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Can interviews or a focus group improve the causal inferences drawn from experiments? Can quantitative text analysis help develop workflows as a qualitative scholar? Can we learn from a single case in a way that helps us with a statistical model? There is much to learn from the careful use of all these methodological combinations. The Practice of Multi-Method Research is aimed at practical researchers: from undergraduates preparing for an honors thesis, to graduate students designing a dissertation, through to seasoned scholars considering a new approach for their next set of studies. It offers a hands-on, practical guide to combining research across various methodological traditions: qualitative, machine learning, and quantitative approaches to concepts and measurement, adding quantitative and data-science components to process-tracing designs and to qualitative case studies in general, how qualitative research can strengthen regression-type designs, and how to mix qualitative elements with experiments..
This chapter introduces Governance by Emulation, a framework analyzing how public law models, particularly administrative and constitutional mechanisms like individual rights adjudication, are reproduced in private and regulatory governance. Focusing on corporate-controlled content moderation, it examines the European Union’s out-of-court dispute settlement bodies (ODSs) under the Digital Services Act and Meta’s Oversight Board–conceptualized as Emulated Guardians. These institutions borrow the legitimacy of courts to regulate novel, bureaucratic private power structures while addressing public demands for accountability. Grounded in law, sociology, and political science, the chapter outlines the book’s methodology and contributions. It delves into four inquiries: the actors involved, their tasks, the power they seek to discipline, and how public law principles are adapted for private governance. These dynamics highlight emulation’s duality: it promises innovation yet risks performative legitimacy devoid of substantive reform. By situating Emulated Guardians within broader global governance challenges, this chapter frames content moderation as a microcosm of future issues in sectors like AI, biotechnology, and space exploration. It concludes that while governance by emulation addresses urgent accountability demands, its efficacy depends on public engagement and institutional evolution, offering a critical lens to assess emerging accountability structures beyond state control.
Qualitative and quantitative methods can help make sense of the range of meanings connected with concepts, mapping usage and clarifying alternatives so people can position their intended meanings with respect to the space of existing alternatives. Likewise, qualitative and quantitative methods can help clarify where measurement problems come from, and can be used together to turn abstract ideas about measurement error into far research conversations about how social dynamics work to produce social science measures in the first place. Qualitative and quantitative approaches to conceptualization and measurement involves familiar tensions between deep attention to texts versus breadth and representation across a broader collection; between human comprehensibility and optimal work with complex, multidimensional mathematical and linguistic representations; and between familiarity and precision. Good research designs, like those discussed in this chapter, mitigate these tensions and emphasize the strengths of both methods.
How can regression-type studies, which try to get causal inferences by controlling for variables until whatever is left is plausibly a causal relationship, benefit as much as possible from qualitative research? This chapter offers three qualitative research designs that can help test and improve quantitative causal inferences based on control variables. First, we consider process-tracing designs that seek to discover previously unknown confounding variables that can be added as new control variables, thereby refining and improving the statistical model. Second, we discuss process tracing that seeks to confirm that control variables have a direct connection to the outcome variable, and therefore are relevant controls. Third, we discuss process tracing to check whether control variables might be posttreatment and therefore at least partially harmful. Finally, we provide a demonstration of the kind of iterated interaction that we have in mind between statistical efforts at causal inference and qualitative research to learn more about the assumptions behind the model, involving the relationship between labor union strength and the prevalence of employment law across U.S. states.
How can mixed-method research add value to experiments? There is much to learn by adding qualitative components to experiments that can test for problems related to measurement; networks and spillover among experimental subjects; issues related to the meaning of treatments, outcomes, and other aspects of the experiment for participants; the exhaustiveness of the intended causal content of the treatment; and moderation effects related to subgroups of participants, or to differences across implementations of an experiment in divergent contexts. Some of these areas relate to the goal of theoretical generalization from the initial experiment, but most of them also have connections with the meaning and quality of the causal inference for the experiment at hand.
Process tracing methods, which involve ways of using information within a single case to think carefully about questions of social-science theory, have become one of the leading qualitative methods in political science and related fields. Can mixed-method approach to process tracing work without destroying the qualitative logic of the method? This chapter argues that two distinct forms of process tracing, involving testing of existing causal theories and discovery of new theories, each have room for mixed-method strategies. We show that qualitative components can become steps within a testing-based process tracing argument, and offer guidelines for structuring such studies. We then offer a novel approach to combining machine-learning techniques like LASSO regression with discovery-based process tracing, illustrating the design with an application to the rise in visibility of U.S. far right broadcaster Alex Jones.
