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Calls for international administrations are still present in contemporary international relations, from the war in the Middle East to the Ukraine. This chapter summarises the main argument developed in the book, notably the necessity to apprehend international administrations through the reality on the ground. This means to pay special attention to the confluence of claims of political authority deployed by international officials and concomitant claims of accountability such practices of authority elicit. Finally, I discuss the various possibilities to strengthen accountability mechanisms for the UN (and for other international organisation).
When engaging in interpretation, Human Rights Bodies (HRBs) may follow specific methods of treaty interpretation – including those derived from Articles 31–31 VCLT – or not. Moreover, the interpretative pronouncements of HRBs may themselves be considered authoritative pronouncements for the purpose of subsequent interpretation of human rights treaties or other sources of human rights law, frequently under the framework of ’pronouncements of expert bodies’. Such pronouncements may then be considered by interpreters as examples of either subsequent practice in the interpretation of treaties within the meaning of Articles 31-32 VCLT, or as ‘subsidiary means’ for the determination of rules of international law in the sense of Article 38 ICJ Statute. In light of this, and given expertise and volume of interpretative pronouncements of HRBs they need to be taken seriously when it comes to the determination of content of human rights rules. However, at present it is not yet clear whether these pronouncements can be relied on as means of interpretation via the formal avenues available in international law.
This article examines the unregulated practice of egg donation in Nigeria through the lens of international human rights law. Drawing on real-life testimonies, particularly the case of a 20-year-old student whose experience with a fertility clinic resulted in medical trauma and emotional distress, I expose systemic abuses rooted in legal silence. While international and regional human rights instruments impose obligations on states to protect bodily autonomy, prevent exploitation and ensure informed consent, Nigeria lacks a legal framework that addresses the complexities of assisted reproductive technologies. Legislative attempts to regulate egg donation have repeatedly stalled, leaving young, economically vulnerable women exposed to coercion, health risks and uncompensated labour. The article argues that the Nigerian state’s failure to regulate fertility clinics and to protect egg donors constitutes a violation of both domestic constitutional rights and international legal obligations; it calls for urgent legislative reform grounded in reproductive justice and accountability.
In 2011, the Waitangi Tribunal, a permanent commission of inquiry into Crown breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi, recommended reforms to Aotearoa New Zealand’s intellectual property law to recognize Māori authority over mātauranga Māori (Māori knowledge) and taonga (culturally valuable objects). This article uses the case of the haka Ka Mate to argue that the Government’s failure to respond adequately means that Aotearoa New Zealand’s intellectual property system still fails to protect mātauranga Māori and taonga sufficiently. It highlights the limitations of existing statutory mechanisms and the delays in the Māori-Crown work program to respond to the Waitangi Tribunal. The article endorses the Taonga Record Framework, a tikanga Māori-based (Māori customary law) sui generis model, as a culturally grounded and legally viable means of safeguarding taonga and kaitiaki (guardian) relationships. It assesses its potential to support tino rangatiratanga and provide a basis for future law and policy reform.
Over the last half century, there have been developments within European human rights law which have afforded protection to those undergoing gender reassignment. This chapter traces this development, centred around what the law referred to as ‘transsexualism’, understood in distinctly medical terms. The first major development came with the expansion of sex-based discrimination protections to also protect those who were proposing to undergo, who were undergoing or who have undergone medical procedures related to gender reassignment. This expansion of anti-discrimination protections relied on comparators of the same biological sex not undergoing reassignment, rather than altering the core meaning of sex in domestic law. Eventually, however, human rights law developed to protect a right to gender recognition in the landmark case of Goodwin, where the European Court of Human Rights held that denial of legal gender recognition from post-operative transsexuals violated their right to private life. Parliament responded by enacting the Gender Recognition Act 2004, providing a mechanism to change one’s legal sex but also setting clear limits on the scope and extent of that change, including where it would conflict with the purposes of other legislation.
