The World Health Organization (WHO) has set global goals to eliminate AIDS and viral hepatitis as public health threats. To better target testing, intelligence on missed opportunities for early diagnosis is needed. We determined hospital and emergency department (ED) attendance before late diagnosis of blood-borne viruses (BBVs) in Scotland 5 years to 2 months prior to diagnosis. Late diagnoses were defined as: CD4 count <350 cells/cmm within 90 days of HIV diagnosis; presentation/death from cirrhosis or hepatocellular carcinoma within 1 year of hepatitis C (HCV)/hepatitis B (HBV) diagnosis. Associations were assessed using logistic regression. Among 543 people diagnosed with HIV 37% were late and 2% of people diagnosed with HCV (4,379) and HBV (1,608) were late. Among late diagnoses: 44.1% of HIV, 60.6% of HCV, and 50% of HBV cases previously attended ED and 27.0% of HIV, 46.5% of HCV, and >30% of HBV cases were previously admitted to hospital. The majority were admitted to hospital or attended ED multiple times. Among people newly diagnosed with HIV, those diagnosed late were more likely to have previously attended ED (aOR: 1.41, CI: 0.99–2.02). Further effort is warranted to address the frequent missed opportunities for earlier BBV diagnosis in secondary care.

HIV/AIDS posed a significant health threat in Denmark from the early 1980s until the end of the 1990s, claiming approximately 2,000 lives. Gay men, hemophiliacs, drug users, sex workers and migrants were overwhelmingly among the victims of the disease. They also constituted the groups most associated with it. This led to a raised level of public attention to these groups; a heightened visibility that ambiguously resulted both in improving the life conditions of some while also increasing the stigma of others. This article analyses the roles of different cross-sector actors in shaping the responses to HIV/AIDS in Denmark, with each group influencing and being influenced by the epidemic. Yet despite the clear connection between HIV/AIDS and the minoritized, often marginalized, groups, the article argues that the overarching and dominant response objective during the crisis in Denmark was to prevent a heterosexual epidemic. Throughout the crisis, other responses, aims and objectives concerning the groups most affected by HIV/AIDS could be, and did become, contingent with this dominant objective. The strengths and positions of those subresponses depended on, however, the perceptions of them as logical and tangible means to the primary end of preventing the heterosexual epidemic. Pulling together different and changing responses from different and changing actors serves to crystallize what objectives or logics are the mutual ones, and the significance of this analysis is that what appeared to be a very heterogeneous set of responses to the disease in Denmark, was in fact rooted in the same objective. Notably, the perceived pertinence of preventing the heterosexual epidemic was not rooted in actual rates of infection or spread of the disease.

This paper locates NGOs dealing with HIV/AIDS problems in sub-Saharan Africa into the larger governance context within which they function. This aims at a theoretical shift to assess the aspirational characteristics for the agency of NGOs that are used to legitimate contracting out implementation of internationally designed HIV/AIDS policies to these organizations. The paper interrogates the nature and impact of the governance structure on NGOs and then looks at the implications of this for HIV/AIDS. The questioning is based on a juxtaposition of the perspective of international policy fora in relation to civil society organizations with the way NGO work is perceived by the people at the receiving end of the policies. The paper suggests that as part of the international governance structure, NGOs are limited within the policy frameworks created by this structure. Furthermore, due to their organizational characteristics, NGOs lack capacity to establish sustainable long-term interventions relevant for sociocultural change as perceived by people themselves.

This article reflects on the importance of the relations between state and society in policy-making in the area of public health. Several studies in various sectors such as health, education, and social services have made similar observations on organizational dynamics and the institutionalization of different models of partnerships or contracts, often based on the analytical model of three sectors. Individuals and their networks of relationships, however, remain an almost unexplored dimension in these types of research. Against this backdrop, this study seeks to analyze the movement of HIV/AIDS activists to governmental organizations working in this same field. The analysis raises questions concerning the forms of individual and institutional learning that help to maintain the distinct character of innovation of the Brazilian policy. Professionals who cross the borders hold a different profile once they have accumulated experience working with grassroots and local NGOs, and have also had the chance to be trained and enhance their technical and managerial capacities, since the government has supported NGOs for a long period. When combined, these experiences allow them to maintain relationships with social movements and give them the ability to navigate through the government bureaucracy and handle technical information about fighting AIDS epidemics, making it possible for them to negotiate strategic collaborations reflecting the interests of different groups. Hence, they constantly reflect on the differences between government and social spaces, and keep questioning and modifying their roles in the light of potential and existing complementarities.

In this study, I attempt to integrate the theories of collective action and social movements in an analysis of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in China. Using panel data of AIDS NGOs from 1994 to 2008, I analyse the factors that influence the rise and development of AIDS NGOs, including changes in political opportunity, funding and organisational ecology. The results show that political opportunity, increased funding and organisational ecology have positive effects on the growth of AIDS NGOs. However, the growth trajectories of grassroots NGOs, government-organised NGOs (GONGOs) and international NGOs are found to be affected by different factors. The implications of the findings are also discussed in relation to the future growth of NGOs in China.