How can quantitative methods support case studies in general? One common task in case-study research is presenting audiences with a large collection of texts. Text-as-data methods may facilitate this task by summarizing the overall collection more quickly and understandably than we can usually do ourselves, and by locating individual documents within the collection. We offer an application, showing how text-as-data methods effectively summarize the large collection of legal documents available regarding defendants in cases related to the January 6th invasion and facilitate case-study exploration and understanding of specific individuals. We also discuss how mixed-method approaches may save time and resources as a way of moving across levels of analysis within a case-study design. We wind up the chapter by raising a note of caution regarding common attempts to use statistics as a test of generalizability for case studies and regarding the somewhat less common but still recurrent designs that mix game theory and qualitative research. Both of these approaches can work, and can offer insights, but both are harder than they may initially appear.
Research designs can combine qualitative, quantitative, experimental, and data-science methods through careful planning, attention to details and assumptions, and methodological execution. This chapter introduces the book's perspective, arguing that designs that combine methods carefully and with close attention to their details will outperform designs where two or more methods are carried out in parallel and then compared. The chapter also considers a range of practical and philosophical questions related to whether it makes sense to combine methods. Is one method always best, such that it isn't worth trying? Do methods speak fundamentally different languages, such that there is no point? Are methods and problems inextricably linked, such that the question is irrelevant? We argue against each of these views.
This chapter explores the intersection of political science and human rights, highlighting the discipline’s critical role in shaping human rights education, policy, and enforcement. Political scientists have significantly contributed to the conceptualization of human rights, analyzing whether they are universal or culturally relative and examining their philosophical and empirical foundations. Additionally, the chapter discusses how political scientists examine the role of political institutions, including international courts, foreign policy frameworks, and human rights enforcement mechanisms, in shaping global human rights norms. The chapter also explores how political science methodologies – ranging from qualitative analyses to large-scale data collection – have influenced human rights measurement and advocacy. The chapter further addresses contemporary challenges, such as the impact of populism on human rights protections and the role of interdisciplinary approaches in advancing the field. Ultimately, this work underscores how political science scholarship continues to evolve, shaping human rights discourse and policy implementation in an increasingly complex global landscape.
Very few political science graduates go into politics. While choosing a different career track may be a matter of personal preference or context, the extent to which political science prepares students for political careers is questionable. This article seeks to explore that question by analysing how political science prepares students for activities within political parties. It draws upon semi-structured interviews conducted with political science students or recent graduates who are party members in Romania, Spain, and the United Kingdom. We find that political science courses have a positive impact on students’ activity as party members through providing them with a comprehensive theoretical basis and a holistic knowledge approach. However, access to the practical aspects of politics is limited in university courses, leaving students and graduates feeling unprepared for political careers. These observations are valid across the board, with few specific country-specific nuances.
Quantile models are widely used across the natural and social sciences to analyze heterogeneous phenomena that conventional mean-based approaches often obscure. Yet, despite their growing importance in many disciplines, their adoption in political science has remained comparatively limited, in part because the field still lacks an accessible introduction tailored to its substantive questions and empirical practices. This Element addresses that gap by showing how quantile models can expand the methodological repertoire of political science and deepen our understanding of political phenomena. Combining methodological innovation with practical guidance, this Element introduces quantile models for both continuous and discrete response variables and illustrates their use with real-world political examples. All empirical applications are accompanied by publicly available data, code, and software, making the Element a useful resource for both teaching and research. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This Element provides the first large-scale inquiry into the 'Reopen' protest movement against COVID-19 public health shutdowns. We synthesize digital ethnography inside the movement with text analyses of an original data set spanning more than 1.8 million Facebook comments and posts from over 224,000 online activists. We characterize the movement's origin, growth, and evolution as it interacted with public policies and offline protests. We explain individual- and group-level dynamics of radicalization over time, across topics, and, paradoxically, in response to content moderation. We extend existing theories of contentious politics to suggest that movements that fail to maintain their connection to offline organizations are especially prone to mutability, radicalization, and exhaustion. Together, our findings offer a powerful theoretical framework for understanding social movements in the digital age, while updating and extending classical social movement theory.
Arising from the 2024 European Political Science (EPS) annual debate, this article examines the role of expertise in transnational governance (TNG) with a focus on political science. It explores how transnational governance reconfigures the spaces and contexts for expert engagements in global policy making and transnational administration. In these evolving spaces of jurisdiction, the democratic potential, accountability, and legitimacy of expert knowledge are not only shrouded from the Global Majority but cannot be assumed to be inevitable. The article outlines some meanings attached to TNG and suggests democratic considerations cannot be conceived or operationalised in the same ways as at nation-state levels of governance. First, TNG is a series of overlapping but fragmented transnational spheres of public sector activity as well as hybrid public-private jurisdictions where democratic principles are yet to be normalised and embedded. Second, the accountability and legitimacy of sources of expertise in the policy sectors of TNG can be counter-swayed by latent features of ‘epistocracy’, or expert rule, in transnational policy communities.
