As Pound would use the Noh play, and by extension Greek tragedy, as a model for the long poem because of its double promise of coherence despite multivocity and of cultural relevance – a fit template for the tale of the tribe – so H.D. uses Euripidean choruses as a testing ground for writing long poetic sequences. Indeed, H.D.’s “Choruses” from Euripides (Iphigeneia in Aulis [IA] in 1915, Hippolytus in 1919) were far from an outlier, as we have seen in the previous chapter, but in many ways forerunners in the attempt to grapple with new “customs” for the changing times; in her verse drama Hippolytus Temporizes [HT] (1927), in turn, the Greek play structures a work that is between translation and original production. This is H.D.’s first large-scale “hatching,” and her Ion and Helen in Egypt would eventually follow a similar pattern. Her work on these plays allows her to performatively theorize pressing contemporary poetic issues: the role of poetry in a time of war and the balance between creative and destructive impulses; poetic form and the conceptual limitations of vers libre; and the possibility of translation of Greek drama. As she claims about Euripides vis-à-vis Homer, H.D. translates her world into the world of Greek tragedy and unlocks individual words that encode particular images or sounds, for use in interpreting and navigating modern challenges. She uses these plays to extend her meditation on liminality present in the imagist poems discussed in Chapter 1, and to theorize in-betweenness in a broader sense. Her versions of the plays can thus be understood, I argue, as probing the spaces between history and myth, eros and thanatos, rhythm and arrhythmia, antiquity and modernity. Unlike in her Ion or Helen in Egypt, however, H.D. is here, in the years between 1915 and 1927, still hesitant about the solutions she proposes, whether formal, cultural, or cosmic – and this “temporization” recalls Pound’s ambivalence on the use of Greece explored in the previous chapters.
Looking at both “Choruses” translations closely and in relation to their Greek originals, I show that H.D. is already doing here what Pound and Eliot are talking about; she too is transitioning, moreover, from a focus on the image in IA to a figurative/theoretical and literal exploration of sound and meter in Hippolytus. It is through the imagistic landscape of IA that H.D. first begins to explore her own ambivalence as a poet in a time of war – which critics have generally located in her later prose works – and through the sonically rich Hippolytus, which catalyzes HT, that she interrogates Euripides specifically and Greece in general in terms of what they can offer to “modernity” and of what “modernity” can offer back. H.D. engages with discourses on Greek antiquity, which are woven into her translations and play; unlike Pound and Eliot’s mostly rhetorical engagement, H.D. practically and in detail measures out in her work how to translate Greek poetics into English, choosing not to draw back from the challenge.
“Cold splendor of song”: Iphigeneia ca. 1915
The End is the Beginning: Iphigeneian Contexts
H.D.’s interest in tragic choruses “is tied to her deliberate lyric experimentation, an effort to find polyphony in lyric voice and complexity in lyric temporality and spatiality.”Footnote 1 Yet the appeal of choral songs extends beyond the possibility of polyphonic lyric that they offer. In her unpublished essay “Helen in Egypt” she describes the chorus as “the beautiful hieratic semi-circle that custom (a survival of some old religious ceremony) still prescribed to the sophisticated fifth-century Athens” (10). As poetic expression, the chorus, maintained in tragedy “because of some old implanted law or superstition,” still served to “symboliz[e] the goddess” and the chorus’s “identity with the goddess” (10, 11). That is, in H.D.’s mind, no matter what was said in them, choral songs pointed to, were constituted by this relationship to the divinity. Yet, despite her real and continuing attraction to aspects of Greek ritual, H.D. is more ambivalent towards ceremony than Pound or Eliot. Always alert to polyvalence, mirrorings, and layerings, she is often wary of what the words may point to, of what the rhythms might conjure: not transcendence, not the gods, but deception.
