Presents some quantitative evidence about cooking and eating practices within the quarters, suggesting enslavers’ regimentation of food cultures increased over time, but was not motivated by size of holding. Briefly considers how rationing enabled cooking in the quarters, probing some overlooked aspects of food allocation, such as who received rations. Explores “blended” systems of food regimentation, including the specificities of these systems according to type of labor performed, and at exceptional times of year such as the annual harvest. Highlights how customs on Sundays were different and distinctive. Investigates cooking and eating patterns within the relative privacy of the quarters, including how enslaved people supplemented their often scant and monotonous diets through family-based or collective gardens, as well as by hunting and fishing – usually the preserve of men and boys. Illustrates how enslaved people sought to cook and eat autonomously and independently from their enslavers, including collectively, but within their own extended families and wider communities. Provisioning could burden women, but was also a source of pride and an expression of love.

Describes first year in wartime government service.

This chapter defines the different terms “miscarriage of justice,” “wrongful convictions” and “proven innocence.” Although these terms are often used interchangeably with differences ascribed to customs and semantics, there are critical differences between them. Miscarriages of justice is the broadest term. In some definitions, it can include any violation of rights. In the criminal context, miscarriages of justice can include unfair trials and unwarranted pre-trial detentions. A wrongful conviction is a narrower term that requires a conviction that is subsequently overturned. As measured in recently developed registries, wrongful convictions are convictions overturned on the basis of new evidence relevant to guilt or innocence. Finally, the narrowest term is proven innocence. This approach is most popular in the United States, where it is also called factual or actual innocence. It was pioneered by Edwin Borchard and used by innocence projects. Formalistic arguments that proven innocence does not violate the presumption of innocence are critiqued. Consistent with Guido Calabresi’s and Phillip Bobbitt’s tragic choice theory, the use of the different terms differs over time and place, and they are used to ration justice.

This chapter argues that by any measure – mass conscription, full economic mobilization, blurring of civilians and combatants, blockades, sieges, scorched earth, murderous occupation, unfree labour, and state control – the Soviet Union was involved in ‘Total War’. The Soviet state set a new benchmark in its exhaustive mobilization of resources, including human labour. The government, reaching the height of its power, achieved a mobilization of resources for the front so complete that the home front population was close to collapse by the war’s end. Covering the period from the invasion in 1941 to the end of the war, the chapter examines the mass evacuation of people, industry, and herds in the face of invasion; the rationing system and supplementary food policies; compulsory labour mobilization of free citizens and prisoners; labour laws and repression; propaganda and popular support; and the liberation of the occupied territories. It examines the deep sacrifices made by ordinary people in terms of consumption, living and working conditions, and daily life in order to provision the front.

Chapter 5 focuses on the state system of food provision, which continues to supply Cuban families with essential food and other household goods in heavily subsidised prices. State goods operate as concretions of the revolution’s moral project, embodying its frugal ethos metonymically, and taking it deep into people’s homes and ultimately, through ingestion, their bodies. Here too, however, the duplex personhood elaborated earlier comes into play, this time due to the fact that people gain access to these goods only by virtue of their bureaucratic designation as ‘citizens’ of the revolution. While this appears to be a version of the role/person model developed in Chapter 3, it also turns the model on its head since here the role of citizen is associated with what is deemed as the deepest level of people’s existence, namely their ‘basic needs’ as biological organisms. This puts a paradox into the heart of the state rationing system, which can be parsed out morphologically as the constitutive mismatch between a state system that purports to cater to people as whole, flesh-and-blood people, but only actually meets a small part of the needs they feel they have. The chapter builds a model of this part/whole paradox with reference to the ethnography of the system’s operation at neighbourhood level.

Representations of food in the public sphere in Europe evolved over the course of the First World War. Advertisements served as proxies for the economic situation in a given region, a rough gauge of what was available to consumers, and what at least a portion of them could hope to afford. In certain ways, what was left unsaid or unwritten spoke louder than any representations of the desperate food situation could have. In Austria-Hungary, for example, press censorship included removing entire articles relating to the food situation, shortly before a newspaper was published. The infamous “white spaces” remaining were left to be filled by the reader’s imagination and speculation, which may have had an even more damaging effect than had the situation been discussed openly. Despite the privations of war, however, humor was expressed in various ways as both a direct confrontation with reality and an escape from it. Using examples of posters, cartoons, advertisements, films, and other media, this chapter surveys how hunger – and its most extreme form, starvation – were envisioned and utilized by humanitarian groups, governments, and ordinary people struggling to survive during the First World War era.

