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This chapter explores Aquinas’s account of God’s perfection, goodness, and the problem of evil. Aquinas argues that God is perfect because he lacks all potentiality and is wholly actual, with every creaturely perfection pre-existing eminently in him. God is good, not as a member of a genus, but as the Creator whose nature grounds and causes the goodness of creatures. Goodness, Aquinas maintains, is convertible with being, while evil is privation of good – either as suffering (malum poenae) or wrongdoing (malum culpae). He denies that God directly causes evil, holding instead that evils suffered arise incidentally from the flourishing of other beings, while evils done derive from human free will. The chapter contrasts Aquinas’s approach with modern debates – such as Mackie’s logical argument from evil, Rowe’s evidential argument, and Plantinga’s free will defence—showing how Aquinas resists theodicy by emphasising God’s transcendence and the derivative character of creaturely goodness and freedom.
Thomas’s views on providence and divine causality differ considerably from the way we understand these concepts today. As mentioned in the Introduction, modern constructs of providence and divine causality render it difficult to make sense of the Christian message. In this chapter, it will be argued that given his teleological perspective Thomas construes divine causality not so much as efficient but rather as final causality. Also, when Thomas calls God a ‘universal cause’, this should not be construed in terms of omni-causality, as if God predetermines every event, be it necessarily or contingently. Another important theme is the so-called ontological dissymmetry between good and evil as privatio boni. The chapter concludes by making some observations on the connection between the arbitrariness of afflictions and the gratuitousness of charity within a providential ordering.
Broad in scope yet focused, scholarly yet written in an accessible and lucid manner, Providence, Evil and Salvation, perhaps uniquely, addresses key questions in contemporary theology from a broadly Thomist perspective: What is providence and how can it be squared with evil and suffering? What is sin? How can we construe a meaningful account of original sin in a post-Darwinian context? How does Christ address our self-inflicted alienation from God? How do we appropriate Christ's salvation through faith, hope, and love, and participation in the sacramental life? On the interface of historical and constructive-systematic theology, with a pastoral concern throughout, Rik Van Nieuwenhove offers both experts and readers who are not familiar with the thought of Thomas Aquinas a unique insight into his theology – and why it matters today, not just for scholarly debates but for how we should live our lives.
This chapter offers a close reading of Part II of Heinrich von Ofterdingen. The second part of the novel introduces the reader to a sightly later period in Heinrich’s life, after the tragic event of Mathilde’s death. Heinrich is now a wandering Pilgrim who has returned to a dream-like version of his homeland in Thuringia. He has a vision of Mathilde and their child that awakens his wish to be reunited with his beloved. Heinrich meets Cyane, who, he learns, was his sister in a previous life. Cyane then introduces Heinrich to Doctor Sylvester, and the two engage in conversation about nature, evil, virtue, and conscience.
In this book, Mikael Stenmark identifies and explores several prominent religious and secular worldviews that people in contemporary society hold. Three nonreligious worldviews are highlighted: scientism, secular humanism, and transhumanism. These are contrasted with four religious worldviews: Abrahamic theism, Buddhism, the new spirituality (the so-called 'spiritual but not religious' individuals, SBNR), and religious naturalism. Some challenges facing each of these worldviews are discussed toward the end of each chapter. The book offers a unique study of several key secular outlooks on life that go far beyond previous studies of atheism, nonreligion, and religious 'nones.' It also provides a rare insight into the beliefs, values, and attitudes that secular and religious thinkers consider essential to our identity and place in the world, as well as what we should deeply care about in life.
In this chapter I argue that God’s love and goodness make it impossible for him either to intend the evil of human death or to delegate the authority to take a human life. This concludes my argument for the absolute norm against intending death.
One: I begin with an account of Stephen Gregory’s prizewinning horror novel The Cormorant, which synthesises much of the history of representing the cormorant as evil. I then trace this tradition across time, looking closely at the origins of the Satanic cormorant in medieval and early modern European theology, art and literature, notably in paintings by Bellini, Mantegna and Carpaccio, and I address Milton’s choice in Paradise Lost to bring Satan into Eden in the form of a cormorant. I describe the long-term impact of Milton’s Satanic cormorant in literary prose from Jane Eyre to Dracula and in scientific writing from Willughby to Bewick, and finally I provide a reading of a poem by Denise Levertov in which the cormorant is characterised as an avian Nazi. In the process, I reflect on the nature of metaphor and the apparent inevitability of anthropocentrism in writing about nonhuman animals.
