constitutional assembly.

Now when I visited Tunisia, the one thing everyone wanted to know is: What could the United States do to help the young men and women who courageously went into the streets to realize a better economic and political future? Beginning just days after the revolution, the United States began to deliver $40 million in assistance for Tunisia's democratic transition. We have supported the Tunisian people's efforts toward responsive, accountable government and helped to prepare for free, fair, and competitive elections.

Today, Tunisians are looking for new investments, increased transparency, greater access to global and regional markets, and new assistance for their entrepreneurs. That is why we are launching the U.S.-Tunisia Joint Political and Economic Partnership, which is a foundation for our relationship that will not only support the short-term needs of the Tunisian people, but also their long-term economic aspirations. Tunisia is open for business, and we want people to know that, and I particularly want American business to know that.

Also, the Millennium Challenge Corporation is examining Tunisia's eligibility for a threshold program, which would help Tunisia design and undertake a democratic reform program with an aim toward economic reform. Through our Overseas Private Investment Corporation, we are working to boost franchising and lending to small and medium-sized businesses.

Now, the United States and Tunisia have a long history of partnership and collaboration. In fact, only two years after the United States declared our independence, we signed our first agreement of friendship, cooperation, and trade. Since then, we have traded, collaborated, and built bonds of friendship between us. This signing is another step forward in our long relationship, and I'm looking forward to continuing to work with the minister and the government, as we proudly stand with Tunisia at this critical time in your history, and do all we can to assist you in realizing a future of peace, progress, and opportunity.

Minister.

Minister Kefi. Thank you very much. Well, I think I have nothing to add to what Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said. True, our relationship goes back 200 years ago, and as you mentioned, Secretary of State, Tunisia was among the first countries to recognize the young, independent state of the United States.

What happened in Tunisia on the 14th of January is almost the same as what the fathers from the independence did to this country, from George Washington, to Jefferson, to Adams, to Benjamin Franklin, when they wrote the Constitution. We the People, our hope, our wish, is that tomorrow the new constitution of Tunisia, a democratic, free, independent country, will be also We the People. And we (inaudible) from the American long democracy.

Our political relations are very good, and I'm glad the Secretary of State mentioned this first partnership—political and economic partnership we are signing, the new Tunisia, the first country is the United States, and we are grateful for that, Secretary of State. We hope we build on this document and we see more American businessmen coming to Tunisia. Tunisia is open and ready for business. And after the number of high officials from the United States, your congressmen who came, and even some major CEOs who already went to Tunisia, we hope that we put more flesh on the bone, and that our bilateral relationship on the economic, cultural, (inaudible) investment, trade will be boosted by this document we signed together.

We are glad we are now sharing the same values of freedom, democracy, and we are glad to be part of this elite like the United States.

Thank you very much.

Q. Madam Secretary, if you could update us on your work on the Middle East—how were your meetings last night, was there any progress with your meetings with Abbas and Netanyahu, and also is the Quartet any closer to coming to a statement?

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me say this. I think it is important to note that regardless of what happens tomorrow in the United Nations, we remain focused on the day after. And I was encouraged to hear from both the leadership of the Palestinians and the Israeli Government their continuing commitment to direct negotiations. They both recognize that there has to be a resolution of the outstanding issues to produce a functioning Palestinian state that fulfills the aspirations of the Palestinian people, and there have to be agreements that provide Israel with the security that it seeks living side-by-side with the new Palestinian state.

So I am—as I have been, I remain committed to working with the parties to obtain the goal that the United States supports; that is, a two-state solution. And as President Obama said yesterday in his speech, we will leave no effort or stone unturned in our commitment to achieving that.

Thank you all very much.

Q. How about on a Quartet statement, Madam Secretary? Is there any progress on that?

Secretary Clinton. We're continuing to work as hard as we can on everything, Arshad.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in New York, NY

Secretary Clinton. Hello, everyone. The United States is very pleased that the Quartet was able to issue a statement today with a concrete and detailed proposal to begin negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians without delay or preconditions.

