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This article introduces the MigFund dataset, a comprehensive resource that traces the European Union’s financial commitments to migration and asylum from 2000 to 2023. Developed in response to long-standing calls to ‘follow the money’ in EU migration governance, the dataset records over 1,700 funding measures across internal and external programmes, disaggregated by sub-policy area, target group, geographic scope, and degree of restrictiveness. Drawing on the literature on policy tools, the article conceptualises EU funding as an expression of institutional preferences, bureaucratic negotiation and strategic framing, shaping and shaped by evolving policy priorities. A key contribution of the dataset is its coding of each measure along a restrictive-to-open continuum, enabling researchers to assess how EU financial tools promote either mobility and protection or containment and control. The article details the dataset’s structure and coding logic and presents key descriptive findings on the evolution of EU funding, showing a steady expansion of resources and increasing complexity in the programming landscape. Through this empirical lens, the article invites a reconsideration of financial instruments as autonomous policy tools, capable of reinforcing, offsetting or reconfiguring broader migration policy logics. MigFund thus provides a basis for macro- and meso-level analyses of funds in EU studies, migration studies and public policy more broadly.
Chapter 5 examines the creation and evolution of Mexico’s Seguro Popular, a health reform implemented in 2003 to expand insurance coverage for the uninsured. Despite the existence of institutionalized political parties, the legislation was driven mainly by technocrats rather than by programmatic party commitment. The National Action Party (Partido Acción Nacional, PAN), in power at the time, endorsed the reform but did not participate in shaping its content because it did not align with its core values. The Health Secretary and the Seguro Popular technocratic team introduced the initiative, lobbied for support, and were in charge of key decisions. The reform was passed in Congress, largely because it promised increased resources to state governments, rather than due to ideological consensus. Its implementation met with significant challenges. Coverage increased, but funding and infrastructure lagged, limiting access to services. Political parties failed to ensure sustainable funding and robust oversight. The reform ultimately struggled with insufficient programmatic commitment from PAN, PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional; Institutional Revolutionary Party), and PRD (Partido de la Revolución Democrática; Party of the Democratic Revolution), which undermined the quality of the legislation and its long-term success. Seguro Popular was replaced in 2020, and its end reflected both partisan competition and the original lack of cross-party support and detailed policy design.
Chapter 3 presents a comparative analysis of the healthcare reforms in Chile, Mexico, and Peru during the 2000s. It focuses on whether political parties or technocrats shaped the legislative and implementation process. The core argument is that reforms closely aligned with political parties’ core values (programmatic commitment) resulted in higher-quality policy, better funding, and more effective, sustainable access to healthcare. Chile’s AUGE (Acceso Universal con Garantías Explícitas; Universal Access with Explicit Guarantees) reform exemplifies a programmatic path: parties were directly engaged in agenda-setting, debate, and implementation, leading to policy endurance and real improvements in coverage, funding, and infrastructure. In contrast, Mexico’s Seguro Popular (Popular Insurance) and Peru’s AUS (Aseguramiento Universal en Salud; Universal Health Insurance) followed a technocratic path, with disengaged parties and reforms dominated by technocrats. These reforms achieved expanded formal coverage but suffered from unstable funding, inadequate infrastructure, and an inability to deliver on the promise of effective access. The study finds that other factors – such as economic growth, state capacity, clientelism, or federalism – do not, by themselves, explain the variation in reform quality. Only genuine party commitment to the reform’s core values ensured its success and longevity. The chapter underscores the importance of aligning party values with social policy to achieve meaningful, lasting reform outcomes in Latin America.
This chapter examines and illuminates the ways in which commissioning provisions and processes have contributed to the support, incubation, supply and production of new symphonies in Britain and Ireland since 1900. It takes the interrelationships between selected public and private funders, composers, conductors and orchestras (located in Birmingham, Dublin and Belfast) as its lens. Following a discussion of broader infrastructural contexts, the focus narrows onto three case studies each of which considers a specific commissioning ecosystem through which new symphonies found a platform: (1) The John Feeney Charitable Trust in relation to the period 1957–71; (2) Ireland’s public broadcaster, Raidió Teilifís Éireann and its RTÉ [National] Symphony Orchestra in the 1980s and 1990s; and (3) Piers Hellawell’s (b. 1956) Symphonies in Chains (2019), commissioned for the Ulster Orchestra by New Horizons Music/Arts Council of Northern Ireland.
Since the late twentieth century, institutional autonomy has become a major issue in the relationship between the government and higher education institutions, with autonomy being presented as a virtuous option that satisfied both government’s regulatory aims and institutional capacities to develop in an increasingly dynamic and complex sector. Due to concerns about the effectiveness of higher education, the development of autonomy was increasingly linked to a market-like logic, with a growing emphasis on competition and efficiency. Thus, what was initially regarded as a path to emancipation of institutions from government’s influence became a mode of relationship that could curtail previous dimensions of autonomy. One of the major regulatory dimensions that helps understand the reversals and nuances of institutional autonomy is funding. Like other regulatory dimensions, recent decades have seen the emergence of new forms of funding that have influenced institutional governance and management. In this text, we analyse these trends in European higher education by mapping changes in governments’ approaches to the sector, specifically the evolution of funding mechanisms and how these highlight a shift in the pendulum between degrees of autonomy and modes of government’s influence in institutions.
