Increasingly many citizens residing abroad maintain connections to their country of origin and follow its national elections. Considering that this group constitutes a growing share of the national electorate, it is essential to better understand factors that motivate electoral participation. In this study, we explore the role of economic, social and cultural ties in a unified analysis of turnout among Finnish citizens residing abroad. We rely on individual-level register data that cover the entire Finnish expatriate electorate (n = 96,290) and match their personal background characteristics (e.g. property ownership, length of stay abroad, language) with official turnout from the 2019 Finnish parliamentary elections on the bases of personal identification codes. In line with the theoretical expectations, the results provide strong empirical evidence that non-resident citizens who maintain connections to the country of origin are more likely to vote in homeland elections.

Political science has not remained on the side of the internationalisation road. While continental European political science was criticised for not being internationalised enough in the beginning of this century, much progress has been done since then. This symposium discusses the state of play of the internationalisation trend(s) in European political science. Building on the data collected within the COST programme PROSEPS, the contributions show that we have made progress toward building a scholarly community across Europe. European political research has, on a number aspects, become a more collective endeavour deployed across Europe. Opportunities for cumulative knowledge-building and intellectual exchange are, partially at least, supported by internationalisation. These opportunities have significantly increased over the last two decades. We are, nevertheless, not there yet. The articles shed light on a number of challenges and pitfalls on the path towards a truly Europe-wide political science.

Political polarisation is a pressing political issue, as it can worsen democracy and has been rising in many countries in the past two decades. However, the exact scope of the problem is unclear, because conflicting measurements and conceptualisations have created disagreement about which countries are polarised. Scholars usually only measure one type of polarisation, even though multiple types are salient to the concept. Furthermore, little comparative data are available that measure multiple types of political polarisation simultaneously. This article introduces the comparative political polarisation index (CPPI), which provides a comparative measure of political polarisation that incorporates multiple dimensions of polarisation. This article first conceptualises political polarisation as a four-dimensional concept, operating through ideological and affective aspects and at the mass and elite levels. Then, it creates a comparative index that uses cross-national surveys and party manifesto data to measure all four types in more than 100 countries and over 25 years. This article finds that polarisation has not uniformly risen; only elite affective polarisation rose in this time period. Both types of ideological polarisation stayed stable, and mass affective polarisation decreased. These results encourage a closer look at the relationship between different types of polarisation and specify causes and solutions focused around particular types, rather than viewing political polarisation as uniform.

This article analyses and explains the rapid electoral success of an emergent populist radical right party in Romania—the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR). AUR’s definition of ‘a transnational people’ relates to a multi-layered community—native Romanians within Romania, co-ethnic communities in neighbouring countries, and Romanians living and working abroad—that create, together, a Romanianness in need of representation, and preservation. By focusing on AUR’s definition of ‘the people’ and on (trans)national mobilization, we unwrap a new dimension of populism which refers to broader fields of connectedness across borders in which bottom-up and top-down dynamics co-exist, acting as rhetorical and operational openings for the party’s development and success in the homeland arena.

Different publics have been asked for their opinion about corruption through a variety of survey questions over the past five decades. Notwithstanding their relevance, these items have been developed with different (research) objectives in mind. This article introduces and discusses a new database on corruption surveys. The DATACORR database consists of national and cross-national survey items on perceptions, attitudes, and experiences of corruption and covers 3,050 items from 321 survey rounds, developed by 110 research projects of 83 different institutions around the world, from 1976 to 2019. Two public opinion-centred corruption research approaches have been identified: (a) one addressing conceptualisations of corruption and (b) another focusing on the evaluations individuals make of the impacts of corruption. Our study reveals that survey questions on corruption tend to be more generic and sociotropic. Although there have been attempts to move towards survey items capturing egotropic and specific aspects of corruption until the 2000s, this tendency has reversed more recently, making room for debate on how to advance knowledge in the field.