I introduce the cormorant and its cultural history as ‘hated’ bird, noting that the book is both the history of a bird and a book about greed and prejudice. I distinguish between the zoological cormorant and the cultural cormorant, and I describe the cormorant’s centrality to conflict between the fishing industry and environmentalists, not least in Europe, and I also address the tendency of tree-nesting cormorants to kill their nest trees with their droppings. I then turn to parts of the world (Norway, Japan, China) where cormorants have at times been viewed positively, but I finish by noting the variety of ways – often contradictory ways – in which the bird has been understood as evil and has been the object of prejudice.
This chapter begins with an interpretation of the final sections of the ‘Spirit’ chapter of the Phenomenology. Here, Hegel diagnoses the paradoxes of Kantian theodicy before going on to elaborate, in a highly allegorical idiom, how he envisages overcoming the dichotomy between divine and human standpoints that plagued his Leibnizian and Kantian predecessors. By developing the thesis that evil is a structural possibility of rational self-conscious, the culminating dialectic of ‘conscience’ posits an essential relation between human freedom and the historicity of the good; the ideal of conscience, of a unity between natural and ethical wills, is their continually coming apart. The chapter then moves away from the Phenomenology to elaborate the resulting picture of Hegelian theodicy in its own terms, drawing also on Hegel’s preface to his Philosophy of Right. Hegelian theodicy stands revealed as reconciling us to reality by fulfilling a primarily diagnostic function, resolving our theodical puzzlement by explaining its mistaken, but intelligible, origins. To bring out the specificity of this view of Hegel’s project, the chapter ends by contrasting it with two recent alternatives, Michael Rosen’s ‘right Hegelian’ and Robert Brandom’s ‘left Hegelian’ interpretations.
Analytic philosophy of religion is a vibrant area of inquiry, but it has generally focused on generic forms of theism or on Christianity. David Shatz here offers a new and fresh approach to the field in a wide-ranging and engaging introduction to the analytic philosophy of religion from the perspective of Judaism. Exploring classical Jewish texts about philosophical topics in light of the concepts and arguments at the heart of analytic philosophy, he demonstrates how each tradition illuminates the other, yielding a deeper understanding of both Jewish sources and general philosophical issues. Shatz also advances growing efforts to imagine Jewish philosophy not only as an engrossing, invaluable part of Jewish intellectual history, but also as a creative, constructive enterprise that mines the methods and literature of contemporary philosophy. His book offers new pathways to think deeply about God, evil, morality, freedom, ethics, and religious diversity, among other topics.
This chapter elucidates the ways in which “narrative can serve as a tool for the orientation of consciousness.” The dual narrative of the Confessions – nine books of personal narrative, joined by a book on memory to a cosmic narrative of creation and redemption – conveys, and is intended to convey, theological truth. In his theological work Augustine draws on, amplifies, and corrects (as he sees it) such figures as Origen (though only at second hand), Basil of Caesarea, and Ambrose to articulate his own distinctive views on knowing and willing, the condition of the fallen human will, and the source and destiny of creation. In concluding remarks that elegantly distil the unity of the Confessions, that chapter observes that “Augustine cannot give an account of his life that is not also an account of the work of God.”
Origen believed that God's providence makes good use of everything, including the actions of wicked demons, which serve to discipline sinners and test the righteous. This Element, which focuses on the disciplinary function of demons, will show that Origen's position was the synthesis and development of a long Jewish and early Christian tradition — a fact not recognized in most scholarship. Disciplinary demons were an important part of Origen's theodicy. According to him, the suffering sinners experience is not the direct action of supposed divine anger, but the wicked attack of demons that is directed (but not caused) by God. Origen's belief that even rebel demons do not escape from fulfilling the divine purpose avoids dualism. This contradicts the frequently expressed view that early Christian intellectuals (particularly Origen) overemphasized Satan's autonomy and endangered the supremacy of God.
