This chapter focuses on a dramatic two-pronged episode of activism at the Monson Motor Lodge on June 18, 1964.

The first involves a group of 17 Reform rabbis who flew to St. Augustine at the request of Martin Luther King the night before. After participating in a night march, they awaken the next day and go to the Monson, where they pray in the parking lot. The agitated Monson manager James Brock begins pushing them toward police cars, where they become part of the largest mass arrest of rabbis to that point in U.S. history.

The rabbis distract Brock from the second action when an integrated group of swimmers jump into the hotel pool. Brock races over and tries to chase the swimmers out by pouring muriatic acid in the water, a picture published in newspapers around the world.

That night in the St. Johns County Jail, the rabbis write a powerful letter of witness, entitled “Why We Went.”

The episode at the Monson is witnessed by Irv Cheney, who stopped in St. Augustine on his way north for a family trip. The next night in Washington, D.C., he witnesses the vote where the Civil Rights Act is passed. Down in St. Augustine, Martin Luther King flashes a “V” for victory sign.

This chapter, a standalone for the seventh and final part, covers the period from June 21, 1964, through July 4.

It begins by describing the beginning of “Freedom Summer” in Mississippi on June 21, the disappearance and, as we later learn, murder of three civil rights workers. This episode becomes the primary focus of the civil rights media as St. Augustine exits the center stage.

But the drama in Florida continues. There is escalating violence in clashes that take place at St. Augustine Beach by day and in the Slave Market by night. Governor Farris Bryant moves to ban the night marches. Martin Luther King looks for an exit from a city where he has been hounded. Malcolm X sends him a telegram, pledging the support of “self defense units.” King meets with John Herbers for an interview about nonviolence on July 1. He then travels to Washington to witness President Johnson signing the Civil Rights Act into law. On July 4, the Klan again marches in St. Augustine.

Set in St. Augustine in late May, 1964, this chapter focuses on where Martin Luther King, Jr. can stay in the city. Despite his considerable celebrity, King is unable to stay in any of the “white” hotels in the city—underscoring the critical importance of the Public Accommodations section of the Civil Rights Act, presently held up by a filibuster in the Senate. Facing legitimate threats on his life, King is forced to move from house to house for his own protection. Lincolnville residents like Cora Tyson and Janie Jones offer their homes. King is also offered the use of a beach cottage on Anastasia Island owned by the Canright family. The cottage’s location is given away on Page 1 of the St. Augustine Record. That night there is violence downtown as protesters march to the Slave Market. And late that evening, the beach cottage is shot up—though King had already left to give speeches in California. Apprised of the violence, King wires President Johnson for help, saying, “all semblance of law and order has broken down.”

In the United States, the legal environment for selection is a central issue that plays a large role in the practice of industrial, work, and organizational psychology. Concern for adverse impact, bias, and fairness goes hand in hand with concern for reliability and validity in the design of any professionally developed selection system. The United States is racially and ethnically diverse (roughly 59 percent White, 19 percent Hispanic/Latino, 13 percent Black/African American, 6 percent Asian American, and 1 percent Native Americans/Alaskans Natives). Federal legislation specifies seven protected classes: race, color, religion, sex, national origin, age, and disability. Most of the discussion of bias and fairness in the selection field focuses on race and sex. Legislation, court rulings, government guidance, and professional standards offer a complex framework for the consideration of issues of bias and fairness, an overview of which is provided in this chapter.

This chapter argues that the Fourteenth Amendment deployed the antebellum legal language described in the first three chapters to solve the historical problems described in Chapter 4. It describes the reconstruction legislation of the Thirty-Ninth Congress – the Civil Rights Act of 1866, the Privileges and Immunities Bill of 1866, and the Freedmen's Bureau Act of 1866 – and shows how the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment sought to constitutionalize these pieces of legislation that would have solved the known historical problems of the times.