The Quartet proposal represents the firm conviction of the international community that a just and lasting peace can only come through negotiations between the parties. Therefore, we urge both parties to take advantage of this opportunity to get back to talks, and the United States pledges our support as the parties themselves take the important next steps for a two-state solution, which is what all of us are hoping to achieve. Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Mohammed Kamal Amr delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, everyone. It is a great pleasure to welcome the foreign minister here to the State Department for our first official bilateral meeting. We've spoken on the phone several times during these last few months, we've seen each other at large multilateral meetings, but there is no substitute for a face-to-face meeting. So I am very pleased we had the opportunity to discuss a range of issues, and I expressed our very strong support for Egypt's ongoing democratic transition.

It is clear that Egypt's leadership in the Arab world and in the region and beyond is key to regional progress. And I was very pleased that Egypt has recognized the Transitional National Council in Libya. I think there is a lot of opportunity for cross-border cooperation. I was also very pleased that the minister has reiterated Egypt's support for the Camp David Accords, which is essential for stability and, of course, essential for Egypt's growth, prosperity, and peaceful transition.

We discussed a number of our joint priorities, and I'd like to recognize the work of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which has been an institution of stability and continuity. The Egyptian people look to the Supreme Council to support the transition and to ensure that the elections go in a very positive way that provides transparency, freedom, and fairness.

And we fully support the Egyptian people in their journey. We are looking forward to the parliamentary elections this fall, the upper house in parliament, the presidential elections to follow. But we're well aware, having been working at our own democracy for over 230 years, that this takes time. This takes persistence and patience, and it's often hard to have the latter in a time when there's so much pent-up demand and hope for a better future. So we look to being a strong partner for the Egyptian people.

We are also looking to implement, through the Congress, the $1 billion debt swap that President Obama announced in May. Rather than making interest payments on a debt, the Egyptian people can invest that money into new projects that create jobs and give them a better standard of living.

We're also working on launching a network of community colleges in Egypt that would provide training for Egyptians to be able to take advantage of the investment opportunities that we hope will come to Egypt. Egypt has the largest market and the largest workforce in the Arab world. In fact, Citibank released a study earlier this year suggesting that with smart investment in its people and its political and economic systems, Egypt could become one of the top ten economies in the world. And I believe that, Minister. I really do. It's not going to happen tomorrow, but it is absolutely possible.

So we're going to be focused on trade, investment, on the new Middle East Trade and Investment Partnership, to help Egypt gain even greater access to global markets. The Enterprise Fund that we are seeking to establish, the ongoing work of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, are all intended to provide support for what Egyptians themselves are doing.

And it is going to be a very important couple of months for the people of Egypt. I will be giving an interview tomorrow to an Egyptian radio host and taking this message and sending it out to millions of Egyptians that the United States stands with you and supports you and wants to see a prosperous, peaceful, exciting future for not only Egypt but the entire region.

Thank you, Minister.

Minister Amr. Thank you very much, Madam Secretary. As you said, we've been on the phone many times before, but this is the first time we have such an extended, face-to-face meeting, and it really was a pleasure.

I am pleased to be here today representing Egypt post 25^th January revolution. I am pleased to have had the opportunity to have this round of talks with you. Egypt and the United States have enjoyed a longtime friendship and partnership. The United States assisted Egypt in many ways in its development and it continues do so, and we are sure that our cooperation and our friendship will only strengthen in the future. Both our countries have worked in the past for peace and stability in the Middle East and beyond, and we will continue to do that.

As you know, Egypt now is in the middle of a transitional period. During this period, we look forward to the solidarity and goodwill of all our partners. It is our expectation that our friends in the United States will demonstrate their commitment, as usual, to this partnership, and I am pleased to say that I have heard from the Secretary such a commitment explicitly today.

