This book not only effectively summarizes the major points of previous relevant studies but also thoughtfully examines issues that have not been adequately covered by other scholars and some that have not been raised before.

The eight chapters of the book investigate five interrelated factors that are closely related to online activism: state power, culture, market, civil society, and transnationalism. The book makes several important contributions to the study of the Internet and its impact on Chinese society. Firstly, it provides substantial information on two axes: the synchronic axis and the diachronic axis. On the synchronic axis, Yang uses the multi-interactionism approach to examine the five distinct but interrelated factors. On the diachronic axis, the book presents a set of systematic data that effectively documents changes in online activism in China. Yang examines more than 70 cases that involve hundreds of civic groups, online communities, Web sites, and so on. From the two axes, readers can acquire a comprehensive view of the evolutionary history of online activism in China.

Secondly, the book discusses some topics that have been overlooked in previous relevant research. Whereas control and entertainment are commonly viewed as the two leading features of the Chinese Internet, the author argues that in fact Internet–related online struggles—“online activism”—are the most important characteristics of the Internet in China. The book thus reveals “the new forms, dynamics, and consequences of popular contention in the age of the Internet” and sheds light on “general patterns and dynamics of change in contemporary China” (p. 1).

Thirdly, the book suggests that changes in the cultural style of Internet users—i.e., the ways, tendencies, and purposes of using the Internet—will enhance the autonomy of the online citizens. Although the Internet is widely used in contemporary China, technology's contribution to citizen activism is quite limited without broader cultural change. As cultural styles change to reflect changes in society, “the digital culture of contention marks the appearance of a new sensibility of citizens' relationship to power and authority” (p. 101). In the context of Chinese society, this change specifically reflects the citizens' autonomy in the cultural field and thus indicates the dawn of democracy.

Fourthly, the book effectively explores the relationship between economic growth and the development of online activism. The book depicts how the economy influences online activism and how online activism adapts market strategies. Yang argues that the Internet economy will broaden the Internet capacity to provide larger space for citizens to communicate, and, in doing so, “this condition provides some support for the view that links the market to democracy” (p. 118).

Finally, the book provides the first empirical analysis of the level of Internet capacity and Internet use in civic associations in China. The author points out that Chinese civic associations now operate with a minimal level of Internet capacity, but in the long run social-change organizations, younger organizations, organizations in Beijing, and organizations that started out empty-handed will be able to make more effective use of the Internet than other civic associations. The author uses the data convincingly to show that civil organizations can enrich and expand themselves by using the Internet and that new and younger organizations usually grow faster than older ones.

Several arguments in the book need further discussion or clarification. For example, in the conclusion the author states that after a long Internet-based revolution in China an officially institutionalized democracy will be realized. This statement seems somewhat over-optimistic. In a country such as China, will a new communication/information technology like the Internet—regardless of how powerful it is—necessarily lead to democratization? What about other factors, especially the state and the political interests and ideological needs of the ruling party? The history of contemporary China has shown that the Communist Party is the most decisive factor for almost any social change in the country. The conclusion that online activism will lead to democracy is in fact still very uncertain, especially for the case of China. Online activism will be an important, but not sufficient, catalyst for China's democratization.

Also, as the author states, “to maintain power, the central leadership will not tolerate activities that directly challenge its legitimacy; it may, however, tolerate and even encourage grassroots protests that target local leadership and local practices” (p. 34). But will protests that target local leadership and local practices inevitably and ultimately challenge the legitimacy of the Communist Party and government? For the several well-known cases that are examined in the book, such as “the death of Sun Zhigang incident” and “the nail-house incident,” it is true that the incidents were resolved or caused policy changes thanks to online activism. But this does not mean that online activism can prevent similar incidents from happening in the future. Online activism may resolve such incidents only after they happen. The reality is that, at this moment, unfortunately, online citizens in China can only confront those types of incidents after they happen and then use online activism to fight for justice and democracy.