Translation plays a consequential role in how states govern, manage multilingual affairs, and project influence, yet this role is rarely examined through a comparative, state-centred framework. This Element introduces the State Translation Programme (STP) to analyse translation as state-organised action. Comparing China with Japan, Türkiye, the United States, South Korea, Canada, and Poland, it identifies three strategic modes: Architects build national capacity and identity, Influencers project soft power and shape external narratives, and Administrators manage internal coordination and multilingual governance. China stands out in comparative perspective in seeking to combine all three modes, a pattern this Element terms 'sovereign maximalism'. Tracing these governance functions from imperial dynasties to the contemporary People's Republic, the Element offers a framework for comparative analysis across translation studies and political science.
The purpose of this article is to give an account of how the values and organizational arrangements sustaining academic freedom and institutional autonomy may be affected by external pressure on academic research. The first part of the article seeks to clarify the concepts of academic freedom and institutional autonomy that guide our argument. The second part deals with external pressures on universities and introduces some distinctions that may help us tell the difference between external pressures that may be beneficial and those that may be harmful to academic research. The third part focuses on how organizational changes in research institutions have affected their ability to handle external pressures. It discusses how changes in leadership and internal decision making have affected the capacity of institutions to resist or deflect harmful effects of pressures. The fourth part analyses the role of public policies and how they may sustain or jeopardize academic freedom, before drawing a prescriptive conclusion about its defence under democratic and authoritarian political conditions.
Edited by
Daniel Naurin, University of Oslo,Urška Šadl, European University Institute, Florence,Jan Zglinski, London School of Economics and Political Science
Political scientists have discovered the European Court of Justice, but has it discovered law? We address this enduring question, first posed by Armstrong in 1998, by tracing the evolution of law in political science work on the CJEU, from a concept understood in rudimentary terms as an external constraint on judicial behaviour to more recent nuanced accounts of legal concepts, doctrine, and judicial practices. While political science has come closer to the nuts and bolts of CJEU decision-making, we argue that there is untapped potential in exploring the multidimensionality of legal cases and the micro-level details of legal interpretation and adjudication.
Following the ongoing debates on (1) editorial bias and the degree of internationalization of journals in different fields and (2) internalization of (European) political science, this paper aims to descriptively analyze the composition of editorial teams and editorial boards of all 187 political science journals indexed in the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI). Although there are significant differences between individual journals, the analysis revealed an overwhelming Anglo-American dominance in both editorial teams (with an average of 60.6 per cent) and editorial boards (58.6 per cent) across the entire list of journals, reproducing the patterns of dominance and dependence. In addition to the global level, the analysis focuses more closely on the European environment and confirms the conclusions of some previous studies that the Central and Eastern European (CEE) region remains largely (semi-) peripheral in European and global political science. Based on previous research, we can infer that a higher level of editorial diversity would lead to increased diversity in published content, encompassing a wider range of methods, topics, theories, and cases. In conclusion, the study suggests (1) weakening possible biases by building more diversified editorial teams and boards and (2) continuing to analyze specific manifestations of bias in political science journals.
In authoritarian contexts, the organization of academic knowledge and scholarly practices is often shaped by both formal policies and subtle social mechanisms, including disciplinary norms, faculty networks, and informal negotiation strategies. Within this framework, autocratic governments frequently restructure social and political science education, designating it as a ‘sensitive field’ to prioritize ideologically sanctioned topics and embedding regime-aligned imperatives within academic institutions. This paper examines Iran as a case study to explore the effects of state-led Islamization policies (of humanities and social science) on political science curricula, research orientations, and institutional practices. Drawing on a systematic analysis of undergraduate curricula and academic research agendas, with a focus on published papers in Iranian political science journals, the paper demonstrates that these transformations reduce disciplinary diversity, marginalize comparative and interdisciplinary approaches, and constrain the role of political science as a site of civic and intellectual engagement. Rather than a neutral adaptation of academic fields, the Islamization of political science in Iran represents a deliberate strategy of knowledge control aimed at aligning education with authoritarian governance. The findings highlight how such interventions narrow the possibilities for academic inquiry and reshape the societal functions of higher education, contributing to broader debates on authoritarianism, curriculum design, and the global politics of knowledge production.
Rates of judicial dissent vary dramatically between Southern Africa’s appeal courts, even though judges frequently circulate between their benches. This variation cannot be explained by the ideological distance between judges or by their judicial philosophies. Differing institutional arrangements provide better but still incomplete explanations. These arrangements reflect dramatic transformations in the region’s judicial cultures. Analysing these diverging cultures illuminates why some forms of dissent have proved particularly contentious, and why styles of adjudication favouring dissent in some areas of the law have aroused particular hostility. There is thus no straightforward ‘norm’ that promotes or undermines judicial consensus in the region.