Based on the past year’s traffic stats to the Humanities Indicators web site, the submitted article takes a question-based approach to answer what Americans seem most interested in learning about the humanities. Using infographics and short summary paragraphs, the report walks through key data points about the current state of the humanities using the most recent available data from the federal government or surveys conducted by the project.
A description is given of the academic career and how it fosters the ‘competent researchers’ who can influence the search for a consensus. Problems with unequal opportunities to reach such positions are mentioned, as well as the role of scientific institutions and the ‘invisible college’ of connected researchers at different institutions. The concept of academic freedom is introduced and defended. A description and discussion are given of funding opportunities, grant applications and associated problems such as directed calls limiting academic freedom and curiosity-driven research. Various ethical concerns in science are introduced, along with a discussion of how they relate to the web of trust. The role of science in society is discussed, along with problems associated with ‘following the science’ given how science actually works, and how scientists can still make scientific results more accessible and actionable for decision-makers.
This paper examines, from a management accounting perspective, the efficacy of the dominant ‘restricted’ funding structure in the international development NGO sector in terms of overall sector effectiveness, and whether it is the most appropriate means of funding NGOs. The objective is to encourage theoretical debate around the tensions highlighted between external accountability for funding and overall value-for-money delivered by individual development NGOs and the wider international development sector. From unique access to three internationally recognised major NGOs, our case studies reveal management accounting as broadly homogenous, with some nuanced distinctions both within and between the cases; but the scope of management accounting emerges as relatively limited. This is despite the NGOs utilising complex accounting software, employing qualified accounting staff, and having a large annual income. Using the broad principles of systems theory to frame our approach, this paper suggests that due to the ‘restricted’ nature of funding awarded to NGOs by institutional donors, accounting is dominated by external accountability reporting to the detriment of management accounting. These relatively novel data on management accounting practices at international development NGOs help illustrate how, potentially, NGOs are missing opportunities to utilise, or even improve, value-for-money in terms of how various program themes, geographic areas or time periods are delivering better or worse discernible impact for the money spent.
The paper analyzes the impact of economic crises on organized civil society. A number of empirical studies have shown that a financial crisis can inflict a serious damage on the nonprofit sector—mainly through a sharp decline in revenues. However, the Greek case shows that a crisis can also have some positive effects on NGOs: many nonprofits introduced reforms that increased efficiency, the number of volunteers reached record levels, and there was a spectacular rise in funding by private philanthropic foundations. However, Greek NGOs continue to be dependent on external funding, unable to raise large sums from their members and the wider public. Organized Greek civil society continues to be turned upside down: dependency on EU and state funds is being replaced by dependency on private foundations.
As part of a social change agenda, nonprofit organisations engage in activities that contribute to debate and influence the development of public policy. This article presents the initial findings from a study investigating whether nonprofit organisations do participate in advocacy activities and if they do, how are they advocating and engaging in public debate without risking their current and future sources of funding. The key findings from the research have identified that the extent of advocacy by the nonprofit organisations studied has not diminished. A model, built on the findings from the literature on how nonprofit organisations approach advocacy, is applied to explain the advocacy activities by the case study organisations. These nonprofit organisations are identifying what they see to be the appropriate advocacy strategies to fit their organisational objectives, policies, funding sources and resources.
In the 1970s, the voluntary sector acted as a key space for advocacy and support for communities that were marginalised from statutory provision. This paper explores how East London voluntary sector organisations addressed the needs of new migrant communities in this period. Drawing on data from six case study organisations, this historical study explores the dual role these organisations played in advocating for these communities and providing needed services. The findings show that in the 1970s through the 1990s advocacy and service delivery functions were closely linked rather than service delivery crowding out advocacy as has been the trend in recent decades. The findings also emphasise the importance of the creation of trusted relationships between the organisations and the communities they served.
This article is concerned primarily with the relationship between academic ideas and the ‘real world’ of politics. Disciplinary histories often assume a one-way influence of ideas, that of the academy into political practice. This article reverses that relationship and explores the way in which real-world ideas about politics have the potential to influence the way in which the academy develops, and the kind of responses it might offer. The primary focus is upon England and the marketisation of higher education; it asks are we burning all our books? This article also raises broader questions about the relationship between academia and that which it observes, with specific reference to political science.
This study seeks to go beyond the current dichotomous evaluation of the effects of foreign financial patronage (and particularly European funds) in the post-communist civil society. A longitudinal claim-making and micro-frame analysis (1992–2012) of Czech Romani/pro-Romani activists shows that with the influx of European funds there was no significant change in NGOs action repertoire toward protest and contentious collective action as some proponents of the channeling thesis assume. On the other hand, the funding did not bring about the (often mentioned) co-optation and de-mobilization either. Particularly, Romani NGOs did not use protest tactics even before the arrival of foreign patronage, while other types of actors—especially in the informal, grassroots segment of civil society—protested both before and after this funding appeared. Nevertheless, what changed with the arrival of European funds was the discursive repertoire of the Romani and pro-Romani activists. The study concludes that the impacts of European funding also vary according to different civil society sectors and the picture of the impact of funding on post-communist society, in this case in the Czech Republic, is more diversified than previously assumed.
