Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks at the Friends of Syria Ministerial Meeting in Paris, France

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, and thanks to the Government of France for hosting this. I want to support what Minister Davutoglu just said, because the Friends of Syria has been a very useful device to build pressure against the Syrian regime and to build international support for the Syrian people.

For more than a year, those who spoke for the Syrian opposition said they did not want any foreign intervention. And we respected that. And it is something that we took seriously. Starting in Tunis and then in Istanbul and now in Paris, we are focused on determining what we can do to try to hasten the end of this regime and to provide the circumstances for an effective process of transition and reconciliation.

What was accomplished in Geneva by the action group was, for the very first time, to enlist not only all five permanent members of the Security Council including Russia and China, but also important leaders in the region and in the Arab League in support of such a transition. The issue now is to determine how best to put into action what was accomplished there and is continuing here. And I really hope everyone reads the communique from Geneva, because for example, one of the earlier speakers from Syria expressed concern there was nothing about political prisoners. Well, indeed there is. And a call for the release from detention. So it would be very helpful to get everybody on the same page if we're going to work together about what we have already done and what we need to be doing as we move forward.

Under the Geneva communique, the opposition is for the first time put on an even basis with the government. They are given equal power in constituting the transition governing entity that will have, as we just heard, full executive authority. That could not have been imagined three months ago, let alone a year ago.

So although none of us here is satisfied or comfortable with what is still going on inside of Syria, because it is against every norm of international law and human decency for a government to be murdering its own people, there has been in the last several months, starting in Tunisia, a steady, inexorable march toward ending this regime. What we need to do is to follow through on what each of us can contribute to the end of the Assad regime and the beginning of a new day for Syria.

I applaud what was accomplished in Cairo a few days ago. It was the largest, most inclusive gathering of opponents to the Assad regime ever convened. They came together to support a detailed transition plan that builds on Kofi Annan's guidelines. They created a follow-up committee, including some of Syria's brightest young people—after all it is their future that we are hoping to improve—and we expect the Syrian opposition now to begin to implement that transition plan.

We also think it is imperative to go back to the Security Council and demand implementation of Kofi Annan's plan, including the Geneva communique that Russia and China have already agreed to. So we now have them on record supporting a transition. And we should go back and ask for a resolution in the Security Council that imposes real and immediate consequences for non-compliance, including sanctions under Chapter VII.

Now what can every nation and group represented here do? I ask you to reach out to Russia and China and to not only urge, but demand that they get off the sidelines and begin to support the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people. It is frankly not enough just to come to the Friends of the Syrian People, because I will tell you very frankly, I don't think Russia and China believe they are paying any price at all—nothing at all—for standing up on behalf of the Assad regime. The only way that will change is if every nation represented here directly and urgently makes it clear that Russia and China will pay a price, because they are holding up progress—blockading it—that is no longer tolerable.

And let me also add that confronted with the regime's non-compliance, it is difficult to imagine how the UN supervision mission can fulfill its responsibilities without a Chapter VII enforcement mechanism. I think General Mood and his team have performed an extraordinary task, but it is clear unarmed observers cannot monitor a ceasefire that does not exist.

Next, what can you all do? You can tighten the financial vise, squeezing the regime. The second meeting of the sanctions working group in Washington last month called for all states to take additional steps to freeze the assets of regime officials, restrict transactions with the commercial and central banks, and embargo Syrian oil. Since then, Switzerland, the European Union, Japan, and Australia have all announced additional measures. And the regime is becoming more isolated, which will help to hasten its end because its business support will finally turn on it.

Syria's currency and foreign reserves have collapsed. Sanctions on oil alone have deprived Assad of billions of dollars in lost revenues, and his ability to finance his war grows more difficult by the day. What's keeping him afloat is money from Iran and assistance from Russia and the failure of countries represented here to tighten and enforce sanctions. You cannot call for transition on the one hand and give the regime a free pass on sanctions on the other. So we need to push for even stronger implementation at the working group meeting next to be held in Doha on sanctions.

I am also pleased that the Syrian Justice and Accountability Center is now up and running, compiling evidence of serious violations of human rights, because, after all, there can be no impunity and we need the evidence in order to make sure there is none.

So increasing pressure in all these ways is critical because no transition plan can progress so long as the regime's brutal assaults continue. And we cannot ask the opposition to unilaterally give up their struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. The United States will continue providing non-lethal assistance to help those inside Syria who are carrying the fight to organize and better communicate.

Now what else can we do? We can increase our humanitarian relief. The United States is providing more than $57 million to support humanitarian organizations, but unfortunately, the Syrian Humanitarian Response Plan is only 20 percent funded so far. So we all need to do more—not only now but in the future to assist with the reconstruction.

And although the stakes for the Syrian people are literally life and death, they are also significant for the entire world, because if Syria spirals further into civil war, not only will more civilians die, more refugees will stream across the borders, but instability will spread far beyond Syria.

This is a regime with a massive war machine. I'm sure many of you followed the back and forth I had with the Russian Government over sending the attack helicopters they were refurbishing back to Syria. And I thank the United Kingdom and other European countries for very clearly expressing their refusal to allow that ship to go forward. But there are still those who are funding the regime and providing war materiel. And they have shown no hesitance in continuing to do that. In fact, the Syrian Government itself has only escalated their violence over time.

Given their behavior—and the chemical weapons they possess—it is imperative that they understand their international responsibilities. So yes, what can we do? Right now, leaving this meeting, there are a number of things every one of us can do. And I hope that we will commit to doing so, because clearly our message must be: We are united in support of the Syrian people and in our absolute resolve to see the end of the Assad regime and a transition to a democratically-elected, representative government that gives the Syrian people a path forward. And I think that means we, at this time, must be firm and united in support of Special Envoy Kofi Annan's plan and act accordingly.

Thank you very much.

Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Maria Otero have the following briefing with Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Kelly Clements and Director of US Foreign Disaster Assistance Mark Bartolini

Under Secretary Otero. Thank you, thank you very much. Good afternoon, everyone. I want to welcome you to this call, which is focused on the U.S.—the United States efforts to provide humanitarian relief to those that are affected by the violence in Syria. Also have here with me my colleagues, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, Kelly Clements, and the USAID Director for Foreign Disaster Assistance Mark Bartolini.

