In the first few chapters of this book, I laid out the theoretical and systemic contexts in which the concept of metabolism, or in particular the peristaltic aspect of metabolism, has provided a model for biological, political, social, economic and affective movement and transformation. The attention drawn by Marx to a consequential ‘rift’ in the metabolic workings of agriculture, environment and global wellbeing, as well as his understanding of labour as a matter of how humans ‘regulate, mediate, and control’ the metabolic relation to a nature of which they are also a part, have figured heavily in the macro-picture I have drawn. Embedded within this Marxian metabolic model is Inglis’s sociological understanding of one aspect of bodily habitus within classed (raced, gendered and caste-based) contexts, that is, a faecal habitus that emerged (in the West and global North) as a practice by which one group of humans distinguished themselves from other groups deemed subordinate to them. While faecal habitus is defined by Inglis in terms of a clean/dirty binary, I have argued that it is more usefully understood (through a Foucauldian framework) as a matter of the more or less regulated body. Thus a peristaltic norm in any given social or political context is one that entails a tacit or prescribed practice of regulation, a regulation dependent, moreover, on interlocking material supports (such as domestic and public bathrooms, functional waterborne sewage networks, wastewater treatment systems or, in certain times and places, faecal recycling and agricultural replenishing schemes, etc.) and agreedupon social conventions (such as appropriate times and frequency of evacuation, appropriate places for evacuation, appropriate language around evacuation, etc.).