I have discussed with the Secretary a number of issues of mutual interest. Of course, bilateral issues were paramount in our discussion, but we also touched upon regional issues. Of course, the Palestinian issue came up, and I think we believe that negotiations should resume as soon as possible between Israelis and Palestinians with clear terms of reference and with a clearly defined timeline. Israeli illegal settlement activities continue to be an impediment in the road for peace, and we would like to see them stop. Our region is going through deep change and delicate times. Egypt and the United States will need to continue to work hand in hand in order to ensure that our peoples benefit from the opportunities that these changes bring. Again, I'd like to thank you, Madam Secretary, for your warm reception, kind words, and frank and useful exchange of view. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, Minister.

Minister Amr. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. My pleasure.

Q. Secretary Clinton, a week ago today, the Egyptian army said that the emergency law would remain in force until the end of June 2012. That's exactly the timeline that was outlined when President Mubarak was in power. Is its extension for another nine months acceptable to the United States?

And Mr. Minister, can you explain to us how it was that that Egyptian security forces were not able to protect the Israeli Embassy when it was attacked some weeks ago?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Arshad, we have encouraged and continued to encourage the government to lift the state of emergency. The Supreme Council has said that it will be in a position to do so in 2012. We hope to see the law lifted sooner than that, because we think that is an important step on the way to the rule of law, to the kind of system of checks and balances that are important in protecting the rights of the Egyptian people, to create the context for free and democratic elections, and we want to see this as soon as possible. We have discussed this repeatedly, and we will continue to raise it.

And I know you asked the minister to comment on the attack on September 9^th against the Israeli Embassy, but I want personally to thank the minister and thank the high officials of the Egyptian Government who were very responsive to our outreach. I reached the minister at 2:30 in the morning. He was on an airplane before that, and I certainly can attest to the fact that the officials in Egypt moved to remedy the problems that existed.

Minister Amr. Yes. That attack on the—or the incident with the—involving the Israeli Embassy in Cairo was quite unfortunate, and I think it was condemned by all responsible parties in Egypt at the time. We made it very clear that Egypt respects its commitment under the Vienna 1961 Treaty on diplomatic relations. We made it clear that we are committed to protect any mission on our soil and the personnel working in them. If you remember, actually, we—that the army was very careful to see that all the personnel that wanted to leave left in—I mean, under the guard of the army. No one was hurt; we made sure that everyone was safe, and I think we were very clear in just reiterating our commitments to the protection of any mission and personnel.

Q. I have two questions, one about Egypt and one about the Palestinian and Israeli issue. About Egypt, I wonder if there is some more on light on the performance of the transition in Egypt and how the military council is responding. How do you assess this? Because it is very difficult conditions prevailing Egypt and anybody else or any authority will suffer a lot to govern this.

For the Palestinian issue, I want to— negotiation is the best way to—this is the United States stance. And this is very good, but there must be terms of reference, as the foreign minister said, and something to be abiding—they have to abide by—there must be a certain time they have to come to a conclusion over this term. Is there a possibly for arbitration as the end of the road, the last thing to hope. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Excellent questions. Let me start with the first one and say that we are very supportive of the steps that have been taken in Egypt to establish a timetable for elections, to create the conditions that permit the elections to proceed, the formation of political parties, for example, a lot of free and diverse opinion being expressed. The invitation to international witnesses we think is a very important step. So we have a lot of experience around the world in helping countries that are moving to democracy, most recently after the fall of the Berlin Wall in parts— other parts of the world as well.

And I know that people in Egypt are very anxious, because this is a right they wish to exercise. But I think if one takes a step back and looks at how rapidly this has moved, it's quite remarkable. And the elections that are upcoming in the next several months should produce an outcome that will set the stage for a new constitution, for the presidential elections. And we think that's an appropriate timetable. We want to do all we can to support those who are trying to make sure these elections are viewed as free and fair and legitimate.

I also know that the economic challenges in Egypt are significant, and we are urging our Congress to work with us to move the aid that President Obama announced as quickly as possible, and we are urging other donors who have made commitments to Egypt to also move. Because the revolution that occurred, which was so important, did disrupt economic activity. And I was pleased when the minister told me tourism is returning, investment is returning, but there's more to be done to create jobs and more prosperity. So I think on both the political and the economic tracks, progress is being made, but it's never fast enough and it needs to keep moving, but be done right, not to be detoured or diverted.

