Collective selfhood and communal goals

According to Ko and Neuberg, affordances are what the surroundings provide for “achieving one’s goals.” The lone person is the focal point of this framing (Ko & Neuberg). However, a lot of Asian and African cultures view the self as relationally woven into networks of families and communities (King, Reference King2019). Decisions frequently put the good of the community before individual goals. Environmental cues are evaluated in these situations based on how they affect the group (Costa et al., Reference Costa, Lange, Haynes and Sinanan2022). A grove of trees, for instance, might allow for ritual use or group gatherings in addition to the exploitation of private resources (Shiferaw, Hebo, & Senishaw, Reference Shiferaw, Hebo and Senishaw2023). A river may be more important for the livelihoods of the entire village than for personal leisure. These networked values change the affordances that people focus on at different phases of their lives.

Intergenerational ecological knowledge

The generational transfer of ecological knowledge is another important factor that is frequently overlooked in Western-centric models (Branje et al., Reference Branje, Geeraerts, de Zeeuw, Oerlemans, Koopman-Verhoeff, Schulz, Nelemans, Meeus, Hartman, Hillegers, Oldehinkel and Boomsma2020). Elders in many communities teach children about the land long before the subjects are on a person’s personal agenda. For example, ancestral stories may describe a grove of trees as a sacred grove or as having medicinal plants (Ouma, Reference Ouma2022). Because of these teachings, the grove is able to perform certain activities (such as gathering medicines or performing rituals) that would not be evident without tradition (Mwaka, Achan, & Orach, Reference Mwaka, Achan and Orach2023). Without this background, visitors could mistake the grove for a piece of wilderness (Tica, Reference Tica2021). These ancestral layers must be incorporated into an improved framework because, in these situations, an affordance is influenced by what earlier generations have learned to value and seek out.

Culturally situated developmental trajectories

Based on Western life scripts, Ko and Neuberg distinguish three major life stages: childhood, mating, and parenting. However, cultural anthropology reveals that these phases differ greatly. In certain cultures, adolescence is not clearly defined by age groups but rather by apprenticeships or initiation ceremonies (Ngwenya et al., Reference Ngwenya, Dziva Chikwari, Seeley and Ferrand2023). Children are frequently raised by extended family, and marriages can be arranged or polygynous (Shaiful et al., Reference Shaiful Bahari, Norhayati, Nik Hazlina, Mohamad Shahirul Aiman and Nik Muhammad Arif2021). These trends change, which threats and opportunities are most prevalent at each stage. Local customs and roles would define the stages in a more culturally adaptable framework. A coming-of-age ceremony, for instance, might refocus a young person’s objectives on community responsibilities, making new environmental cues – like grazing grounds and medicinal plants – suddenly important (Ortiz, Reference Ortiz2019; Devor Hall, Reference Devor Hall2019).

Postcolonial and decolonial ecological knowledge

The effects of colonial disruption on the relationship between humans and nature are still evident in many Asian and African societies (Miriti, Rawson, & Mansfield, Reference Miriti, Rawson and Mansfield2023; Athreya & Ackermann, Reference Athreya and Ackermann2019). Local affordance landscapes were altered by colonial authorities’ frequent expropriation of communal lands for plantations or extraction (Mwenge Kahinda et al., Reference Mwenge Kahinda, Bahal’okwibale, Budaza, Mavundla, Nohayi, Nortje and Boroto2021). Sometimes, contemporary conservation plans ignore native land practices by imposing external categories (such as “protected park”) (Domínguez & Luoma, Reference Domínguez and Luoma2020; Youdelis et al., Reference Youdelis, Townsend, Bhattacharyya, Moola and Fobister2021). A decolonial viewpoint serves as a reminder that affordances are shaped by history and power and are not merely physical facts (Couldry & Mejias, Reference Couldry and Mejias2023). Land is viewed as kin in many indigenous worldviews, suggesting a shared responsibility. When these ecological wisdoms are acknowledged, it becomes clear that certain affordances have responsibilities and significance that a Western framework ignores (Couldry & Mejias, Reference Couldry and Mejias2023).

Toward a pluralistic affordance management framework

We suggest adding a few crucial ideas to the framework in order to expand on Ko and Neuberg’s observations: -

Collective Agents: Include both individuals and collective and community actors. It is important to consider that “us” and “me” can both afford certain things. Perception of cues will be modulated by shared identities and intentions (Schwenkenbecher, Reference Schwenkenbecher2019; Weichold & Thonhauser, Reference Weichold and Thonhauser2020).

Intergenerational Layers: Recognize that affordances and environments carry ancestral knowledge that is passed down through the generations. How elders teach young people to recognize important cues will be captured by integrating cultural transmission (O’Donoghue, Sandoval-Rivera, & Payyappallimana, Reference O’Donoghue, Sandoval-Rivera and Payyappallimana2019).

Contextual Life Stages: Instead of defining developmental stages solely by age or Western standards, define them in terms that are culturally relevant (e.g., apprenticeships, rites of passage, changing family roles) landmarks. Align affordances with these transitions that have cultural significance (Dodaro, Reference Dodaro2022).

Indigenous Ecologies: Take into account local histories and knowledge of the environment. Acknowledge that colonial interventions have changed the available landscapes and that many are sacred or communally managed. Incorporate nonmaterial affordances such as opportunities for ritual, spirituality, and symbolism (Brondízio et al., Reference Brondízio, Aumeeruddy-Thomas, Bates, Carino, Fernández-Llamazares, Ferrari and Shrestha2021).

Reciprocal Worldviews: Highlight viewpoints in which people live as members of a community that is centered on nature. There are obligations and advantages to affordances because, according to many traditions, what we do to the land is also what we do to ourselves (Diver et al., Reference Diver, Vaughan, Baker-Médard and Lukacs2019).

A more inclusive affordance management model that respects cultural diversity would result from these extensions. A child in a Southeast Asian farming village, for instance, who is taught about seasonal cycles by elders, is likely to react differently to cues about crop affordability than a Western child who is more interested in playing alone (Takada, Reference Takada2020; Moon, Reference Moon2023). Or that, in contrast to strictly individualist models, herdsmen in East Africa may perceive a drought as a signal to mobilize collective adaptation strategies as well as a personal threat (Takada, Reference Takada2020). The model could produce testable predictions about cross-cultural development by considering the self as embedded in networks of kinship, tradition, and history.