Romania is characterized in general by poor institutional capacity and low popular trust in public institutions. In this context, it is an unlikely case for an effective stakeholder cooperation in times of crisis. However, this article shows that during the pandemic, the structural vulnerabilities in the public system led to many solutions being delivered through public and private stakeholder cooperation. The health care system engaged with community stakeholders to complement public efforts in managing the pandemic. A consistent institutional approach towards public engagement can compensate for systemic vulnerabilities and adds to societal resilience in times of crisis.

Contributing to the emerging debate on non-resident citizens’ electoral preferences, this article addresses how migratory contexts affect their propensity to vote for populists. Employing two original datasets with information of external voting results from Latin America and Southern Europe, this study suggests that while external voters are on average slightly less likely to vote for populists than domestic voters, this varies meaningfully from country to country. It depends on the type of populism, populists’ incumbency, and the ideological preferences in the country of residence.

Recent scholarship on diaspora engagement and transnational repression has investigated how authoritarian regimes seek to engage, govern and control their diasporas. Recognizing that diasporas are diverse and that homeland states thus devise different strategies in relation to different groups, this research has—to a large extent—focused on the varied positions held by regime supporters and dissidents. Inter-generational differences, however, have not been studied in this context. Drawing on established frameworks theorizing extraterritorial authoritarian practices, this article explores the ways in which second-generation diaspora—or diaspora youth—is either included as subjects, patriots and clients, or excluded as outlaws and traitors by authoritarian regimes. Drawing on the literature on transnationalism and second-generation migrants, and using examples from empirical cases, we argue that the skills, resources and multi-sited embeddedness of the second-generation diaspora can make them particularly interesting targets for transnational engagement—or repression. We draw attention to specific strategies for mobilizing the support of diaspora youth, but also note that some techniques to control or repress extraterritorial subjects are less efficacious in relation to this generation.

The article analyses the impact of COVID-19 on health and long-term care systems, as well as institutional resilience by applying indicators of preparedness, agility and robustness. The study shows how the weakness of intergovernmental and cross-sectorial coordination instruments, and the particularities of the Spanish health and long-term care sectors, hindered the initial response to the challenges presented by the pandemic. However, after the first tragic wave of the disease, the intensification of cooperation mechanisms between health and social services authorities, as well as the free initiative of long-term care facility managers, corrected these initial errors and reversed the long-term care facilities’ extremely fragile situation.

The COVID-19 pandemic and consequent global travel restrictions created an unprecedented crisis for the tourism industry. Considering that tourism generates about one fifth of the Croatian, the COVID-19 crisis posed a threat not only to companies in tourism, but also to the Croatian economy as a whole. This article examines the interplay of public and private institutions whose aim was to support resilience in tourism and prevent negative spill overs to other sectors. The regional Civil Protection Headquarters and a large hospitality company were analyzed as a part of the resilience assessments. Although both institutions have shown a high level of agility and resilience in their crisis management, this article outlines the deep societal interdependence between the public and private sector in times of global crisis.

What do national votes mean for dual citizens who have the right to vote here and there? Does political socialization in a liberal democratic system lead to a democratic remittance or do immigrant minorities align with authoritarian regimes challenging the West's liberal democratic values? In this article, we analyse voting preferences by using a transnational lens that focuses on the convergence of two different political systems via immigrant-origin voters. We focus on the Turkish-Dutch population from conservative backgrounds in our aim to gain a thorough understanding of support towards Islamic parties here (in the Netherlands) and there (in Turkey). This is one of just a few studies that have investigated the complex and layered nature of political preferences in a transnational world. A qualitative approach is followed to acquire in-depth insights of the ideas and evaluations of our research group. We collected data through semi-structured interviews (N = 21) between 2017 and 2018. Our conclusions indicate the significance of ethnic and religious identity, opening the way for Erdoğan’s authoritarian populism in shaping political preferences across the transnational political environment. Such influence, however, is limited by other factors such as adherence to democratic values and norms on the one hand and rational political calculations on the other hand.