In this paper the notion of an embedded system is developed as an analytic model to examine how state-nonprofit relations develop and become differentiated, using the case of HIV/AIDS nonprofit organizations. Drawing on extensive fieldwork among three prominent HIV/AIDS nonprofit organizations in New York City, this paper shows how the kinds of relationships these nonprofit organizations are likely to form with state agencies are based on their embeddedness in the state-nonprofit system of relations. Three forms of embeddedness are distinguished according to the type and regularity of state-nonprofit contact—direct, outsider, and mediating. Importantly, it is shown how the configuration of relations within which an organization is embedded determines many of the organization’s constraints and opportunities.

The relationship between HIV/AIDS and gay activism has been primarily informed by the American experience and understudied in nondemocratic contexts. Drawing upon qualitative research on China and Singapore, we refine understanding of HIV/AIDS’ influence on the development of gay activism under authoritarian conditions, by examining the processes through which activist organizations interact with laws and regulations, political norms, HIV/AIDS funding, and government responses to both HIV/AIDS and collective organizing. We show how HIV/AIDS’ influence plays out in multiple patterns, depending on the strategic responses that gay activists select from a constrained range of options to shape their organizations’ destinies. Therefore, we provide insights for development agencies and international donors into whether and how international assistance intended to encourage activism and wider social change are mediated by political and legal controls on local activism.

International donors frequently seek to transition local NGOs to national government funding during aid reduction. The outcomes of this transition vary widely between contexts. Scholarship on aid reduction has yet to explain this variation, and some donor policies for facilitating transition lack a firm basis in research. In this article, we use NGO–government relations theory to analyze case study data from the HIV/AIDS sector in Thailand. We find that NGO–government relations theory provides a convincing explanation for the outcomes of the sector’s transition. The theory indicates that for transition to be successful, the NGO–government relationship must shift from a supplementary one, marked by outside funding for NGOs, guarded attitudes, and more restrictive government oversight, to a complementary relationship marked by government funding, collaborative attitudes, and regulations that facilitate NGO activities. This shift in Thailand has been largely successful but is incomplete. The findings suggest that donors should pay attention to the underlying attitudes of NGOs and government, in addition to laws and bureaucratic procedures. The research identifies several current donor programs with the potential to facilitate attitude change and one that may be counterproductive.

Children, adolescents, and young people living with HIV (CALWHIV), including those in resource-limited settings, may be at increased risk of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) infection, poorer coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outcomes, and multisystem inflammatory syndrome (MIS). We conducted a repeat SARS-CoV-2 seroprevalence survey among CALWHIV in Europe (n = 493) and South Africa (SA, n = 307), and HIV-negative adolescents in SA (n = 100), in 2020–2022. Blood samples were tested for SARS-CoV-2 antibody, questionnaires collected data on SARS-CoV-2 risk factors and vaccination status, and clinical data were extracted from health records. SARS-CoV-2 seroprevalence (95% CI) was 55% (50%–59%) in CALWHIV in Europe, 67% (61%–72%) in CALWHIV in SA, and 85% (77%–92%) among HIV-negative participants in SA. Among those unvaccinated at time of sampling (n = 769, 85%), seroprevalence was 40% (35%–45%), 64% (58%–70%), and 81% (71%–89%), respectively. Few participants (11% overall) had a known history of SARS-CoV-2-positive PCR or self-reported COVID-19. Three CALWHIV were hospitalized, two with COVID-19 (nonsevere disease) and one young adult with MIS. Although SARS-CoV-2 seroprevalence was high across all settings, even in unvaccinated participants, it was broadly comparable to general population estimates, and most infections were mild/asymptomatic. Results support policy decisions excluding CALWHIV without severe immunosuppression from high-risk groups for COVID-19.

Understanding the link between HIV/AIDS knowledge and child marriage is important for designing and planning effective intervention programmes. Despite significant advances in HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, it remains important to study the impact of child marriage on HIV/AIDS knowledge because HIV/AIDS continues to affect millions globally. This study investigated the association of child marriage with scores on an index measuring comprehensive knowledge about HIV/AIDS transmission and prevention. Analysis was conducted on a sample of women aged 18–24 years, using nationally representative DHS household surveys from 18 countries. Findings indicate that there is no direct statistically significant effect of child marriage on women’s comprehensive knowledge about HIV/AIDS once controls for other factors affecting knowledge are included in the regression. However, the coefficients for educational attainment are statistically significant in most countries, at least when secondary or higher education is considered. This suggests that child marriage may affect knowledge about HIV/AIDS indirectly through its impact on educational attainment for girls who marry early.