I have just returned from visits to both Turkey and Jordan where I met with government officials, I met with representatives from nongovernmental organizations, international organizations, with human rights activists, with youth groups, with a wide range of different people to discuss a wide range of issues that are concerning a variety of different topics, including human rights and trafficking in persons. But primarily, the enormous humanitarian concerns that are being faced by people who are being displaced both on the Jordanian border and on the Turkish border. Kelly Clements was with me in Turkey and we can speak directly with—we were able to speak directly with some of the Syrians that have been displaced.

What would be good to do today would be to share with you some of our impressions of the discussions that we had with these individuals that we met in the border areas, provide some information of what the U.S. Government efforts are to help those who are displaced by the violence, and to those that are, of course, moving to neighboring countries.

I do want to start by stressing that just the alarming events in [Syria], and we are seeing them continuing to evolve even at a faster speed, raising huge and deep concerns for all the countries in the regions. Obviously, for the international community, but these countries that border with Syria are themselves very clearly affected.

The violence is increasing; we are hearing it on an ongoing basis, even since I returned. The violence is more prevalent in Damascus, and this increase in violence is, of course, leading to more people, and a larger number of people, that are inside Syria and that are along Syria's borders needing more humanitarian assistance. We witnessed the generosity of the governments in Jordan and Turkey, and of course the same can be said for Lebanon and Iraq; they are hosting and providing assistance to all those who are fleeing violence in Syria. They're trying to make sure that their urgent, basic needs are met and preparing for what they accept will be an even greater increase of people fleeing the border.

The United States is providing assistance and, as most of you know, we provided through the humanitarian agencies that we support, and Kelly and Mark are working on this directly so that they can provide some more detail on our specific efforts. You know that Secretary Clinton has said many times that the United States is prepared to do everything possible to engender the desire of both the government and the opposition to cease the violence and to work towards a transition that leads to a democratic future in Syria and for the Syrian people. Of course, my work is committed to supporting that effort, and in this case, to think particularly of the people that are most vulnerable from Syria that are fleeing this increasing violence.

So let me just leave my remarks to that for right now. Let me ask Kelly to speak more specifically about our bureau's efforts and then give Mark an opportunity to talk a little bit about AID's work in disaster assistance.

Kelly.

Ms. Clements. Thank you, Maria. As you may know, more than a 117- to 125,000 Syrians have fled to neighboring countries. Everyday more are crossing borders seeking safety. And in the course of just one night, nearly 1,300 Syrians arrived at Turkish camps, and there are now reports of upwards of 8,500 Syrians who crossed the border into Lebanon in the last 24 hours.

For this reason, our support is crucial to ensuring that basic needs are being met. The governments of Turkey, Iraq, Jordan, and Lebanon, as Maria said, have borne a significant financial burden, and we commend them for their generosity, but they are not alone. We were pleased to announce during the Syria Humanitarian Forum in Geneva earlier this week that the United States is providing an additional $6 million to bolster the humanitarian response for this crisis. This brings the total amount of U.S. assistance in 2012 to nearly $64 million and more is coming.

Our approach is to work through international organizations. This strengthens our ability to deliver humanitarian assistance because these organizations had staff and infrastructure in Syria and neighboring countries prior to the start of the conflict, which can be well-utilized in current efforts with the civilians in need. Humanitarian assistance is provided on the basis of need, not political affiliation, and is being distributed to the most vulnerable through UN agencies and other international and local nongovernmental organizations.

Working together, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and ICRC, as well as UNICEF, World Food Program, UNHCR, and UNRRA, and other international and local NGOs. Inside Syria, lack of access due to violence by all parties remains the number one limiting factor for humanitarian assistance. International humanitarian agencies simply are unable to reach those most in need. We urge all parties to facilitate unimpeded access to affected areas and populations for humanitarian agencies, including the SARC, to enable humanitarian assistance to reach individuals in need.

As a prerequisite for humanitarian assistance, it is essential that all parties respect the impartiality and neutrality of humanitarian workers who daily risk their lives to save others. And we condemn the recent killing of a fifth Syrian Arab Red Crescent member, a volunteer who lost his life assisting others while wearing a uniform clearly marked with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent emblem. We will continue our support for those affected by the violence in Syria, even as we look forward to the day when all Syrians can live in a free, democratic country.

And I'll now turn it over to my USAID colleague, Mark Bartolini, for some comments, and then we'll take your questions.

Mr. Bartolini. Thanks, Kelly. Just a few comments to start today, and good afternoon, everyone. Currently, it's projected there are about 1.5 million Syrians in need inside the country. Somewhere along the lines of 300,000 to 500,000 have been displaced from their homes. And the situation with providing them aid, as Kelly was saying, is incredibly difficult. We have numerous stories of aid workers being harassed, killed, and taken capture. So I have to caveat my comments today by saying that we're somewhat constrained because of the difficulties of delivering aid in what we can tell you today.

But I can tell you that there are really heroic efforts going on right now inside of Syria to help people that are most in need. And we are having an impact. We're not reaching everyone, but we're doing the best we can, and we're hopeful that we'll be able to get further access as the situation moves forward. Thank you.

Under Secretary Otero. Thank you. Let me just clarify that when I spoke and I said that there are alarming events going on, I meant Syria. I said Turkey, but I clearly meant Syria. So let's just open it up now for any questions.

Q. Yes. Thank you very much. Just a couple of questions. I know you said there are 1.5 million people within the country in need, but do you have any overall figures of how many have fled the country? And also, could you tell us what their greatest needs are, very specifically? Food, medicine? Are they injured? Any details that you could give of the actual plight of these people would be helpful.

Under Secretary Otero. Yeah. Let me just start with that, and then Kelly can continue. The estimate is that there's a 140,000 that have fled, that are—but I think Kelly can update that figure. And the areas that we witnessed, we were in camps in Turkey and in Jordan, and we spoke with some of the refugees. And clearly, the medical need, of course, is predominant. We saw people who had been seriously wounded, people with missing limbs who had been sewn up hurriedly. I saw and met with a woman who had a bullet gone through her eye and out her cheek and who was there having suffered that wound, again, fleeing. So the issue of medical care for the wounded and for those that are having that kind of a situation is greatly, greatly needed and, of course, some of the other needs that are essential when you're trying to just survive in a camp.