While many European countries had used rationing and price ceilings to respond to emergency hunger situations before the First World War, these measures had been limited in their scope to cities and smaller areas, and were of short duration, generally lasting weeks or months. The long-term experience of hunger in the First World War era shattered civilian expectations of state responsibility and pushed governments to act in new and different ways. This chapter examines how a variety of states chose to respond to the changing experiences of insufficient food supplies and hunger faced by their citizens as they realized that their previous plans, or lack of planning, were insufficient. This chapter is the first comparative analysis of the technical and political aspects of food distribution systems in the First World War for a wide range of different states. The timing and practices implemented by different governments differed for both practical reasons – food did not disappear at equal rates everywhere – and for political reasons.

The country’s “turn to production” in the late 1920s rendered “nonproductive” domestic labor irrelevant for socialism. Domestic workers were encouraged to participate in the Five-Year Plan by subscribing to state loans, agitating their friends and family in the countryside for collectivization, or by participating in state campaigns. The focus on activities outside domestic workers’ professional responsibilities signaled that intensification of domestic workers’ labor would not increase production. As the country was heading full speed toward socialism, there was renewed optimism about socialization of housework and disappearance of domestic labor, paid or unpaid. To facilitate the transition process, the labor union developed special programs that aimed to transfer domestic workers into the industries that were suffering from labor shortages. On the one hand, the new policy of mobilization of domestic workers into industry and the service sector created new opportunities for women employed in domestic service. On the other hand, it left housework without formal economic meaning for the socialist project and marginalized those women who remained in service.

World War I felled Berlin’s grand hotel industry in three blows. The first was a shortage of goods, services, and labor; the second, a decline in the quality of the goods and services still available; and the third, a resultant depletion of capital reserves as shortages drove prices out of reach. As the state increased its demands on everyone’s time and energy, managers found themselves unable to devote their full attention to shoring up systems and hierarchies. A grueling four years then ended in ignominy and danger when, in November 1918, political violence surged into hotel lobbies, restaurants, and guest rooms. The fate of Berlin’s grand hotels mirrors the fate of the German Second Empire, which also collapsed in the face of defeat and revolution in the fall of 1918.

This chapter introduces the extent and importance of black markets in Occupied France, reviews the historiography on the black market since 1945, and explains the central themes in the book.

Surveys how the French office known as the Contrôle économique was created for price controls and then charged with maintaining fixed prices in markets and suppressing the black market. The chapter then provides a critical evaluation of the control strategies for enforcement and their failure to contain black- market growth during the years of Occupation or to retain the initial popular support essential for having state controls work.

As the winter of 1947 approached, millions of Europeans faced the horror of mass starvation. A combination of wartime destruction, postwar drought, and the coldest winter in memory was crippling production. The United States had already sent as much surplus grain as it had available, but Europe needed an additional 100 million bushels, if it was to avoid an apocalypse. There was simply no more to send – at least, not until Truman enlisted the aid of a savvy advertising executive named Charles Luckman. Under Luckman’s leadership, the government embarked on a campaign to persuade Americans to eat less in order to make more food available for shipment overseas. But Luckman’s campaign would have to overcome the fierce opposition from individual and industries that demanded America’s needs come first.

After expounding the conceptions of harmony that are central to Confucianism and the sub-Saharan ethic of ubuntu, I apply them to three major topics pertaining to ageing. I show that indigenous East Asian and African values of harmony both entail that only the elderly can be truly virtuous, that the elderly have a strong claim to life-saving resources, and that they are entitled to care from their children, views that I point out are not characteristic of moral thinking in the contemporary West, either for prominent philosophies or the cultures out of which they grew. I suggest that many Anglophone moral philosophers should be given pause by the existence of different perspectives on the part of at least two long-standing philosophies, and conclude by briefly proposing some ways that cross-cultural debate might be undertaken.