This ambivalence is revealed in H.D.’s choice of texts and choral lyrics to translate; many are concerned precisely with the possibility of song, its nature and danger. Unlike Eliot and Pound’s obsession with the Agamemnon, as well as Pound’s broader interest in the Odyssey, H.D. turns to a tragedy about the beginning of war rather than its end, as perhaps would be most fitting in 1915. IA illustrates the intermingling of public and private: What is worth sacrificing personally for the common good, it asks. But, as Euripides suggests, the “common” pressures – in this case, the desire to avenge Menelaus – are not only social or “national” and so potentially ennobling, but often familial, personal, petty. If Euripides – writing this play in self-imposed exile in Macedonia at a time when Athens had shown itself too bold and had been ravaged by war on multiple fronts – uses his mythical theme as a screen for a contemporary debate, so H.D. reanimates Euripides’ gesture. At the same time, history itself seems to be repeating. The movement east, from Greece to Asia, that the play portrays or whose fulfillment it enables, was to be re-enacted by Alexander the Great less than a hundred years after Euripides’ death, and was now, more than two thousand years later, coming to pass again, as the British warship Agamemnon sailed towards Gallipoli in 1915.
Not only is IA a late play, it is Euripides’ last and, therefore, the last “canonical” tragedy. Unlike Pound, who would eventually place himself at the very origin of the classical tradition with his translation of (what he thought was the oldest part of) the Odyssey, H.D., in her first major translation effort, places herself at its purported historical end. Thematically, however, she stakes a claim for an even earlier beginning. If she highlights, and even augments, Iphigeneia’s sense of self-sacrifice and glory,Footnote 2 she does so precisely in order to place a young woman at the center of the Homeric world (and its tragic retellings), a young woman who would not be its guilty, motivating cause (Helen), but its heroic enabler. Without Iphigeneia and her sacrifice, there would not have been an Iliad, or an Odyssey, let alone an Agamemnon. IA would thus be the last play that nonetheless paradoxically restarts the tradition.
IA’s lateness has formal consequences. Sylvia Brown calls it “clearly the most eccentric of the late plays metrically.”Footnote 3 In these late plays, Euripides uses “syllable-counting, word-break and accent” to compensate for the decreased importance of quantity in organizing his lines.Footnote 4 He structures his lyrics using theme and variation, not allowing his meter to settle, for example, into a firm iambic or trochaic swing, and uses parallelism in the organization of his strophes.Footnote 5 Though Gregory is right to suggest that Greek choruses in general might have seemed appealing to H.D. because their lines were shorter and their meters traditionally lyrical, it seems likely that the specific reason she turned to this play in 1915 was its metrical freedom, and its “readability” according to measures that she herself was already using in her writing (after all, Euripides had been proclaimed a vers-librist by Pound already in 1913): that “gentle, subtle lap-lap of the almost tideless ocean that beat a measure so fine, so subtle, so etherealized that one could scarcely count it,” as she puts in “Hipparchia” when describing the “metres in the air” (Palimpsest 39).
H.D. uses IA in order to address both a poetic and a political-ethical issue. On the one hand, it offers her a way to write a longer poem that still coheres around an image: that of Iphigeneia, like Pound’s Herakles in the Women of Trachis, asserting or even exceeding paternal law and “seeing it clearly.” On the other, it allows her to explore the relationship of art, and especially poetry, to war and to begin to think about ways of including “history” in her writing.Footnote 6 “History” would include textual history as well, of the kind that both Pound and Aldington were examining around the same time, and she may indeed have beaten them to it. For Aldington, writing to Pound from the front in France in 1918 with potential research avenues into Homeric editions, suggests looking at “translations into the vernacular” from “about More’s time” because “Dryad [= H.D.] found a latin version of the Iphigeneia by some Lesbian, – pardon – bluestocking of the Lady Jane Grey epoch. It was quaint and not without vigour.”Footnote 7 Aldington is misremembering the details, but the translation in question must be that by Lady Jane Lumley (1537–78), who had translated the IA into English rather than Latin around 1553–54, on the occasion of her marriage (she and her husband Baron Lumley had “the largest library in England at the time” and often translated together).Footnote 8 Lumley’s IA version had just been published for the first time in 1909, which is probably what brought it to H.D.’s attention in the early teens; Lumley’s MS notebook was also in the British Library, where H.D. may have consulted it. The printed volume’s editor explicitly identifies Lumley’s translation as “the earliest extant attempt to render into English a work of one of the Greek dramatists” (v), and there is no doubt that in choosing this play to translate, H.D. was also constructing an alternative tradition of female “hellenists,” weaving an imaginary garland that tied her to Lumley, and indeed specifically supplemented her work, for Lumley had omitted the play’s choruses from her prose-only version.