With respect to your question about the negotiations, the Quartet statement that came out last week referenced President Obama's speech of May, where he clearly said there needs to be negotiations about territory that he said had to be reflective of the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps; there had to be negotiations on security so that there could be an agreement about how you could transition security.

I mean, one of the most important parts of the Camp David Accords was an agreement on security. And it's one that has, I think, served both Egypt and Israel well to protect your sovereignty, your borders, avoid conflicts. And it was very regrettable about the loss of life of the Egyptian soldiers, which I have expressed to the minister, which is why the security cooperation has to continue. But there has to be similar agreements about security cooperation between Israel and the Palestinians.

So I think that the most important terms of reference are there. If there were an agreement on borders, then there would be no more controversy about settlements, because everybody would know what side of the border is for Palestine and what side is for Israel.

So I think that there's no shortcut to this. We have to urge the parties to put aside their reluctance or their distrust and begin the hard work of negotiating. And Egypt, the United States, the Quartet, everyone will stand prepared to put pressure on both sides to try to move toward a settlement of the outstanding issues.

Q. Madam Secretary, hello.

Secretary Clinton. How are you?

Q. Good to see you again. This week, Admiral Mullen called the Haqqani Network a veritable arm of Pakistan's ISI. Do you share that assessment? And of course, Pakistanis are very angry about this. How are you dealing with the blowback on that?

And just a very quick thing on— you're in the process of deciding whether or not to list the Haqqani Network as a Foreign Terrorist Organization. How far are you down that path?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Jill, first, as you may know, I had a very long meeting with Pakistan's foreign minister, Hina Rabbani Khar, a week ago Sunday. And we discussed the urgency in the wake of the attack on our Embassy in Kabul and on the NATO-ISAF Headquarters for us to confront the threat posed by the Haqqani Network. It was certainly a threat to the United States, but it was also a threat to Pakistan, to Afghanistan, and to anyone who stands against terrorism.

And I think that you will see a lot of work taking place as we try to determine how best to confront this mutual threat. And it's important to realize that while it's not always easy, the United States and Pakistan have vital strategic interests that converge in the fight against terrorism. And Pakistan faces a very real threat. They have suffered far more casualties, civilians and military alike. It is their mosques and markets and police stations and homes that have been bombed and attacked.

And so we are committed to working with Pakistan to confront this threat, and we've had a lot of tangible results from our cooperation. I mean, most recently the Pakistanis helped to roll up al-Qaida's number two. They have been helping us continue to dismantle the al-Qaida network that is inside Pakistan. So I have no argument with anyone who says this is a very difficult and complex relationship, because it is. But I also believe strongly that we have to work together despite those difficulties.

And with respect to the Haqqani Network, we are in the final formal review that has to be undertaken to make a government-wide decision to designate the network as a Foreign Terrorist Organization. But remember, we've already designated the key leaders. We have already—I did that some time ago to make it clear that the leaders of this organization fell under the Foreign Terrorist designation. So we're going to continue to struggle against terrorism, and in particular against those who have taken up safe havens inside Pakistan. And we're going to continue to work with our Pakistani counterparts to try to root them out and prevent them from attacking Pakistanis, Americans, Afghans, or anyone else.

Q. (Inaudible) Al-Ahram newspaper. My question to Secretary Clinton: There is a discussion in Congress now about the U.S. aid to Egypt, and some people, especially now in the Senate, are trying to impose some conditionality on the aid. What's your—the State Department position on this issue?

Secretary Clinton. We are against conditionality, and I conveyed our position to the minister. We will be working very hard with the Congress to convince the Congress that that is not the best approach to take. We believe that the longstanding relationship between the United States and Egypt is of paramount importance to both of us. We support the democratic transition, and we don't want to do anything that in any way draws into question our relationship or our support.