Kelly, do you want to add numbers— both give numbers and just add some of these other areas?

Ms. Clements. Sure. Maybe I can just add some more specificity to the opening. I had mentioned earlier 117- to 125,000. These are people largely who have been registered with UNHCR in the case of Lebanon and Jordan and Iraq. In the case of Turkey—estimates are coming from the Government of Turkey—in Turkey, there are about 42,600 or so individuals that are currently in the camps along the border. In Jordan, there are 37,000, of which about 35,000 have been registered with UNHCR. There are obviously many more Syrians that have crossed that border but have not availed themselves of the need for international assistance. In Lebanon, there are 32,500, and as I mentioned earlier, those numbers are rising very, very rapidly—in Iraq about 8,000.

Mr. Bartolini. And maybe I can give a little more detail on the type of assistance that's required inside Syria. Right now there are approximately 500,000 people that are in need of food aid that the World Food Program is reaching, and that number is expected to go up. But they are getting some access right now. They are getting food aid out. And there certainly is a huge need for health assistance, in particular medical assistance for those who have been injured in the conflict. But also as the conflict wears on, you're seeing issues like children who aren't getting vaccinations who are in difficult-to-reach areas and all of the other ancillary health concerns that you'd have in any population. There's also a concern—I mentioned that there's 3- to 500,000 people who have been (inaudible) displaced. And we know in any conflict when that happens, there's issues with disease, with clean water—so we're doing quite a bit of water and sanitation programming, basic hygiene kits for people. And then just given the level of violence, what we're seeing particularly among children—and psychosocial needs—is very significant. So we're seeing a whole array of needs that we're trying to fill.

Ms. Clements. Maybe just to add one point to this, just after the humanitarian forum on Monday, the Department and AID issued a fact sheet, which goes into great detail about both humanitarian assistance requirements inside the country, what's happening in the neighboring countries, and through which partners we are largely operating. Thanks.

Q. Thanks for doing this and for taking this question. You mentioned these aid workers who have been harassed, killed, taken captive. I was wondering if you have—if you can say by whom that's happening, and if you could provide any more details.

Mr. Bartolini. We really can't. We know it's been widespread, and we know from organizations that we're working with that medical clinics, health professionals have been targeted. We also know people simply trying to get aid in to help people have been targeted. And I don't have names, but I think this is good information, one given the veracity of the folks that we work with quite frequently throughout the world, these are our partners there, but also the frequency of the reporting we're hearing. It's not at all a unique situation, unfortunately.

Q. Hi. We have news reports here that the Syrian rebels are now controlling all the Iraqi border points and border crossings. Do you anticipate—if this development is true, do you anticipate this helping your work, and have you been in touch with any rebel representatives who could possibly help you in helping out these people who need some aid?

Under Secretary Otero. We can't confirm that information. We certainly have not heard this in any case. However, regardless of who is controlling the border, we are seeing the Syrians fleeing, even when they are being shot at from behind, which is some of what we heard in Jordan as people were trying to cross the border. So we anticipate that this will continue, and we are seeing the governments—and certainly I can speak from the perspective of having been in Jordan and Turkey—that those governments are responding with enormous generosity. They are providing all the assistance that they possibly can. In the case of Jordan, sharing their water, which is so scarce, with the refugees, and in the case of Turkey, putting up a camp and being able to provide as much assistance as possible. So I think it is important to note that these governments are really taking a proactive approach in this work, and they are already looking at ways to expand what they're doing. Because as we see the violence growing, we are expecting more and more numbers to flee Syria into these bordering countries. And regardless of who controls the border, this will continue to happen.

Ambassador Susan Rice gave the following remarks in New York City

Ambassador Rice. It's pitiful and deeply regrettable that again today Russia and China, for the third time, have vetoed a resolution that garnered the overwhelming support of this Security Council. The Security Council has put its best efforts behind the UN mission in Syria, and we commend the brave men and women of that mission for their dedicated service. Yet it was plain from the beginning that if this Council were unwilling or unable to back-up that UN mission with the tools at our disposal—even the basic tools of political support to indicate that if our decisions are not adhered to then there will be consequences—meant that this mission could not succeed.

Joint Special Envoy Kofi Annan made it very clear that what he sought from this Council was a unified message of consequences on the parties for non-compliance. The Secretary General of the organization repeatedly appealed for this Council to assume its responsibilities under the UN charter, use Chapter VII, and make it clear that there will be consequences for non-compliance. That is what the resolution that was vetoed today aimed to do. It aimed, in the first order, to provide the UN monitors and civilians on the ground with the political support of this Security Council, the last best chance they had for their mission to potentially succeed. Instead, we have seen the situation—the status quo—persist as the situation deteriorates. And as I said in the Council, the status quo is by no means static. It is a rapidly deteriorating conflict that is costing hundreds of lives each day and that threatens to engulf the region in a wider war. That is the consequence of the third veto by our colleagues on the Council today.

I am happy to take a few questions.

Q. Ambassador Rice, another delegation has proposed a 30-day extension of the UN monitoring mission in Syria. Is this something that the U.S. could go along with? And under what circumstances would you consider renewing that?

Ambassador Rice. We've been very clear that a rollover of the United Nations mission without it being tied either to the potential for consequences for non-compliance or to an improvement in the situation on the ground doesn't make any sense. That's in effect what the Russian draft would have done with some additional verbiage, and I think it was clear that, as they chose not to put their text to a vote, they didn't have nine votes for the text. Now, we might be prepared to consider a final, brief extension of the mission should that be proposed if it would allow for the monitors and the civilian staff to withdraw safely and orderly and make it clear that unless and until circumstances dramatically change—that the government suddenly and finally adheres to its obligations under the Six-Point Plan and conditions change on the ground— that it is not viable for the mission to continue.

Q. Thank you. Ambassador Rice, what are—what is the message that the failure of the resolution sends? And what other steps are there? What's next steps in terms of consequences other than unilateral sanctions from each country? Is there anything else the UN can do?