This article discusses some potentially harmful consequences of the Big Society agenda for small voluntary organisations, using a theoretical framework suggested by the later work of Pierre Bourdieu. I explore the way in which a voluntary self-help group for people with heart disease evolved, as a result of the pursuit of external funding. This paper focuses on the rapid rise of specific kinds of leaders—members with a professional background, relevant skills and an orientation to the group that enabled them to pursue funding opportunities and to gain increasing control despite the opposition of the long-standing volunteers and the founders of the group. I conclude that government policy to enhance the role of the voluntary sector in the delivery of welfare services may encourage certain kinds of leaders to become powerful in small voluntary organisations. This may adversely affect their organisational structure and lead members to feel dispossessed.
This article argues that European doctoral programmes in political science should have three main aspirations. First, students must master the cutting edge research literature, and thus should get the high-level training that they need in both theory and methodology. Second, programmes should expose students to multidisciplinary influences and strong skills of critical analysis, so that they may see further than the current generation. Finally, in order to reproduce the profession, students must be taught to become excellent teachers.
This paper examines some of the key challenges critical terrorism studies will have to face. Starting from the premise that a critical turn must both challenge traditional approaches to ‘terrorism’ and provide an umbrella under which traditional and critical perspectives from ‘terrorism studies’ and cognate fields can converge, the article reflects on the tensions this will introduce, ranging from how to define the boundaries of a critical field and whether to adopt the term ‘terrorism’ as a field delineator, to the need for policy-relevance and the tensions this introduces between striving to influence policy and avoiding co-optation. The paper ends with a reflection on the challenge of being sensitive to cultural and contextual differences while remaining true to one's emancipatory agenda.
This study analyzes the strategies displayed by non-governmental organizations in the social services sector to face the resource dependence on public administration in Southern Spain. We focus on the reorganization of the public subsidies system in Spain and its specific impact on the entities registered in Andalusia. In 2017, the Autonomous Communities assumed the management of a proportion of the subsidies with a charge to the Personal Income Tax for “social purposes,” which was previously managed by the General State Administration in its entirety. The case study combines the description of (a) the process of transferring the management of a line of subsidies from the state to the regional level, (b) the strategies of non-governmental organizations to face the context of instability and financial uncertainty, and (c) the impact of the regulatory bases of grant calls on programs implementation. First, the database with all the applications submitted in the calls of 2017 and 2018 is analyzed (n = 11,610 applications). Second, we describe the perception of the change in the management system, from the point of view of the third-sector social services entities. The combination of both strategies allows us to examine in detail the response of social service organizations to ensure the continuity of the budget and the continuity of services. The results show that the change in the management system gave rise to a wide debate among non-governmental social services organizations about the calls for grants managed by the regional government. However, the qualitative case study showed that the reaction of the entities has more to do with the needs of adaptation to an unstable, uncertain, and highly competitive financial environment, than with specific characteristics of grant calls.
This paper studies how foundations and businesses decide which environmental NGOs to fund. Since not all funding requests can be satisfied, donors have to evaluate applicants and select just a few. We argue that their selection is based on the evaluation of the applicant ENGO’s various aspects of “legitimacy” (Suchman, Acad Manage Rev, 20(3): 571–610, 1995). We test this claim by using data from 14 in-depth interviews with representatives of Greek foundations and businesses (banks and phone companies) which have funded flagship ENGOs over the period 2008–2010. We find that “moral legitimacy”, which taps on the normative evaluation of an organization by its audience, is the most important for all donors. On the other hand, “pragmatic legitimacy”, which rests on the donor’s self-interest calculations, was found to be more relevant for businesses than for foundations.
In an age where change accelerates at an exponential pace, the world is grappling with a unique and volatile set of challenges. Mohamed El-Erian, the foreword author of our first publication (Reimagining Philanthropy in the Global South: From Analysis to Action in a Post-COVID World), uses the term “permacrisis” to describe the compounding issues of climate change, geopolitical instability, and technological disruption that now dominate the global landscape. These crises have revealed the fragility of systems once deemed resilient, highlighting the urgent need for transformative financing approaches to support sustainable development and achieve lasting systemic change in an ever-evolving world. This book explores the promise of catalytic capital and the emerging dynamics of development finance in this new global landscape.
A perceived barrier to effective treatment of pediatric-onset multiple sclerosis (POMS) is access to disease-modifying therapies (DMTs). An online Canada-wide survey of POMS DMT prescribers was used to identify patterns in, and barriers to, DMT access. Nineteen prescribers provided responses. Overall, DMT access via private versus government drug plans was variable. First-generation (e.g., beta-interferon) DMTs were more accessible via government plans versus second-generation DMTs (e.g., ocrelizumab). Most DMTs were available through private insurance plans. B-cell depleting therapies were the most difficult to access. Variability in DMT access for POMS raises concerns about health equity and care optimization.