Yet, from their first partial publication in the Egoist in November 1915, H.D.’s “Choruses” were misrepresented. They were preceded by an unsigned note that has customarily been attributed to her, as if it were her translator’s manifesto. Τhe voice, however, that articulates the supposed aims of H.D.’s translation is almost certainly Aldington’s, who had written the also unsigned manifesto-like announcement for the Poets’ Translation Series (in which the full-length translation of the “Choruses” would soon appear) a few months before:
A literal, word-for-word version of so well-known an author as Euripides would be useless and supererogatory; a rhymed, languidly Swinburnian verse form is an insult and a barbarism. It seemed, therefore, that the rhymeless hard rhythms used in the present version would be most likely to keep the sharp edges and irregular cadence of the original. While the sense of the Greek has been strictly kept, it is necessary to point out that the repetition of useless, ornamental adjectives like “εὐπλοκάμος” [sic] and “καλλιπλόκαμος,” for example, is a heavy strain on a translator’s ingenuity. This is only one instance from many where the Homeric epithet degenerates into what the French poets call a remplissage – an expression to fill up a line. Such phrases have been paraphrased or omitted.Footnote 9
From the French reference, to the unequivocal use of “barbarism” and the pretentious “supererogatory,” to the strict categorization of adjectives and the glib reference to the “Homeric epithet,” this paragraph is much closer to Aldington’s authoritative faux-scholarly style than to H.D.’s usual meandering tentativeness. The note is also inaccurate. First, the adjectives singled out are actually not in the sections published in the Egoist; when they appear in the full “Choruses,” they are indeed translated.Footnote 10 Second, in the first section published in the Egoist, which is Homeric in spirit (see below), there aren’t all that many epithets even though one might expect them, and the epithets that are present are again translated: either adjectivally as in “golden Menelaus / And Agamemnon of proud birth,” or periphrastically as with H.D.’s rendering of ἰσάνεμον ‘like the wind’ as “has strapped the wind / About his ankles.”Footnote 11 That is, much as Pound and Eliot will only grudgingly acknowledge the virtues of H.D.’s translation in their later reviews because they are using the reviews to promote their own Greek agenda (as we have seen in Chapter 2), so does Aldington here, albeit from a more sympathetic point of view. The common thread, though, is that H.D. is taking her freedoms with Euripides’ words, caring more about their general “sense” than their specific contours. Much like the rest of the note, this implication is inaccurate as well, but has contributed to the prevailing understanding of H.D.’s “hellenism,” whether we view it positively or negatively.