Ambassador Rice. Well, I think sadly the message that it sends, as I said in the Council, is that two permanent members are willing to defend Assad and protect him to the bitter end, even if would seem logically not to be in their interests. I think that the consequence of today's action is that the situation will continue to deteriorate and that the best efforts of Kofi Annan and this Council to stem the fighting and to launch a political process have not thus far succeeded. From the United States' point of view, as I said in my explanation of vote, we'll continue to support the Syrian people. We'll continue to support any prospect for a peaceful political transition. We'll continue to provide humanitarian assistance and aid. But we and others increasingly will have no choice but to look to partnerships and actions outside of this Council to protect the Syrian people.

Q. Ambassador, you mentioned concern about Syria's chemical weapons. How—in your estimation, how likely is it that he will unleash those on the population?

Ambassador Rice. We have made it repeatedly clear that any use or transfer of chemical weapons would result in those responsible being held accountable. I think it's vitally important that there be no ambiguity about the severity of such a step. Indeed, we have said repeatedly that it is the responsibility of the government to secure its stockpiles, and we wish to see that that is indeed the case.

Q. Ambassador, do the two vetoes mean that diplomatic efforts to resolve this here at the UN are over? And how will history look upon what happened today?

Ambassador Rice. Well, I think history will judge those that three times have blocked Council action quite harshly. These resolutions—even this third one did not itself impose sanctions. It simply said that, should the situation persist, sanctions might be the next step within a short period of time. It merely took the decisions that this Council has already made and put them under Chapter VII. It merely took the Action Plan agreed in Geneva by all the permanent members and made it more binding under Chapter VII. So, I think history will judge harshly those that prevented this Council repeatedly from assuming even its most basic responsibilities.

Q. I wanted to ask you. You spoke a lot about Russia and China. What about the abstentions of Pakistan and South Africa? Specifically, South Africa said it was a one-sided resolution because it would only sanction the government or had no option of actually sanctioning the opposition to get them to comply with the Six Point Plan. What do you make of that criticism?

Ambassador Rice. First of all, the resolution was balanced. It did contain obligations for the opposition under Chapter VII—as does the Annan Plan itself and the Action Plan—and it made clear that, consistent with the Annan plan, the first step has to be the government, which accepted this obligation to halt the use of heavy weapons and to redeploy its forces away from population centers. That is the heart of the Annan plan. That is what this Council has endorsed. Sadly, we have not backed up that endorsement with the next steps, which the Joint Special Envoy and the Secretary General urged, which were consequences for non-compliance. So, the resolution as drafted was fully consistent with the Six Point Plan, with what Kofi Annan and Secretary General Ban Ki-moon had asked of the Council, and surely at the eleventh hour it wasn't necessary to rewrite the Annan plan

Ambassador Susan Rice gave the following remarks in New York City

Ambassador Rice. Good morning, everyone. Before I say a few words on Syria, I just want to say a word of thanks and gratitude to my spokesperson and the spokesperson for the U.S. Mission, Mark Kornblau, whose last day it is today. He's done a tremendous job, and I'm very, very grateful to him for his service to the Mission and to our country. And we're very pleased to welcome Erin Pelton as his successor.

Today's vote to extend UNSMIS for a final period of 30 days was not the resolution the United States had hoped to adopt in the first instance. Our strong preference was to adopt the resolution that was regrettably vetoed yesterday in order to give the men and women of UNSMIS a final, last, best opportunity to succeed in the performance of their mission, by backing them up with the full weight of this Council and its commitment to use the tools at our disposal to ensure the implementation of our decisions and to do as the Joint Special Envoy and the Secretary General asked us to do, which was to ensure that there are consequences on the parties for noncompliance.

In the absence of that, the Council fortunately was able to come together today. The decision we took was to extend the UNSMIS mission for a final period of 30 days to allow it to withdraw safely and orderly—in an orderly fashion. And we hope very much that the withdrawal will be conducted with a principle priority placed on the security of UN personnel. We have also said in this resolution that, should—in the unlikely event—the situation on the ground change substantially and the government cease the use of heavy weapons and the level of violence become reduced to the extent that indeed UNSMIS again can not only operate freely but perform and fulfill the mandate that we gave it, then we would be prepared—in that unlikely circumstance—to revisit the question of whether UNSMIS has continued utility.

I'm happy to take a couple quick questions.

Q. I wanted to ask—it seems like this paragraph 2 of the resolution 2043 was in the UK draft and got dropped, and it's—among the things getting dropped are pullback of military concentrations out of population centers and withdraw to barracks. Does this compromise mean that the U.S. doesn't expect those things to take place? Or what's the significance of the change?

Ambassador Rice. Well, as you know, the United States was not the author of the resolution. I'd let you speak to the author, who I think will be coming behind me. We frankly prefer the text that included all of paragraph 2, but we were able to accept the draft that was voted today.

Q. Thank you. Ambassador, do you think that the UNSMIS observers can play a role if there were to be an Assad step-aside or step-down and a transition government come into play?

Ambassador Rice. Well, I think first of all, there are many different ways this circumstance can unfold. The U.S. view has long been that Assad's days are numbered, and I think those numbers are getting smaller and smaller. I don't want to speculate about the various scenarios that may unfold. Obviously, if the circumstances are such that UNSMIS can operate freely with relative safety—given that they are unarmed monitors—and can implement the key provisions of the Six Point Plan, which include supporting a political transition of the sort we all embraced in Geneva, then we would welcome that.

Q. Would you still consider working with non-Security Council actors in Syria?

Ambassador Rice. Absolutely. As I said yesterday, given what transpired in the vote yesterday, the U.S. approach will increasingly be to focus our efforts not so much in this Council, which has hit a substantive dead end, but also to strengthen and intensify our work with other countries outside the Security Council, particularly the Friends of the Syrian People, which constitutes over a hundred countries that all asked for a Chapter VII resolution yesterday that sadly this Council was not able to deliver. And we will continue our political support to the opposition, our non-lethal assistance to the opposition. We will strengthen and intensify our sanctions, working with others to do the same. We will increase the amount of humanitarian assistance we provide. And we will stay closely aligned with the Syrian people as they seek and fulfill their aspiration for a democratic Syria.

Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu gave the following remarks in Istanbul, Turkey

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Foreign Minister Davutoglu. Today we came together again in order to (inaudible) recent developments, particularly within the conflict with Syria. Some very important developments took place concerning Syria there recently (inaudible). Unfortunately, the transition plan that we (inaudible) Geneva (inaudible), unfortunately, and diplomatic activities were interrupted significantly.

(Inaudible) international community efforts in order to (inaudible) contribute to peace-building process in the Middle East. However, the resignation of Kofi Annan had negative repercussions on the diplomatic efforts in the region. And the humanitarian situation in the Middle East and Syria, particularly, is not very promising. Now we have more than 55,000 refugees (inaudible) in Turkey. And every day 3,000 refugees want to enter from Turkish borders. We always want to open our doors to our Syrian brothers and sisters, and we have been mobilizing our resources in order to help them as much as we can. But this increasing number of refugees is a clear indicator of the deteriorating humanitarian conditions in Syria. And we expect that broader collaboration on the part of the international community in order to resolve this issue.

As long as the Syrian conflict continues, the humanitarian situation will deteriorate even further. So, as soon as possible, we need to take decisive steps in order to stop the deterioration of humanitarian conditions in Syria. What is going on in Aleppo is particularly very sad. The air strikes do not only cause humanitarian but also social and historical damage. So the international community needs to take some very decisive steps in order to stop it. And we talked about (inaudible) Ms. Hillary Clinton. The transition process in Syria needs to be completed as soon as possible. And there should be no room for power vacuum in the transition process, because terrorist organizations like PKK will try to benefit from a possible power vacuum. That is why we need to take joint efforts in order to prevent the power vacuum from being formed.

We will take up some joint efforts, of course, under the leadership of the United States of America. We will closely follow the developments in Syria and in the broader region. And we will keep evaluating the situation on the ground. In the United Nations General Assembly, the Security Council, and as friends of Syria, we will also take some steps in the future. We talked about (inaudible) as well. We will look at the reality on the ground, international aid, and also the humanitarian situation. So, Ms. Clinton's visit is indeed a very timely one. And from that one we will also keep following the situation together through conference calls and through delegations.

We also talked about (inaudible) Egyptian soldiers, which is a very sad development. And Syria has also problems with its neighbors right now, like Tunisia.

And I would like to say welcome to Ms. Hillary Clinton again. The floor is yours.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Minister. And again, it is a great pleasure for me to be here in Istanbul. I want to begin by expressing my condolences for the injuries and loss of life sustained in the PKK's vicious attack on a Turkish military bus two days ago.

I want to thank you for the opportunity for these consultations. Since the Friends of Syrian People met over a month ago in Paris, the crisis has deepened significantly. As the opposition has gained strength, the regime has responded with brutal violence. Even many of the regime's previous supporters are now distancing themselves and there have been a series of high-level defections. The United Nations General Assembly overwhelmingly passed a resolution condemning the Assad regime and calling for a peaceful political transition. Unfortunately, Russia and China blocked needed action in the Security Council.

Today we met to discuss what the United States and Turkey can do together, along with our international partners and our friends inside and outside of Syria, to respond to this growing humanitarian and political crisis. In particular, we had detailed conversations about three urgent priorities. First, supporting the opposition and their efforts to end the violence and begin the transition to a free and democratic Syria without Assad. The United States continues to provide the opposition with communications equipment and other forms of non-lethal assistance and direct financial assistance. We are coordinating our efforts with others who are also providing various forms of support.

Today we compared notes between the American and Turkish teams on support for the opposition, developing a common operational picture, and discussing how we can enhance our collaboration between ourselves and along with others to hasten the end of the violence.

As we work to help the opposition inside Syria, we are continuing to increase pressure from outside. Yesterday in Washington we announced sanctions designed to expose and disrupt the links between Iran, Hezbollah, and Syria that prolonged the life of the Assad regime. We urge other governments to support our sanctions with additional actions of their own.

Second, even as we seek to hasten Assad's fall, we are also responding to the massive emergency humanitarian crisis that he has caused. United Nations estimates that approximately two million people inside Syria need assistance, and more than 140,000 others have fled to Syria's neighbors. As you heard the minister say, around 50,000 to 55,000 of them are here in Turkey, and more are likely on the way.

I have to thank the government and the people of Turkey for your very generous hospitality to these men, women, and children who are fleeing for safety. Turkey has literally not only opened your borders, but your arms and your hearts.

And just now the minister and I met with a small group of Syrian women living in the Turkish camps. I have been in many meetings with refugees. I never have been in a meeting where all of the refugees uniformly praised their host government for the wonderful reception and support they have received. We heard their terrible stories. One woman fled after the regime's forces burned down her village. Another came after they broke into her home, beat her and her children. And I simply cannot say enough about what Turkey is doing to support the victims of this unrelenting cruelty. The government is providing Syrians in the Turkish camps with shelter, food, access to health and education services at a very great financial cost.

As the need continues to grow, so does our response. Today I am announcing we plan to contribute an additional $5 million to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, and $500,000 to the International Organization for Migration to support displaced Syrians inside Turkey. With these contributions, the United States is now providing nearly $82 million for food, emergency healthcare, blankets, hygiene kits, and other humanitarian relief.

Now, no one can predict how soon this regime will finally be brought to an end. But we know the day will come. So our third urgent task is to prepare for what comes next. The Syrian people will, of course, and must leave the transition, and they will need to maintain the integrity of the state's political institutions. They will need to stabilize and eventually rebuild their economy to establish security, safeguard, and eventually destroy the country's most dangerous weapons, including its chemical weapons. They will need to protect the rights of all Syrians, regardless of religion, gender, or ethnicity. And they will need to address the ongoing human and humanitarian challenges. All of this will need careful planning and support from the international community.

Last month major opposition groups came together in Cairo to voice their support for a detailed transition plan and a vision of Syria that is united, pluralistic, and democratic. They have since begun to rally support for this plan inside Syria. Today we consulted with each other on how we can all support that plan and, at the same time, prepare for a range of contingencies. From here, we will engage other partners as we get ready for the upcoming international meetings in the coming weeks.

