Maestripieri et al. present an analysis that is long overdue by examining the evolutionary bases of why and when people would, and more importantly, would not, respond positively to attractive others in what I would refer to as work-related contexts. I agree largely with the conclusions of Maestripieri et al., but would like to substantiate and complement their analysis in a number of ways.
To begin with, research on assessing the motives underlying the responses to attractive others may benefit from including the scale for intrasexual competitiveness (ISC; ) (Buunk & Fisher Reference Buunk and Fisher2009). This scale measures the desire to be preferred by opposite-sex others rather than by same-sex others, the desire to view oneself as better than same-sex others, envy and frustration when same-sex others are better off, and overall negative feelings toward same-sex others. In various experiments, we have demonstrated the role of ISC in work-related contexts. For example, in one experiment we had female participants perform a series of tasks during which their own picture, as well as that of a rival, was visible on the screen (Buunk et al. Reference Buunk, Zurriaga, González-Navarro and Monzani2016). We created a realistic situation of competition for a job promotion because, after passing the test period, the alleged supervisor would choose one of the two students for a job. An attractive rival induced more jealousy overall, and she reduced the career expectations particularly of women high in ISC.
This experiment was also theoretically relevant to the present discussion for another reason. Although most studies in social psychology have considered attractiveness as a one-dimensional variable, and have assumed that attractive people are in general viewed in positive terms, our results suggest that the attractiveness of a rival can have rather distinct effects depending on the way in which her personality is perceived. That is, we found that especially when the attractive rival was perceived as unfriendly, she induced high levels of jealousy and low career advancement expectations (Buunk et al., in press 2016). Hence, an attractive individual may evoke more jealousy and may be perceived as a more serious threat to one's career when she is perceived as a rather “nasty” individual.
Although, as highlighted by Maestripieri et al., physical attractiveness may play an important role in work-related contexts, I would like to suggest that physical dominance may play a role of equal importance in such contexts. First, many studies have highlighted the advantages that tall people have in task-related settings. As they are taller, people are more likely to emerge as leaders and are more likely to influence others. For example, Stulp et al. (Reference Stulp, Buunk, Verhulst and Pollet2015) had participants rank 12 items (e.g., extra clothing, a pistol, a compass) on importance for the “Arctic survival task.” Subsequently, they were at random assigned to a same-sex other with whom they were instructed to rank the items again as a team. Relatively taller individuals had a larger influence on the joint rankings, although only when the difference between initial rankings was large.
Second, in line with studies on jealousy in intimate relationships (e.g., Dijkstra & Buunk Reference Dijkstra and Buunk2002), in a study by Buunk et al. (Reference Buunk, Aan 't Goor and Castro Solano2010), each participants were was confronted with a scenario in which one's the supervisor seemed to like one'sthe participant's co-worker more. The physical dominance of the rival appeared to arouse more jealousy in men than in women, whereas the physical attractiveness of the rival appeared to arouse more jealousy in women than in men. This sex difference was foundespecially among those high in ISC(Buunk & Fisher Reference Buunk and Fisher2009) who were confronted with a same-sex supervisor. Hence, intrasexually competitive females with a female supervisor tended to feel particularly jealous when their colleague was physically attractive, and intrasexually competitive males with a male supervisor tended to feel particularly jealous when their colleague was physically dominant. These findings suggest that intrasexual competition has a sort of dynamic of its own and may be induced more by the presence of same-sex others than by the presence of opposite-sex others (cf. Campbell Reference Campbell2002; Geary Reference Geary1998).
Finally, in addition to mating and intrasexual competition as motives that may underlie the responses to physically attractive others, there is a third motive, which seems to have been overlooked in the literature. Under certain conditions, intrasexual competition may be superseded by the perceived benefits of intrasexual collaboration. In a recent study addressing this issue (Buunk & Massar Reference Buunk and Massar2014), we argued that to attract potential mates, people may associate with same-sex others who are even more attractive to the opposite sex than they themselves are. We reasoned that this would apply particularly to men. Therefore, more than women, men would prefer the company of physically attractive and socially dominant companions in a mating context (in this study going to a party) more than in a neutral context (in this study going to a movie). We found that both sexes preferred a more attractive companion in the mating than in the neutral context. However, in the mating as compared to with the neutral context, men, but not women, found the attractiveness of a companion more important, preferred a more socially dominant companion, and found the social dominance of a companion more important. Hence, especially men's attitude toward same-sex others in a mating context may be driven by the desire to associate, rather than to compete, with same-sex others who are attractive to the opposite sex. Although work settings are not primarily mating contexts, as the analysis by Maestripieri et al. suggests, mating motives may often play a role in work settings.
To conclude, the analysis by Maestripieri et al. is timely and theoretically very important, but future research in organizational settings might also pay attention to the role of individual differences in intrasexual competitiveness, to different perceptions of attractive others (especially his or her unfriendliness), to the role of height and physical dominance, and to the role of intrasexual collaboration in addition to intrasexual competition.