We also believe that the army has played a very stabilizing, important role during this period, and you can see what happens when you either don't have an institution like the institutions that Egypt has, including an army, and you've seen what happens when the army is not on the side of the people. Well, Egypt's strong institutions, longstanding respect for the army, and the role the army played was absolutely critical for the revolution.

So we're going to make that case very strongly, and I want to be sure that Egyptians know that the Obama Administration opposes conditionality and do not believe that's in the best interest of our relationship.

Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave this interview in Washington, DC

Q. Madam Secretary, we're really pleased to have you here and honored to have you on our show, Al-Hayat Al-Youm, and it's exciting times in Washington, it's exciting times even in Cairo.

I'd like to ask you about your assessment—after nearly eight months after Egyptian revolution. How do you in Washington look at what's happening in Cairo?

Secretary Clinton. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Amer, for having me on this show and giving me a chance to talk with you. And I want to say that from our perspective, we are very impressed and encouraged by what we see happening in Egypt. We know this is a difficult transition period and, in the great span of Egyptian history, one of the most important moments of your history. And I think it's essential that all of us look at how much has been accomplished in the last eight months and the fact that elections are scheduled; that there is a path forward for this very vibrant, new democratic change is very encouraging and we think it's on the right track.

Q. You're talking about the very positive things that's been taking place, however there are so many among the Egyptian politicians and intellectuals, some fears or concerns about the extension of the military rule. How do you think SCAF is holding up and managing the transition period?

Secretary Clinton. Well, they took on an enormous responsibility that they never expected they would have to shoulder. But the fact that they are moving toward elections, I think, is not only important, but essential. I expect them to fulfill the promises that they have made to the Egyptian people because you cannot have the democratic governance that you are seeking unless you have a fully free, fair, transparent set of elections that then empowers the people who have been elected. But this is what we expect to see happen, and of course, we will express concerns if we don't see it happening. But there is a schedule we believe needs to be followed.

Q. Speaking of elections, how do you (inaudible) the elections process especially that—as you—of course, you've been following—you have new players, the fundamental Islamic political movements. How do you (inaudible)?

Secretary Clinton. I think it's important that peoples’ voices be given an outlet to participate in the political system. But I also think that there must be a commitment to respecting human rights, to freedom of religion, freedom of speech, to the rights of women, and there has to be an agreed-upon understanding of what it will take for Egypt to go from where you are today to where I would like to see Egypt. I really believe that Egypt's always been a leader of the Arab world—Egypt can become a world leader. There is a difference. Egypt could, with the right political and economic reforms, become one of the top 20 economies in the world, maybe even eventually one of the top 10.

There is so much that is in the potential, it can be so easily derailed. As you said, somehow not permitting the elections to go forward, military rule continuing, having one election one time that empowers people who have no interest in continuing to modernize the society, rejecting the rights of all Egyptians in favor of one particular point of view—that's what the Egyptian people have to be careful about. You want an Egypt where people are free to be liberal, fundamentalists, conservative, progressive, whatever their particular views are, but showing respect for the state, for the institutions of the state, and the rights of the people. And that's what I see you searching for and moving toward.

Q. Will you be ready or prepared to sit in with a government with members of the Muslim Brotherhood as members or other Islamic (inaudible)?

Secretary Clinton. We will be willing to and open to working with a government that has representatives who are committed to non-violence, who are committed to human rights, who are committed to the democracy that I think was hoped for in Tahrir Square, which means that Christians will be respected, women will be respected, people of different views within Islam will be respected. We have said we will work with those who have a real commitment to what an Egyptian democracy should look like.

Now, we don't expect your democracy to mirror ours—every country is unique historically and culturally—but we do think, from long experience around the world, there are certain pillars to a democracy: free press, free speech, independent judiciary, protection of minority rights, protection of human rights. All that was in the air in Tahrir Square.