H.D. treats her “choros sequences” as stand-alone poetic sequences.Footnote 12 She does not name the sections she is translating with their conventional Greek names (parodos [= first choral song marking the chorus’s arrival on the stage], stasimon [= choral song], etc.), but numbers them instead. She also does not follow the responsive Greek strophic structure; in fact she actively erases it by also numbering serially the subsections within each section of her sequence. She usually does not pattern her subsections so that they appear responsive, and even cuts up single Greek strophes into much shorter segments. She, moreover, sometimes alters the Greek “sense” in the way that would work best for her poem; most frequently, this means cutting misogynistic passages that are tied to what Pound would call “moralizing.” For example, in the first IA stasimon she omits the first strophic pair, in which the chorus claims that only a passionless marriage can bring happiness and flatly condemns Helen, praising the Greek leaders for going to war. At the same time, cutting this passage allows her to structure the whole sequence more coherently. As they stand in H.D.’s version, the play’s choral songs, far from being “irrelevant” to the play’s action,Footnote 13 offer a timeline of war. Beginning with the present vision of the ships at Aulis in section i (parodos), we move back to Paris’s abduction of Helen in ii (a shorter first stasimon consisting only of its epode), then forward to the prophesied retrieval of Helen from Troy and the city’s destruction in iii (second stasimon). Section iv (the third stasimon) takes us even further back than ii, before Paris’s choice and reward, to the event that occasioned it: Peleus and Thetis’s wedding and the beginning of discord. The section ends with a reference to Iphigeneia’s current supposed “wedding” to Achilles (the excuse for summoning her to Aulis) and the contrast between the two. Finally, in v Iphigeneia summarizes the whole story of Paris’s judgment and the discord between the gods, which leads to her death. The “theme” that runs through these choruses and that H.D. calls attention to more than Euripides, partly by virtue of her condensation of the play, is the possibility of song or even speech in a time of war. What her chorus debates is the role of the observer of the war, while the “dramatic” action is the transformation of such an observer, Iphigeneia, into actor. Though in some measure her method here resembles that which Pound would use in Lustra insofar as she fragments the Euripidean play, the goal is to make its structure and coherence more clearly emerge, and H.D. achieves that, unlike Pound in his “Homage,” by probing its every word.
Straits: Imagism at Aulis
H.D.’s opening section demonstrates what she means by translating what the Greek words hide.Footnote 14 At the same time, as Pound would do in his Women of Trachis choruses much later, her version of the parodos coheres around a single word/image: stenoporthmōn ‘of or on a strait,’ which the chorus use to encapsulate their difficult journey to Aulis. H.D. uses “strait” three times to designate three different locations situated between land and water: once where it is actually used in the Greek to describe the narrow sea-passage of Euripos (“I crossed Euripos’ strait – / Foam hissed after my boat”), once to designate the Eurotas river in Sparta, where Helen was taken (“There are clumps of marsh-reed / And spear-grass about the strait”), and once to describe the site of Paris’s judgment on Mount Ida (“As the three stood / Among the fresh-shallows of the strait”) (CP 71–72). It is possible that H.D. confused the name of the earlier strait “Euripos,” which the chorus had to cross to get to Aulis, with the Spartan river Eurotas, which remains unnamed in her translation, and that she then also unintentionally conflated Eurotas with Ida since the latter remains unnamed in the Greek.Footnote 15 Yet H.D. refuses to geographically orient us throughout. For example, when she writes in her second stanza “I left Chalkis, / My city and the rock-ledges. / Arethusa twists among the boulders, / Increases – cuts into the surf,” she leads us to infer that Arethusa, its movement expressed in the present like that of the chorus in the section’s preceding stanza (“I stand among the sea-drift before Aulis”), is part of the chorus’s immediate landscape when in fact it belongs to the Chalkis they have left behind (71). A simple “where” or “there” before “Arethusa twists…” would have clarified this. The fact that H.D. withholds it suggests that she wants to convey a precise feeling for the kind of space we are in (with its rocks, sand, and sea-drift), but at the same time maintain a sense of geographical confusion or disorientation even as she provides us with (some) place-names. Similarly, while she omits any overt reference to Sparta (as does Euripides, relying on Eurotas as a location marker), she nonetheless encodes its sounds, as well as those of stenoporthmōn itself, in her interpolated description of it: “And spear-grass about the strait.” Moreover, by introducing “spears,” she makes her landscape cohere even more tightly. Paris passed through “spear-grass” when he took Helen, and he will soon have to pass through spears again if the Achaians arrive at Ida/Troy instead of “the three [goddesses].” The goal of the passage is to strike some familiar notes, but not too explicitly, as the readers themselves try to make sense of this old play in new guise.