Over the last century, UK law has moved from endorsing, and in some cases mandating, unjust sex discrimination to a robust framework of distinct protections for women and girls. At the same time, our law has extended anti-discrimination protections to people who undergo gender reassignment, culminating in a system where individuals can change their legally recognised sex for some purposes. Sometimes the interests of these two groups conflict, most notably where the law must differentiate based on biological sex in contexts where those with transgender identities wish to be classed by reference to gender identity instead. For a time, there was uncertainty over the precise interaction between these competing interests within equality law. In 2025 this was resolved in a landmark case brought by the feminist organisation For Women Scotland. This book traces the history of how sex changed within our law and what that means for ongoing controversies over single-sex spaces, freedom of belief, freedom of expression, privacy, sport, and sexual intimacy.
This chapter traces the ECtHR’s growing authority and legitimacy in the post-1990 era to explain how it emerged as a new legal venue for workers marginalized by domestic neoliberal restructuring. Based on original data compiled in StrasLab, a comprehensive database of ECtHR labor cases, the chapter offers a systematic account of how labor rights claims have gained ground within the Court’s evolving jurisprudence. It analyzes how the Court’s interpretation of key Convention provisions gradually expanded to cover a wide range of issues, including dismissals, wage cuts, surveillance, discrimination, forced labor, workers’ health and safety, and trade union rights. Zooming in on trade union rights, the chapter identifies three temporal shifts in the Court’s jurisprudence. During the initial period, the ECtHR largely adhered to a narrow reading of labor rights and rejected most claims. This was followed by the golden years for trade unions at the ECtHR, when the Court significantly expanded protections under Article 11 and issued groundbreaking rulings advancing trade union rights. In recent years, however, mounting political backlash has led to a more cautious posture: while the Court has refrained from rolling back existing protections, it has hesitated to extend them further.
Chapter 2 begins by addressing some vital preliminary legal issues, including the status of armed groups as international legal persons and the binding force of international law on such actors. The chapter argues that the concept of international legal personhood is best understood as a descriptive term rather than a prerequisite for entities to incur international legal obligations. It further explains that IHL, international human rights law (IHRL) and international criminal law (ICL) contain relevant obligations governing the conduct of trials and passing of penal sentences during NIAC. It demonstrates that whereas the direct application of IHL to armed groups as distinct collective entities is today widely accepted, the direct application of IHRL – despite strong normative arguments in favour – remains disputed and underdeveloped. Finally, this chapter aims to define entities referred to as ‘armed groups’, and clarifies who exactly is bound by the obligations applicable to them.
Chapter 4 builds on the findings of Chapter 3 by analysing the remaining requirements for the passing of penal sentences, including institutional requirements such as independence and impartiality, as well as more specific due process guarantees prescribed by CA 3, AP II and customary law. The chapter argues that despite the contested direct application of IHRL to non-state actors, IHL incorporates customary human rights law principles and standards of due process developed for states and indirectly provides for their application to armed groups. It explains that while these standards might not have the same potential to ‘outlaw’ armed group trials as the requirement of a ‘regularly constituted’ court, they are nevertheless difficult to meet by non-state actors in practice. This conclusion notwithstanding, the chapter also argues that proposals to downgrade the fair trial standards expected from armed groups should be rejected, as they might equally water down fair trial guarantees expected from states and undermine the principle of belligerent equality.
This chapter nuances the widespread view that human rights became the world’s global morality in the post–Cold War era. Investigating examples from international human rights law and intellectual history, it demonstrates that economic and social human rights did not come to enjoy the same status as civil and political rights. The mid-1970s to the 1980s was a period of frustration for economic and social human rights. Within a few years, hopes for a more egalitarian international world order with international obligations to promote economic and social human rights were shattered. Major factors were the dynamics of postcolonialism, the global Cold War and state power logics, and neoliberalism. Partly as a testimony to this, intellectuals such as Amartya Sen were concerned with basic rights. The post–Global Cold War period was marked by a premature sentiment of human rights triumphalism, though there were important efforts to strengthen economic and social human rights. As witnessed from the backlashes against these rights in the twenty-first century, their wider legitimacy and influence has remained much weaker than their advocates have hoped for.