So we hope that anyone who runs for election, and certainly anyone who's elected and joins the parliament, joins the government, will be committed to making Egypt work and be open to all Egyptians no matter who you might be.

Q. You're looking at things very positively and that's the same, maybe, atmosphere back in Egypt, with some fears of course.

Secretary Clinton. Yes.

Q. It's the main feeling there. According to reports released a couple of weeks ago, the congress will be always waiting for your words in a report to assess the kind of U.S. aid that's been given to Egypt. How do you (inaudible)? Is the U.S. aid, be it civilian or military, really jeopardized in the next—in the future?

Secretary Clinton. I do not believe so. I very much support continuing aid. We have provided aid, both for civilian and military purposes, going back many decades now. And it's been bipartisan; Republicans and Democrats have supported it. We believe in aid to your military without any conditions, no conditionality. I've made that very clear. I was with the foreign minister, Mr. Amr yesterday, and was very clear in saying that the Obama Administration and I personally am against that. I think it's not appropriate. At the same time, we do have a long experience in understanding what works and what doesn't work. And I'll give you an example.

You were asking questions about what happens if certain people are in the government. Well, it's really going to be up to the Egyptian people as to how they organize themselves for these elections. But I think it's fair to point out that if there is an organized Islamic party and 40 other parties that divide up all of the votes, then I think one party will have a stronger position.

And I have been speaking with, when I was in Cairo some months ago and since then, young activists from Egypt. Our Embassy has certainly been reaching out. Because going from being demonstrators for freedom to being political actors— that's not an easy—

Q. Transition?

Secretary Clinton. —transition. And so we want to help people get themselves organized so that they are able to participate effectively, and again, with the conditions of nonviolence and all the others that I laid out, but no conditionality on our aid.

Q. Yeah. When helping the others, this is something that might fuel some concerns in Egypt about funding NGOs. Why do you really fund NGOs in Egypt?

Secretary Clinton. I think it's a—it's something that we have done for many years, and we have learned from long practice that when you have a transition, a democratic transition, many people want to be active in politics. They don't know how to do it. They don't know how to register voters, how to form political parties. It's not part of the experience that has been the daily life of Egyptians.

So we have several organizations that have worked all over the world. We do not take positions. We're not for or against any party or any individual. It's more the nuts and bolts; how do you run an election? Because you've had elections, but they were not free or fair or transparent, and they didn't build confidence in the Egyptian people. We want Egypt to have the best election it's ever had, and so our experience, particularly coming out of the fall of the Berlin Wall, where countries in Eastern and Central Europe came to us and said, “Help us do this,” the democratic transition in—across Africa, where we were helpful—we don't have any stake in who's elected. We wait to see who the people choose. But we think our nongovernmental organizations have a lot to contribute. We are more than happy to follow the rules of Egypt, but—

Q. I was just going to ask about that. Because it's against the law, and there's so many NGOs that working outside the law and certain regulations.

Secretary Clinton. Right.

Q. So how are you going to do that?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we would like our NGOs to be registered. We would like for them to be under Egyptian law. I will say it's a little ironic, because President Mubarak didn't want us to have NGOs that were working with people either, so we think that Egypt is strong enough and resilient enough that appropriate regulation can recognize who the NGOs are that are working for the betterment of Egypt. Because I said to the foreign minister yesterday, “You know we're there. You know we are saying look, we want to help people know how to run elections. We know that there are groups and countries that are funneling money into Egypt and nobody knows about it. You know what we're doing, and we're going to be as transparent with the government as possible.” But I would ask that everybody in Egypt say, “Look, the Americans are here to help us decide who we want to elect. Some people are trying to determine who gets elected.” There's a big difference.

Q. Okay. I wanted to ask you, you're speaking right now on—about your reflections in Tahrir Square. When did you really feel that Mubarak has no chance?

Secretary Clinton. I was as surprised as everybody else in the world that this happened as it did. Because I knew something would happen someday, but I didn't expect it so soon. I had given a speech in Doha just a few weeks before saying that the foundations of these authoritarian regimes in the region were sinking into the sand. And then we saw Tunisia, and we saw Egypt, and then Libya. And we see all of the aspirations of the people coming forth.