Plotinus provided an explanation of evil which was original and philosophically challenging. While deriving everything from one source, the absolute transcendent Good, Plotinus does not trivialize the phenomenon of evil or reduce it to human moral deviation, as do other philosophical and religious approaches, but traces evil back to a metaphysical principle, matter, the source of evil in the world and in human souls. In Chapter 11 I present Plotinus’ account of evil and discuss to what extent it can be defended against a series of criticisms formulated by Plotinus’ successors, in particular by Proclus.
This chapter consists of two parts. The brief first part provides an overview of some of the main issues connected with sin that were discussed by early scholastic theologians. The second part focuses on the problem of the source of evil actions: are they 'from God' or 'from humans or the devil'?
This article examines Plutarch’s reading of Plato’s Timaeus 47e3–48a7, arguing that Plutarch interprets the passage as referring to three principles rather than two, distinguishing necessity from the wandering cause as two separate principles. The article explores the exegetical and philosophical motivations behind Plutarch’s interpretation, highlighting its originality in contrast to both earlier Platonist readings and modern scholarly interpretations.
Some philosophers and theologians argue that if God will save everyone, then earthly life is pointless. No matter how good earthly life is, heaven would be far better. So we would have been better off if God had started us off in heaven. I present and defend two objections to this argument. First, time on earth does not result in a deduction from time in heaven. Pick whatever amount of time you might wish to spend in heaven. You will spend that much time in heaven whether you are on earth first or not. Second, given origin essentialism, we could not start off in heaven rather than earth. Our very existence depends on our earthly origins.
The Origins of Scholasticism provides the first systematic account of the theological and philosophical ideas that were debated and developed by the scholars who flourished during the years immediately before and after the founding of the first official university at Paris. The period from 1150-1250 has traditionally been neglected in favor of the next century (1250-1350) which witnessed the rise of intellectual giants like Thomas Aquinas, Albert the Great, and John Duns Scotus, who famously popularized the major works of Aristotle. As this volume demonstrates, however, earlier scholastic thinkers laid the groundwork for the emergence of theology as a discipline with which such later thinkers actively engaged. Although they relied heavily on traditional theological sources, this volume highlights the extent to which they also made use of philosophy not only from the Greek but also the Arabic traditions in ways that defined the role it would play in theological contexts for generations to follow.
Because it is manifest that ‘the world’, traditionally said to be God’s good creation, is shot through with profound ‘wrongs’, the question arises about the sense in which the physical creation is good in and of itself, for its own sake. This essay first briefly argues that theological strategies attempting to ground creation’s goodness in either God’s relating to reconcile sinful humankind or in God’s relating in eschatological blessing are inadequate, and then urges that it can be adequately grounded in a doctrine of creation that shifts focus from offering a causal explanation of the existence of ‘the world’ to description of what it is to be ‘creature’, backed by an exegetical shift in how the text that traditionally warrants doctrines of creation, Genesis 1:1-2:25, is read. That shift entails acknowledgement of two theological aporias, one of which it is important to stress is theologically insoluble, while the other is soluble.
In Tusculans 1 Cicero gives a lengthy rebuttal of the thesis that death is an evil. This raises a puzzle: how can such a one-sided presentation aspire to reveal whether it is more plausible that death is or is not an evil? Invoking the Tusculans’ practical aim – the removal of emotional disturbance – does not fully satisfy, since it is unclear how effective persuasion can be if the contrary position does not receive a fair hearing. I show that as main speaker in the book Cicero warns against over-confidence in embracing positions that one wishes to be true; and I argue that as author Cicero portrays the interlocutor of Tusculans 1 as a salutary example of how not to approach the kind of questions about death with which the work engages. We are encouraged to see the interlocutor’s failure as one not of character but of inexperience in philosophical method.
This article develops two logical arguments from evil that bypass Alvin Plantinga’s Free Will Defence through a critical examination of the relationship between freedom and value. The first argument assumes that morally innocent freedom is valuable, challenging the traditional emphasis on significant freedom. The second argument draws on an interpretation of J.L. Mackie’s underexplored ethical perspective, which highlights a form of evil that contrasts with the positive value of free will.