This chapter analyzes the development of discourses on human rights and on inequality from 1962 until 1974 through the lens of Manouchehr Ganji, an Iranian human rights scholar and UN Special Rapporteur. Where other scholars have examined Ganji’s report The Widening Gap from 1973 with a key focus upon its impact within the UN, this chapter contextualizes the report in three novel ways, bringing in his 1962 doctoral dissertation not previously studied in the research literature; connecting it to how inequality became a major theme in the late 1960s and early 1970s broadly across development discourse, and to how human rights increasingly were deployed to denounce inequality; and, finally, by discussing these developments with regard to recent discussions of the historical relationships between human rights, inequality, and neoliberalism. Crucially, beyond the singularity of the one individual studied most in this chapter stands a much more general and pertinent point: The human rights project in 1973 was an ambitious anti-inequality project. It was a structural approach to human rights, aiming at undoing deeper within- and between-nation inequalities.
Accessible and engaging, The Politics of Human Rights offers a fresh, empirical approach to understanding human dignity and the global responsibility to protect it. Unlike traditional texts, this textbook moves beyond theory, using data-driven insights to explore why human rights violations occur and how they can be prevented. It emphasizes shared responsibility across borders to uphold human rights. Designed for students and educators, this fully updated edition enhances learning with discussion questions, recommended readings, and a unique collection of films, podcasts, and websites that bring human rights issues to life. It provides a well-rounded perspective, grounded in latest social scientific research, for anyone interested in human rights. Whether used for introductory courses or interdisciplinary studies, this book equips readers with the knowledge and tools to critically engage with human rights issues, making it an essential resource for understanding and advocating for human dignity in the twenty-first century.
This paper assesses the effectiveness of current legal standards in resolving rights-based disputes arising from compulsory curricula in schools, an issue of growing significance as such teaching expands in the areas of sexuality, relationship and religious education. Focusing on Article 2 of Protocol 1 (P1-2) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), it critiques the current reliance on the ‘objective, critical, and pluralistic’ (OCP) standard, examining its alignment with the core purpose of P1-2: preventing state monopolisation in education through safeguarding qualified parental choice. The analysis identifies shortcomings in P1-2 case law, particularly the subjective nature of determining when teaching is OCP, the negation of parental objections and the neglect of children’s rights in the assessment process. To address these issues, the paper proposes a revised review framework which prioritises a justification test that recognises parental concerns, reduces reliance on public interest justifications and acknowledges the legitimacy of children’s rights as grounds for limiting parental objections. The paper argues that this refined approach better aligns with the article’s foundational purpose whilst fostering an enlarged space for the balanced consideration of competing interests and rights in educational controversies.
The Paris Agreement’s commitment to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 has resulted in an uptick in environmental laws and regulations. However, such state conduct could implicate other legal obligations and norms, including international investment law and international human rights law. The conversation about human rights, net-zero and investment treaties, including arbitration cases and arbitral awards under the treaties, is in its relative infancy. This article examines how investment treaties are equipped to reconcile relevant norms with a particular focus on corporate codes and policies that pronounce broad commitments to protecting human rights and the environment. It establishes certain principles to guide parties and arbitral tribunals as to the codes while recognizing the inevitable challenges they will face.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) has enriched the lives of people around the globe. However, the emergence of AI-powered lethal autonomous weapon systems (LAWS) has become a significant concern for the international community. LAWS are computer-based weapon systems capable of completing their missions, including identifying and engaging targets without direct human intervention. The use of such weapons poses significant challenges to compliance with international humanitarian and human rights law. Scholars have extensively examined LAWS in the context of humanitarian law; however, their implications for human rights warrant further discussion. Against this backdrop, this paper analyzes the human rights challenges posed by LAWS under international law. It argues that using LAWS in warfare and domestic law enforcement operations could violate human rights, such as the rights to life, human dignity, and remedy, among others. Thus, it calls for a prohibition of the use of killer robots against humans.
