The origins of British official history can be seen in its function as a means of serving the educational and professional needs of army officers. Initially, official history was produced for specialists within the military, such as staff officers and engineers. As it was intended to assist them in the planning and conduct of future campaigns, especially on the imperial frontier, it focused on providing information about logistics, not tactics. Given the growing press coverage of British operations, between 1879 and 1903 official accounts of campaigns placed a greater emphasis on defending the army and senior commanders from criticism. The controversial nature of this new approach not only resulted in the suppression of one official history but led to the government’s insistence that this type of work should only provide a straightforward campaign narrative to provide information on tactics, as per the Prussian approach. Nevertheless, official accounts did not fully mirror the Prussian method due to the unique requirements of the British case as information needed to be imparted to staff officers on the planning of imperial expeditions and on maritime operations.

This chapter constructs the study’s conceptual framework, focusing first and foremost on detailing demobilisation. In particular, it clarifies that the outcome of interest is ‘negative demobilisation’, when collective action does not achieve its objective(s) but instead is compelled by internal and/or external factors to cease their activities. By drawing from extant research on demobilisation and on social control, the chapter formulates a typology of demobilising factors. Moreover, identifying several key causal characteristics of demobilisation processes relates to the methodological choices described in the following chapters. The second half of the chapter presents the rationale for studying demonstration campaigns in Germany, Austria, and England, most especially that the contextual variation helps ensure diversity in the demobilising factors present in cases and guards against the particularism of studying cases from only one country. The chapter explains the nature of that contextual variation by providing an overview of the relevant background to far-right activity in the three countries. Crucially, this background knowledge provides the basis for interpreting case evidence and building inferences in the case-study chapters.

This chapter traces the demobilisation process of the British National Party’s Red, White, and Blue festival campaign. The party had mobilised this campaign in attempts to reform its image and boost its electoral prospects, wanting to be known as family-friendly rather than fascist. The qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) locates it in the anti-far-right militancy pattern of demobilisation. By tracing the case, the chapter confirms the causation implied by the QCA pattern: militant counter-mobilisation drove a diminishing returns mechanism whereby increased costs of maintaining the campaign combined with decreased benefits, both directly resulting from private coercion, caused demobilisation.

This chapter starts by transforming the demobilising factors elaborated in Chapter 2 into set-theoretic conditions and calibrating the degree of set membership for each demonstration campaign case. This enables a cross-case qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). Not finding any necessary conditions, the chapter proceeds to the sufficiency analysis, revealing four sufficient patterns related to the demobilisation outcomes: (1) closing opportunity, (2) state repression, (3) civil counter-mobilisation, and (4) anti-far-right militancy. The chapter unpacks these patterns and explains how they guide case selection for in-depth process tracing. The QCA findings are fundamentally based on set-relational observations, dataset-level findings. The three subsequent chapters transition to causal process observations in order to trace how factors combined and what mechanisms produced demobilisation. These case study chapters also check the causation suggested by the QCA by evaluating alternative causal explanations based on the conceptual framework provided in Chapter 2.

The means by which factions persist are many, including political parties, lobbying, partisan media, passion and prejudice, rent-seeking, the permanent campaign, the politics of identity and principle, and today’s high-tech political campaigns.

Chapter 4 delves into the role of political brokers, referred to as punteros or referentes in Argentina, who are central figures in local political dynamics. The chapter is based on ethnographic research and provides a detailed description of these political actors, highlighting their skills and the resources that enable them to gain influence in their neighborhoods. Brokers function as key operatives for political parties, performing essential tasks throughout the year, not just during election periods. Their roles include the distribution of public goods and services, as well as the implementation of state programs in underprivileged areas. During election campaigns and on election day, brokers are not only engaged in clientelistic activities but also participate in traditional campaign efforts like canvassing and overseeing polling stations. The chapter shows that brokers, not parties, hold the resources and skills to connect with the poor. It underscores the pivotal role that brokers play in both the governance and electoral strategies of political parties, making them indispensable actors in the local political landscape.

A handful of governments can rewrite the rules for the global car industry, doubling the pace of the transition to zero-emission vehicles and radically cutting the costs. The COP26 campaign woke some countries up to this opportunity, while some of the world’s largest carmakers continued to fight back.

Despite solar and wind power generating the cheapest electricity in history, around forty countries are still building new coal-burning power plants – the worst thing anyone can do for climate change. How two years of campaigning led to twenty countries committing to phase-out coal power, and what needs to happen next.