I also met with a group of activists— legal experts, journalists, student leaders—to hear about their efforts, and to discuss what more the United States can do to support them.

And finally, we again expressed our solidarity with Turkey in confronting the PKK terrorists, and our condolences to the families of those who have fallen to such cowardly attacks. We share Turkey's determination that Syria must not become a haven for PKK terrorists, whether now or after the departure of the Assad regime.

Now, I think it is important to state that we have a difficult road ahead us, but the real difficulty is for the Syrian people themselves. But in each of the areas I have mentioned, and so much more, Turkey is a leader. And we are proud that Turkey is our partner.

I thank the minister once again for his efforts to help the Syrian people. I am looking forward to discussing this and other issues with the prime minister and president later this afternoon. But again, let me thank you for these very important consultations at such a critical time.

Q. Madam Secretary, for you, can you tell us a little bit more in detail about your meeting with the opposition activists? Did you get a better sense of whether they are really prepared to be able to be involved in leading a transition? What kind of questions did you ask them about who is actually doing the fighting on the ground? And what kind of answers did you get?

And then, for both of you, there has been a lot of talk about this common operational picture. What exactly is that common operational picture? Does it involve the potential of this corridor from Aleppo, north to the border here, turning into some kind of safe haven? And does it include anything on how to deal with the chemical weapons that everyone has expressed concern about? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, with respect to the activists with whom I met, I listened carefully to their descriptions of what each was doing. One young man had just come out of Aleppo, and was intending to return. They, to a person—there were both men and women there—are committed to a pluralistic, democratic, inclusive Syria. And each is doing his or her part.

There is work going on about telling the story. There is no free media inside Syria, as there is, very evidently, here in Turkey. So how does the story get out in an authoritative way?

And another talking about the work being done on justice and accountability, documenting the abuses that are occurring so that there will be no impunity when there finally is a new government and a new opportunity for the Syrian people to hold those who perpetrated these abuses accountable.

A lot of attention, particularly from the women, to what is happening to women inside Syria, the abuses that they are subjected to by the regime, the need for women to be partners in a new Syria, to be heard and to participate as they try to form the basis for a transition.

We heard from the representatives of the students who are still peacefully protesting on university campuses and trying to organize and support the opposition. There was concern expressed about the apparent lack of unity among the outside opposition and a hope that, as one young man said, the opposition will rise to the occasion and be able to present a unified front, both inside and outside of Syria, going forward.

We heard firsthand, as I said, from the young man who had just been in Aleppo about the tremendous courage of those who are withstanding the assaults from tanks and aircraft, and how important it is to work for ways to support those on the ground without making the suffering worse. There is a very clear understanding about the need to end this conflict quickly, but not doing it in a way that produces even more deaths, injuries, and destruction.

So, I came away very impressed by these young activists, and very committed to increasing the assistance we are already providing. Several of those present have already received support from the United States. As you know, we are providing $25 million in non-lethal aid, mostly communications, to civil society and activists. And I don't want to go into any further details as to how we are helping people, at the risk of endangering them at this time.

Regarding the planning, what the minister and I agreed to today was to have very intensive operational planning. We have been closely coordinating over the course of this conflict. But now we need to get into the real details of such operational planning. And it needs to be across both of our governments. Certainly our two ministries are coordinating much of it. But our intelligence services, our military, have very important responsibilities and roles to play. So we are going to be setting up a working group to do exactly that.

And both the minister and I saw eye to eye on the many tasks that are ahead of us, and the kinds of contingencies that we have to plan for, including the one you mentioned in the horrible event that chemical weapons were used. And everyone has made it clear to the Syrian regime that is a red line for the world, what would that mean in terms of response and humanitarian and medical emergency assistance, and of course, what needs to be done to secure those stocks from every being used, or from falling into the wrong hands.

Foreign Minister Davutoglu. Concerning our joint efforts, Ms. Clinton already informed extensively. There are two main focal points for us. One the one hand, again, some possible worst-case scenarios. We are going to be (inaudible) to plan how we are going to react as the international community and as United States of America and Turkey.

Recent developments in Aleppo have shown that a gigantic wave of migration can result from all these atrocities. And there might also be some groups who might try to benefit from a possible power vacuum. And we have seen signs of this recently in certain regions in Syria. And another potential threat is the chemical weapons, as we have already mentioned. So, against all the possible worst case scenarios, we decided to work together and of course include some other international actors as well.

If there is a huge wave of refugee migration, then we need to maybe establish a mechanism within Syria in order to ensure humanitarian protection. Of course, we might try to protect people if they seek refuge in our territory. But they have to (inaudible) bombardment every day in Syrian territory. If they are exposed to air strikes every day and bombardments every day, this might even be considered war crime. So, in such a case, an international community can no longer keep its silence, and there are certain measures that need to be taken up, in addition to UN-level negotiations.

Turkey is putting utmost effort in order to ensure the protection of Syrian people. Turkey and the United States of America have been working in a coordinated manner already, but we need to brace for impact. So we need to focus on more practical, more pragmatic, and to-the-point solutions. This is the decision that we have taken.

And after the transition period, a new Syria will emerge. And we will have to establish law and order and public order in that new Syria. We need to ensure that the transition is a smooth one, and there will be no room for ethnic conflicts in Syria. So we need to prepare for this future Syria today, as international community, in order not to encounter some unpleasant surprises in the future. So we need to be ready for any possible crisis, and we need to prepare for the future of Syria.

We had already been working in a coordinated manner with United States of America. But now our coordination will become even more systematized and structured. Today's meeting has been a very fruitful one in order to lay the foundation for this.

Q. Hi. (Inaudible.) Madam Secretary, you mentioned you met Syrians this morning. But Syrians I have spoken to inside or outside Syria are extremely frustrated with international—what they see as the international community's lack of response. And they basically feel left alone at this point.

You talked about non-lethal aid. You talked about post-day-after planning. You talked about helping refugees. But in terms of given that Aleppo is being bombarded, and given that there is a huge suffering inside major cities and about roughly over 100 people die every day, have you also discussed actionable, tangible steps, whether it is safety zones, no-fly zones, Security Council resolutions, or other forms of assistance that could impact their day-to-day life?