Amid Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, the human rights community has understandably focused its attention on human rights violations committed by the Russian state. This has, however, left the human rights implications of the martial law Ukraine has put in place for civilians largely unexamined. This essay highlights the ways Ukraine's travel restriction on “battle-aged” civilian men has harmed three overlapping groups—civilian men, the families of the men (including women and children), and trans and nonbinary individuals—and shows that the restriction runs counter to important principles in international human rights and humanitarian law. It then considers the ethical dilemmas faced by the international human rights community in addressing such harms, and the political psychology of rights advocacy that may explain the tendency to underplay this particular set of human rights issues. Nonetheless, the essay ultimately argues that advocates should hold actors—including and perhaps especially those with which they may sympathize—accountable to the human rights standards to which they have pledged.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the contours of evolving jurisprudence on offensive expression and negative messages, and to suggest that it can best be understood by reference to the concept of stigma. At the European Court of Human Rights, there appears to have been an increasing willingness to recognise the harm of offensive expression through an interpretation of Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights, but the reach of this case law remains uncertain. In particular, while some cases associate negative expression with negative stereotyping, not all of these cases do, and there are potential conflicts with freedom of speech. In the domestic context, these issues recently arose in a significant case from the Court of Appeal, R (Crowter) v Secretary of State for Health and Social Care. In this case, the appellants argued that a legal provision sends a negative ‘message’, through the negative stereotyping of disabled people, but this ‘message’ is implicit, rather than explicitly articulated. While these developments raise important questions about the future evolution of case law, we propose that a focus on stigma can more clearly highlight the harms involved.
This paper explores the way in which childhood is socially constructed in the context of child marriage regulation. Despite extreme social and cultural diversity, there is a core ideology in UN human rights instruments, around which official versions of childhood pivot. International law recommends setting the minimum age of marriage at 18years. This article problematizes the progressively depoliticizing effects of a seemingly neutral regulatory drive at the heart of the UN’s promotion of a standardized construction of childhood. The immediate purpose of this article is not to offer solutions to child marriage, but to bring together some elements that may form a basis for understanding the way in which conceptions of childhood are contextually constructed. My hope is that a familiarity with these social perceptions will help to explain the present struggle and resistance to apply universal rights constructions of childhood to non-western societies.
The relationship between scholarship and adjudication has attracted considerable attention in recent years, especially in those areas where significant academic expertise has been developed and academic scrutiny of decisions is common. Yet the role of scholars and scholarship in the context of the adjudicatory practices of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has remained palpably under-investigated. This article begins to fill this gap in the literature by carrying out the first large-scale empirical study of the use of scholarship by the ECtHR. The authors rely on a purpose-built dataset comprising all the citations made by the Grand Chamber of the Court in judgments and separate opinions appended to it. The study finds that the Court's majority uses scholarship for the purposes of reviewing facts and interpreting international and domestic law but does so rarely. The majority of the ECtHR does not use scholarship to interpret the European Convention on Human Rights or for persuasive purposes, unlike the individual Judges in their separate opinions. Indeed, individual Judges refer to scholarship more often, for more varied and arguably different purposes. This use, however, is inconsistent in terms of both frequency and the types of sources referred to.
In international human rights law, the notion of due diligence concerns a qualifier of behaviour to realize human rights protection, including the protection against non-state actor interferences. However, the question remains what due diligence obligations of states in the context of non-state actor interferences exactly entail in international human rights law. The present article aims to address this matter by comparing case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) with that of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR). Using a working model of due diligence that has been introduced in recent scholarly work, this article further explores this model and attempts to give further meaning to its two paradigms: ‘regulation’ and ‘risk management’. In that way, it maps out the relevant elements of this foundational concept that lies at the heart of human rights protection.