After laying out the substantial challenges faced by the young People’s Republic of China in 1949, this chapter focuses on the particular ways in which revolutionary policies were implemented: by an ever shifting mix of bureaucratic and campaign modalities that were supported by a range of public performances. Bureaucracy was characterized by hierarchy, order, precedent, the strengthening of formal state institutions and a mania for classification, thus radically simplifying complex realities through a process of disaggregation; campaigns mobilized moral commitments through a different type of radical simplification – fusion into morally charged narratives and popular mobilization. Both modalities were in evidence in the two signature campaigns of 1951: the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries and land reform. While, in the early 1950s, bureaucratic and campaign modalities were co-constitutive, after the mid 1950s, they were more often in stark tension with each other.

A handful of governments can rewrite the rules for the global car industry, doubling the pace of the transition to zero-emission vehicles and radically cutting the costs. The COP26 campaign woke some countries up to this opportunity, while some of the world’s largest carmakers continued to fight back.

Despite solar and wind power generating the cheapest electricity in history, around forty countries are still building new coal-burning power plants – the worst thing anyone can do for climate change. How two years of campaigning led to twenty countries committing to phase-out coal power, and what needs to happen next.

Ndebele–Shona ethnic animosities came to the fore before, during and after the June and July 1985 general elections. Violence shifted from wartime residual to ethnic-based violence. The Zimbabwe government was heavily influenced by strong ethnic identities and the military. Ethnic polarisation problems stood out as the major challenge to nation building in Zimbabwe. Ethnic differences were key drivers of election violence in 1985. The 1985 elections took place against a backdrop of bitter and mutual mistrust between Zanu PF and PF Zapu, personified by Mugabe and Nkomo, and their Shona- and Ndebele-based political support, respectively. The problem of dissidents in parts of Matabeleland and the Midlands, as well as Fifth Brigade reprisals not only against the bandits but also civilians in these regions, openly played out ethnic hostilities between these two main political rivalries. Zanu PF ran the country under a state of emergency justified on the three grounds of containing the dissident problem, dealing with Mozambican Renamo bandits from the eastern border and the destabilisation attacks by the then apartheid South African military. There was no genuine or concerted effort to heal the wounds of war by all sides despite a rhetorical reconciliation policy.

Chapter 4 begins with an in-depth process tracing of the decisions around political party formation in Egypt after Mubarak’s ouster. We revisit the puzzling variation in party formation across the Egyptian political opposition landscape, particularly examining the decision on the part of Egyptian organized labor and pro-reform activist groups not to form political parties, tracing the link between the structure of the opposition under the Mubarak regime to the strategic incentives and organizational constraints faced by groups at this juncture. We then conduct an in-depth within-case comparison of the mobilization prior to Egypt’s 2011 elections, utilizing granular data on political parties’ specific campaign strategies and methods to trace the link between the adaptations that various groups made during the Mubarak era to the relative organizational and persuasive resources political groups had, and the mobilization tactics and strategies they were then able to use. We also specifically examine compelling evidence for common alternatives or contributing explanations for the Muslim Brotherhood’s success, and show that while these explanations certainly fill in part of the picture, they are incomplete without an understanding of mechanisms linking authoritarian legacies to the 2011 elections.

This chapter begins with a message about the importance of diagnoses before developing a marcoms campaign. We then use the idea of communication barriers to help explain why creating an effective marcoms campaign is so challenging, before providing a broad understanding of what integrated marketing communications (IMC) is and why it is used. The chapter discusses both the theory and practice of achieving integration and synergy, and how synergistic effects come about. The managerial application of integration is also discussed, and its complexity is brought to life with the award-winning case of 'Magnum Gold?!' This chapter also provides a nine-step IMC planning model, including the importance of understanding how consumers make decisions. The consumer decision journey is suggested as a useful model, illustrated with another award-winning case involving the Korean car maker, Hyundai, which broke into the consideration set of United States car buyers during the global financial crisis.

Elections represent group contestations over political power. The rise of Latino candidates for public office and campaigns that emphasize anti-Latino immigration appeals have created an environment where animus toward Latinos is a dominant consideration in the minds of many White Americans. This chapter shows the pervasiveness of White animus toward Latinos across a range of federal and state elections, including its role in the election of Donald J. Trump as president in 2016. It then shows that candidates are often motivated to take a “hard-line” stance on issues like immigration when their constituents harbor resentment toward Latinos.