But I think we were trying very hard, and our military was communicating directly. I was communicating directly with officials in the Mubarak regime to urge no violence against demonstrators, to urge that people be treated respectfully, that they had a right to demonstrate peacefully. And when you think about it, for as large a country as Egypt, what happened was remarkable, the way that it transitioned so quickly. And I think that we all saw it happening before our eyes, and we were doing our best to try to make sure that there was limited or as little bloodshed as possible and some agreement on a way to go forward that would permit people's feelings and opinions to finally be heard and then to have a democratic transition and now that's what we're seeing.

Q. But what was the—was there a certain point? Because we all remember your first statement when you were thinking—and everybody was thinking at the same time the same thing—is that we do have a stable government (inaudible) in Egypt. And a few days ago, everything just changed.

Secretary Clinton. Right.

Q. When was that point for you?

Secretary Clinton. I think for me it was when I concluded that there wasn't any way that President Mubarak and the people closest to him could understand what was really happening, and there was no—

Q. They were out of touch.

Secretary Clinton. They were out of touch, and it was becoming clearer and clearer because of the responses. I mean, I had many conversations with many highlevel officials, as did others in our government, urging, “You must, first of all, protect people. But secondly, you must change, and you've got to recognize that this has to—the new Egypt is being born.” It was just no way to communicate that. And we tried. We sent very direct messages.

Q. I know you're running on a very tight schedule. I have one more question to go. Everybody was looking to the Obama Administration when—I think you had a problem with high expectations. How are you going to deal with the Palestinian application to the United Nations, especially that everybody's maybe really think it will go through the General Assembly?

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me reiterate that President Obama and I very much want to see a Palestinian state, and I have been publicly on record in favor of that since the 1990s. I was the first person associated with the United States Government to do that. And President Obama is also very committed. But we, I think, are realists that no matter what happens or doesn't happen in the United Nations, unless we can get the Palestinians and the Israelis to negotiate over the boundaries of the state, the security provisions, what happens in Jerusalem, what happens with refugees, water, all of the issues we know so well have to be resolved, we're going to raise expectations without being able to deliver.

I mean, if the United Nations passes a resolution which says we want to see Palestinians become a state and maybe we upgrade their status or maybe we recognize them, the next day nothing changes in Ramallah, and I want things to change. I want the Palestinians to have their own state; I want them to govern themselves; I want them to continue developing economically to be a real example, to work with Egypt for the betterment of people in the region, and we know that won't happen.

So what we have said is very straightforward. We want to see both sides back at the table, and we criticize and make absolutely clear we don't want to see provocative actions. We've said that about the recent announcements from the Israeli Government, but we also know that the Palestinians have to be willing to negotiate. And it's hard for them because they feel like they've been at this for a while and nothing has happened. Both sides have their case to be made. Make it at the negotiating table. And that's what we're pushing for.

Q. Madam Secretary, we thank you very much for being with us today, for the time you've given us. We hope to see you soon in Cairo and have the same chance again.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. I would look forward to that.

Q. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much. I appreciate it.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. The United States is deeply concerned by reports of the Iranian government's continued repression of its people. Despite statements from Iran's Supreme Leader and President claiming support for the rights and freedoms of Iranian citizens and people in the region, the government continues its crackdown on all forms of dissent, belief, and assembly.

We are particularly concerned by reports that Christian pastor Youcef Nadarkhani is facing execution on charges of apostasy for refusing to recant his faith. This comes amid a harsh onslaught against followers of diverse faiths, including Zoroastrians, Sufis, and Baha'is.

Iran's government continues to arrest journalists and filmmakers. They are restricting access to information by jamming incoming satellite broadcasts and filtering the Internet.

The United States stands with the international community and all Iranians against the Iranian government's hypocritical statements and actions, and we continue to call for a government that respects the human rights and freedom of all those living in Iran.