And quickly, I wanted to follow up, if you don't mind, just—there is a good deal of anxiety in Turkish public about the Kurdish presence and potential PKK presence in the northern parts of Syria. In your assessment, is this something that concerns you? And, you know, have you looked into the PKK presence or power? And what is your assessment on that? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. As to your first question, the issues you posed within your question are exactly the ones that the minister and I have agreed need greater in-depth analysis. It is one thing to talk about all kinds of potential actions. But you cannot make reasoned decisions without doing intense analysis and operational planning. And we share not only the frustration, but the anger and outrage of the Syrian people at what this regime continues to do. But we also are well aware that its brutality seems to know no bounds. And there is no—you know, there is no doubt in the minds of the minister or myself that anything we do should be to hasten and lessen bloodshed, not to catalyze even greater and more horrible kinds of assaults.

So, really doing contingency planning, sorting this out, is what we have agreed to do. We have a very long list that we have gone through this morning on all kinds of issues, both before the inevitable fall of Assad and after. But we have to be very careful, and we have to do it in a way that always keeps in mind our goal, number one, is to hasten the end of the bloodshed and the Assad regime. That is our strategic goal. And we have to analyze everything against that goal. And then, of course, we want to be good partners in helping the Syrian people build the kind of democratic, pluralistic society and government that will respect human rights and restore a better future. So, this is how we are proceeding.

Regarding the PKK, let me just underscore that the United States remains strongly committed to the defense of our Turkish ally. Together we are working to root out violence extremism and to address the many regional security issues we face. And amongst those we stand firmly with Turkey against the PKK.

Now, your question was is there reason to worry about enhanced PKK activity arising out of the vacuum created by violence and the brutality of the regime within Syria, and the answer is yes. We worry about terrorists, PKK, al-Qaeda, and others taking advantage of the legitimate fight of the Syrian people for their freedom to use Syria to promote their own agendas, and even to perhaps find footholds to launch attacks against others.

So, we are absolutely committed to supporting Turkey against the PKK, and we will do so in any way that protects Turkey and the people of this nation from this kind of terrorism.

Ambassador Susan Rice gave the following remarks at a Security Council meeting at UN headquarters in New York, New York

Ambassador Rice. Thank you, Foreign Minister Fabius, for convening this important meeting.

Mr. President, we gather at a somber hour—less than a week after some of the bloodiest days since the Syrian regime began its crackdown almost 18 months ago. The United States is outraged by the summary executions and shelling that killed hundreds of Syrians in Daraya late last week. The reports of aerial attacks on hospitals, bakeries, and breadlines in Aleppo recall some of the worst atrocities of prior conflicts. The international community has long pledged never again to allow such crimes. Yet, for a year and a half, the Syrian regime has waged a vicious, unrelenting campaign of terror and bloodshed against its own suffering people. Bashar al-Assad and those who still stand by him are now responsible for the deaths of more than 20,000 Syrians and the wounding of tens of thousands more. They have forced hundreds of thousands of civilians to flee for their lives.

Despite the appalling environment on the ground and the clear obstruction by the Syrian government, we are working with others to counter the cruelty of Bashar al-Assad and his clique. The United Nations, international organizations, the United States, many countries around the world, and Syrian and other humanitarian organizations are rushing vital aid to the hundreds of thousands of civilians in urgent need. The UN reports that up to 2.5 million Syrians now need assistance. We commend the humanitarian workers who are risking their lives to save others, and we grieve for those who have made the ultimate sacrifice. All parties, especially the Syrian government, must allow safe, full, and unfettered access for humanitarian workers so they can save lives that today hang in the balance.

The United States strongly supports the full and immediate implementation of the Syria Humanitarian Response Plan, which was agreed by OCHA and the Government of Syria. Only half of the $180 million needed to address prior humanitarian needs in Syria has been provided. The UN's Revised Syria Regional Response Plan, which assists neighboring countries hosting refugees, is underfunded as well. My government is pursuing every avenue to provide humanitarian relief to those affected by the violence in Syria. This year, the United States has already provided nearly $82 million to the United Nations and other relief agencies for the Syria humanitarian crisis. Our aid has fed the hungry and bound up the wounds of as many of Assad's victims as we can reach. We are helping protect internally displaced people and refugees, working to save children from malnutrition and disease, and helping ensure adequate water, sanitation, and hygiene. Our assistance is also enabling humanitarian coordination and logistics support to relief agencies.

We are deeply grateful to fellow member states that also have made important donations, and we urge all members to increase their contributions to meet the shortfalls and to coordinate closely with the United Nations to avoid creating parallel humanitarian response systems. We appreciate especially the generosity of Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, and other countries that have opened their borders to civilians fleeing violence and persecution, and we stand ready to continue to provide support as needed. We call on all concerned to facilitate safe passage for those seeking to flee. The United States is deeply troubled by the spillover of Syria's violence to its neighbors, especially Lebanon, where the Lebanese government and security forces are working to manage outbreaks of violence.

But this is not, at root, a humanitarian crisis. It is a political crisis caused by the cruelty and callousness of the Assad regime. No amount of humanitarian assistance will end the bloodshed and suffering. That day will come only once Assad has departed and a peaceful, Syrian-led transition to democracy has begun. This remains our goal—and should be the goal of all nations of goodwill. We welcome the appointment of Joint Special Representative Brahimi and fully support his efforts to end the violence and pave the way for a political transition.

In parallel, the United States and our partners will continue to work with the Syrian opposition and engage all elements of society to help the Syrian people achieve a government that represents all of its citizens, promotes their human rights, respects the rule of law, and responds to its people's aspirations. We are proud to help train civil society activists and to provide Syrians with equipment that lets them communicate securely with one another, to reach out to the outside world, and to document the regime's atrocities. We encourage the opposition's efforts to unite the population behind a common transition plan that offers a viable and safe future for all Syrians. We will continue to expand and intensify these efforts and we will not rest until the Syrian people are free to realize their aspirations to govern themselves and live without fear.

