Certain historians are inclined to view the political awakening of Asia and Africa as part of an ongoing, world-wide, social revolution, previously inaugurated in Europe and America. In that perspective, colonial nationalism and its aftermath appear to involve primarily another ‘revolt of the masses’, another rising of the ‘great uwashed’, another ‘search for status’ by the lower classes of the world.

Political systems of every description continuously confront a problem crucial to their survival: how to prepare the younger members of the system for the political responsibilities they must one day assume. This problem is quite general; it exists in all societies in every historical epoch, and it embodies a learning process that stretches back to a child's first perceptions of the larger social world. How children learn the values that will guide their future behaviour in politics, and what it is they learn, are questions with answers that vary from society to society.

Economic integration has been in the forefront of discussion in Africa since the massive movement towards independence in the late 1950's and early 60's. There was immediate recognition that, while independence had been the primary goal, African frontiers were largely an artificial by-product of the colonial scramble 60 to 70 years ago, that many African countries were too small to be economically viable, and that to transform political into economic independence necessarily required concerted action. Further impetus was given to thinking and discussion by the setting up of the Economic Commission for Africa in 1958 and of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963. Concepts, of course, varied, as the pre-history of the O.A.U. shows clearly. The radical Casablanca group stood for an all-African common market, to lead rapidly to an all-African government. The member states of the Union africaine et malgache had much more limited but also more precise objectives: especially continued close co-operation among the francophone countries, and association with the European Common Market, particularly France. There were other ideas and associations, often cutting across these two main groupings. Yet it is perhaps only recently that views are beginning to clarify and that the real difficulties involved are being realised, a condition precedent for progress in practice. Economic integration has to be seen as an ultimate goal, with a number of concrete intermediate steps involving ever-increasing economic cooperation among groups of countries.

The present leaders in the Third World are mainly drawn from élites who, in one way or another, were the product of the colonial era. Algeria, of course, is no exception. Although she was always part of the Arab world, French rule, to which she was subjected for more than a century, left a strong impact. One of the results of the colonial era in Algeria was the rise, in the late nineteenth century, of a French-educated elite who tried, despite their limited number, to find a formula by which the native and colonial societies could live together harmoniously. The purpose of this short study is to trace the origins of these Algerians who, without doubt, were among the pioneers of these élites in Africa.

Given present social, economic, and political conditions in developing countries, the political élites of these countries clearly merit study. To a great extent, ‘l'indépendance vaut ce que valent ou ce que veulent les dirigeants’ (‘independence reflects the worth or the wishes of the leaders’).1 More specifically, Mali's Modibo Keita has played an important role not only in his own country but in African politics generally. Yet little research and writing has touched on his thought on politics and related topics. This essay seeks to examine these ideas, in introductory fashion, and to provide a basis for further and more detailed research.

The endless debates about economic development, ends and means, often reach nightmare proportions for economists engaged in the art of manpower planning. One argument addresses itself to the question of whether or not education should be regarded, and treated in a policy sense, as an investment in human beings; economists support this approach, while educators tend to abhor it. Economists are also often attacked by non-educators for opposing the distribution of education to the maximum number of people as a welfare good.

The Malagasy Academy is certainly the oldest learned society in the whole of French-speaking Africa, and in fact it is still original in the sense that there are few like it in the countries of the third world.

The Ministers of Economic Affairs of the four Maghreb states, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, met for the first time in October 1964 at Tunis to examine all questions relating to economic co-operation in the Maghreb. They agreed, on this occasion, on the aim of a unified economy for all the Maghreb states, and on the need to work out a special system for economic co-operation and commercial relations.

In 1940 the Fabian Society (founded in 1883) set up a Colonial Bureau, whose aim was to plan—and to agitate—for the liberation of Britain's colonies. Under the very able control of Dr Rita Hinden, the Bureau established a library and a press-cutting service, and became a recognised source of information and propaganda about the colonies. A battery of parliamentary questions was maintained, and many debates on colonial issues were based, on the Labour Party side, on material provided by Rita Hinden and her colleagues, and their contacts throughout Britain and the world.

A new policy of decentralisation of activities is leading to a substantial strengthening of the field structure of the I.L.O. in Africa. The policy has been formulated in the light of the growing trend towards regional and subregional economic and social development, and the increase in I.L.O technical co-operation activity around the world. I.L.O.'s work has in fact shown its most noticeable expansion in the African region; in terms of expenditure, the region now claims the largest allocation—over 35 per cent, as against 27 per cent in 1952—of the Organisation's total resources for technical co-operation.

Scholars from the United States constitute the largest single national group engaged in African research. The responsibility for establishing friendly relations with their colleagues in Africa has, in the past, been assumed by the individual scholar. It has become increasingly apparent that co-operation with Africanists in Africa itself will be of the greatest importance to future research, and that the A.S.A. can play a useful liaison role.

This conference was sponsored by the Ministry of Commerce and Cooperatives of Tanzania and thejoint Credit Union Development Programme of C.U.N.A. International United Agency for International Development. Seventy-two delegates participated in the conference, representing the following 17 countries: Botswana, Denmark, Ethiopia, Germany, Kenya, Lesotho, Mali, Mauritius, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Swaziland, Sweden, Tanzania, Uganda, U.S.A., and Zambia.

The industrialists and financiers who attended this conference, from industrialised countries in Europe, America, and Asia, came to explore the possibilities of co-operation with African countries. The purpose was to consider how best to follow up industrial projects, how to put forward practical suggestions for projects, and, above all, how to reduce to a minimum delays between survey and action, bearing in mind throughout the interests of African countries.

The idea of taking free drama to the masses of people who have no local theatre and in any case could not afford expensive seats is becoming an established custom for the Dramatic Society of Makerere University College. The 1966 Travelling Theatre visited many towns in Uganda and Kenya. We journeyed in a very crowded Land-Rover, another being used for the luggage. An immense framework had to be carried to hold the curtains that formed the background of our stage in all performances; on top of this had to be put suitcases, spears and shields, and big boxes for our costumes.