Maestripieri et al. present an analysis that is long overdue by examining the evolutionary bases of why and when people would, and more importantly, would not, respond positively to attractive others in what I would refer to as work-related contexts. I agree largely with the conclusions of Maestripieri et al., but would like to substantiate and complement their analysis in a number of ways.
To begin with, research on assessing the motives underlying the responses to attractive others may benefit from including the scale for intrasexual competitiveness (ISC; ) (Buunk & Fisher Reference Buunk and Fisher2009). This scale measures the desire to be preferred by opposite-sex others rather than by same-sex others, the desire to view oneself as better than same-sex others, envy and frustration when same-sex others are better off, and overall negative feelings toward same-sex others. In various experiments, we have demonstrated the role of ISC in work-related contexts. For example, in one experiment we had female participants perform a series of tasks during which their own picture, as well as that of a rival, was visible on the screen (Buunk et al. Reference Buunk, Zurriaga, González-Navarro and Monzani2016). We created a realistic situation of competition for a job promotion because, after passing the test period, the alleged supervisor would choose one of the two students for a job. An attractive rival induced more jealousy overall, and she reduced the career expectations particularly of women high in ISC.
This experiment was also theoretically relevant to the present discussion for another reason. Although most studies in social psychology have considered attractiveness as a one-dimensional variable, and have assumed that attractive people are in general viewed in positive terms, our results suggest that the attractiveness of a rival can have rather distinct effects depending on the way in which her personality is perceived. That is, we found that especially when the attractive rival was perceived as unfriendly, she induced high levels of jealousy and low career advancement expectations (Buunk et al., in press 2016). Hence, an attractive individual may evoke more jealousy and may be perceived as a more serious threat to one's career when she is perceived as a rather “nasty” individual.
Although, as highlighted by Maestripieri et al., physical attractiveness may play an important role in work-related contexts, I would like to suggest that physical dominance may play a role of equal importance in such contexts. First, many studies have highlighted the advantages that tall people have in task-related settings. As they are taller, people are more likely to emerge as leaders and are more likely to influence others. For example, Stulp et al. (Reference Stulp, Buunk, Verhulst and Pollet2015) had participants rank 12 items (e.g., extra clothing, a pistol, a compass) on importance for the “Arctic survival task.” Subsequently, they were at random assigned to a same-sex other with whom they were instructed to rank the items again as a team. Relatively taller individuals had a larger influence on the joint rankings, although only when the difference between initial rankings was large.
Second, in line with studies on jealousy in intimate relationships (e.g., Dijkstra & Buunk Reference Dijkstra and Buunk2002), in a study by Buunk et al. (Reference Buunk, Aan 't Goor and Castro Solano2010), each participants were was confronted with a scenario in which one's the supervisor seemed to like one'sthe participant's co-worker more. The physical dominance of the rival appeared to arouse more jealousy in men than in women, whereas the physical attractiveness of the rival appeared to arouse more jealousy in women than in men. This sex difference was foundespecially among those high in ISC(Buunk & Fisher Reference Buunk and Fisher2009) who were confronted with a same-sex supervisor. Hence, intrasexually competitive females with a female supervisor tended to feel particularly jealous when their colleague was physically attractive, and intrasexually competitive males with a male supervisor tended to feel particularly jealous when their colleague was physically dominant. These findings suggest that intrasexual competition has a sort of dynamic of its own and may be induced more by the presence of same-sex others than by the presence of opposite-sex others (cf. Campbell Reference Campbell2002; Geary Reference Geary1998).
Finally, in addition to mating and intrasexual competition as motives that may underlie the responses to physically attractive others, there is a third motive, which seems to have been overlooked in the literature. Under certain conditions, intrasexual competition may be superseded by the perceived benefits of intrasexual collaboration. In a recent study addressing this issue (Buunk & Massar Reference Buunk and Massar2014), we argued that to attract potential mates, people may associate with same-sex others who are even more attractive to the opposite sex than they themselves are. We reasoned that this would apply particularly to men. Therefore, more than women, men would prefer the company of physically attractive and socially dominant companions in a mating context (in this study going to a party) more than in a neutral context (in this study going to a movie). We found that both sexes preferred a more attractive companion in the mating than in the neutral context. However, in the mating as compared to with the neutral context, men, but not women, found the attractiveness of a companion more important, preferred a more socially dominant companion, and found the social dominance of a companion more important. Hence, especially men's attitude toward same-sex others in a mating context may be driven by the desire to associate, rather than to compete, with same-sex others who are attractive to the opposite sex. Although work settings are not primarily mating contexts, as the analysis by Maestripieri et al. suggests, mating motives may often play a role in work settings.
To conclude, the analysis by Maestripieri et al. is timely and theoretically very important, but future research in organizational settings might also pay attention to the role of individual differences in intrasexual competitiveness, to different perceptions of attractive others (especially his or her unfriendliness), to the role of height and physical dominance, and to the role of intrasexual collaboration in addition to intrasexual competition.