Even as the conflict rages, we condemn in the strongest terms unlawful killings by any side. We cannot and will not turn away from atrocities and systematic violations of international law. Those responsible for massacres of civilians will be held accountable. We welcome pledges by Free Syrian Army leaders that forbid their soldiers from harming civilians, mistreating prisoners, or killing captured combatants, and we will watch to see that these promises are implemented. We also reiterate our demand that the Syrian government refrain from using or transferring any chemical or biological weapons. It is incumbent upon the Syrian government to ensure the safety and security of all such weapons and stockpiles.

Mr. President, we have heard volumes today about the suffering of the innocent and the cruelty of the guilty. My country was founded on the belief that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. The Assad regime has manifestly lost whatever consent, if any, it ever had. The question is not whether it will fall; the question is when, and at what price.

The primary responsibility for ending the carnage rests with Assad and the clique around him. But the rest of the international community, and especially our fellow Council members, have responsibilities of their own. Unfortunately, a few members of this Security Council continue to prevent this body from responding effectively. This is reprehensible. Yet, even at this tragically late hour, it does not have to remain this way. The Syrian people fully understand which countries have rallied to their legitimate cause and which countries have protected a doomed and desperate regime. The United States will remain committed to pursuing a wiser course—one that limits the harm to regional security, staves off the risk of full-scale civil strife, and produces a new, responsible Syrian government that will defend and respect all of its citizens. Indeed, one day not far away, Assad will lose his bloody grip on the Syrian people. Then, this Council will have to step up to help the Syrian people heal the wounds of war and rebuild their battered country. When that day comes, the Syrian people—and the world—will remember who was on the wrong side of history, and who was on the side of the Syrian people.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in New York City

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, and let me once again welcome all of you to New York. We are pleased to be hosting this meeting on Syria.

But I must begin by acknowledging that conditions in Syria continue to deteriorate as the Assad regime relentlessly wages war on its own people. And we see more bodies filling hospitals and morgues, and more refugees leaving their homeland and flooding into neighboring countries. As President Obama told the General Assembly this week, the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a new dawn can begin.

Now, it is no secret that our attempts to move forward at the UN Security Council have been blocked repeatedly. On Tuesday, I met with Joint Special Representative Brahimi to discuss alternative strategies, and I look forward to hearing all of your views today. But the United States is not waiting. We are taking new steps to meet the growing humanitarian needs of the Syrian people, to support the opposition as it moves toward an inclusive, democratic transition, and to further pressure and isolate the regime.

First, today I am announcing an additional $30 million to help get food, water, blankets, and critical medical services to people suffering under the relentless assaults, based on need, regardless of political affiliation. This brings the total U.S. humanitarian aid during this crisis to more than $130 million. As the need continues to grow, so must the emergency response. The UN appeal remains woefully underfunded. All of us in the international community have to step up, and I repeat our urgent call for all parties to ensure that humanitarian aid reaches those in need, to uphold international law, and particularly to protect medical facilities and personnel.

Second, today I am also announcing an additional $15 million to support Syrian civilian opposition groups, bringing our total support to the unarmed opposition to almost $45 million. That translates into more than 1,100 sets of communications equipment, including satellite-linked computers, telephones, and cameras, as well as training for more than 1,000 activists, students, and independent journalists. We are working to help them strengthen their networks, avoid regime persecution, and document human rights abuses.

As more parts of Syria's control slip from the regime to the opposition, we're supporting civilian opposition groups as they begin providing essential services— reopening schools, rebuilding homes, and the other necessities of life. Dedicated civil servants are working to preserve the institutions of the Syrian state while freeing them from the regime's corrupt influence. In these places, we are seeing the emergence of a free Syria, and the United States is directing our efforts to support those brave Syrians who are laying the groundwork for a democratic transition from the ground up.

Over recent weeks, we have seen how important it is for people and leaders in nations transitioning to democracy to reject extremists who incite division, conflict, and violence. In Syria, a country that is home to a variety of religious and ethnic communities, this is especially important. We know the regime will do everything it can to pit communities against each other and that extremists will be eager to exploit tensions and impose their own brutal ideology. So the opposition and civil society will have to be especially vigilant against this threat and reassure minorities they will be safe in a post-Assad Syria.

It is encouraging to see some progress toward greater opposition unity, but we all know there is more work to be done. The United States supports the efforts of the opposition follow-up committee to build consensus around the transition plan agreed to in Cairo this summer. I understand there will be a meeting in Doha to continue the work of making the opposition stronger and more cohesive. And we look forward to hearing from representatives of several of the opposition groups about how they are moving forward.

The United States is also ratcheting up pressure on the Assad regime and deepening its isolation. Two weeks ago in Morocco, the United States joined with many of you to pledge more than $3 million in new support for the Syria Justice and Accountability Center and its efforts to document human rights violations inside Syria. And let me be clear: Human rights abuses cannot be tolerated, no matter who commits them.

At the recent meeting of the sanctions working group in The Hague, we reiterated our call for governments, private financial institutions, and businesses to do more to cut off the Assad regime from assets and income that fund its war machines. Those who continue doing business with entities and individuals associated with the regime risk being connected to sanctions violations, damaging their reputations, and exposing them to other potential consequences.

Our government also continues to expand sanctions against individuals and entities who help the regime procure weapons and communications equipment used in waging its war. Our most recent measures target Hezbollah leaders, an arms company in Belarus that is supplying fuses for aerial bombs used against civilians, and senior figures in Syria's military.

But let's be very frank here: The regime's most important lifeline is Iran. Last week, a senior Iranian official publicly acknowledged that members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps are operating inside Syria. There is no longer any doubt that Tehran will do whatever it takes to protect its proxy and crony in Damascus. Iran will do everything it can to evade international sanctions. For example, last year Turkish inspectors found a shipment of assault rifles, machine guns, and mortar shells labeled as “auto spare parts” aboard an Iranian airliner bound for Syria.

So we are encouraged to hear that Iraq has announced it will begin random searches of Iranian aircraft en route to Syria, and we urge all of Syria's neighbors to take steps to prevent their territory or airspace from being used to fuel Assad's war.

The United States is moving forward on all these fronts: providing humanitarian aid, supporting the civilian opposition, and increasing pressure on the regime. As President Obama said, “the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people.” Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision. So there will be difficult days ahead, but our unity and resolve must not waver as we continue to do what we can to end the violence and bloodshed, and bring about a better day for the Syrian people.