The choice of stenoporthmōn as the passage’s key word does more than suggest the simultaneous and almost physical presence of these events (arrival of army at Aulis, Helen’s abduction, Paris’s judgment) in the mind of the chorus and audience. By insisting on “strait,” H.D. turns the literal description of a geographical space into a figurative description of past events, evoking the metaphorical straits in which Helen and Paris had found themselves, the former when leaving Sparta, the latter when choosing Aphrodite. By the same token, however, she externalizes, makes physical an interior, psychological landscape, assigning the image of the Euboean topography to the two crucial mythical moments. In her later essay on Euripides’ Helen, H.D. would define Greece itself, the Greece we enter “through the words,” as “the thousand intimate little bays, the foaming straits,” suggesting that her entire conception of Greece rests on this double reflection of external and internal, physical and emotional, metaphorical and literal, that she draws out of Euripides’ opening (9). Like this strait, Greece is impossible to untangle and difficult, but not impossible to cross.
The strain denoted in stenoporthmōn further guides her lexical choices in the passage. The landscape described by the Greek chorus is a paradigmatic H.D. landscape, between land and water, and that may have well been its initial appeal.Footnote 16 In the first six lines Euripides uses three different compound words to mean “by-the-sea” (παρακτίαν, ἐναλίας, ἀγχιάλων), refers once to a beach (ψάμαθον) and a marine passageway (στενοπόρθμων) and twice to water (χευμάτων, ὑδάτων). Though H.D.’s use of compounds like “sand-hills,” “sea-drift,” and “rock-ledges” to designate the compound Greek adjectives pushes English towards Greek in a way that would have pleased Pound, her words do not match up with their Greek counterparts in specific meaning. The Greek words designate the border, or even simply the proximity, between beach and water without commenting on it. H.D., in contrast, through the entry point afforded by her key term, reads that border as belonging to the landscape of her Sea Garden: that is, as a hard-edged, dry space, unwelcoming to chorus and Greek warriors alike – we may recall again the introduction of “spear-grass.” That that book was being compiled at exactly the time she was translating IA suggests the degree of synergy between translation and “original” work.
H.D.’s syntax also reflects her key word. Overall, for Euripides’ long hypotactic clauses she substitutes short phrases (one per short line), for his fluidity, a sense of hardness, reflected in the jagged edges of her lines. The most striking difference between the texts lies in H.D.’s heavy use of active indicative verbs: “I crossed,” “I crossed,” “I left,” “I come,” and so on. The long Greek strophe (lines 164–85), to which H.D.’s first subsection corresponds, is structured around only five indicative verbs. H.D. creates one stanza per Greek verb (plus one, the second, where in Greek there are two active participles) though she does not try to follow the Greek syntax within her stanzas and, in fact, multiplies its verbs. Her eschewing of the Greek hypotactic structure results in multiple word repetitions that do not necessarily produce a rhythmic effect,Footnote 17 as, for example, in her fourth stanza:
The repetition of “they have” or of “ships” seems stiff, inflexible. Reading through the Greek stenoporthmōn, then, she allows it to color her entire presentation of the landscape – her thematic, lexical, and syntactical choices – and discovers in Euripides’ suggestion of difficult but ultimately successful passage her own Sea Garden.
Yet, having begun by placing her speaker in the space of her own imagist poems, H.D. then gestures beyond them. What this chorus encounters next is war, in the guise of an almost Homeric catalog of ships and warriors, no doubt an intentional echo on the part of Euripides. The parodos ends with the description of Ajax’s ships, but H.D. detaches part of that account into its own subsection and generalizes it in order to create a concluding pair of stanzas for this first section of her translation (in Greek only the last two lines provide a concluding note):
Euripides’ chorus comments on the superiority of Ajax’s fleet; H.D.’s focuses on the awesomeness of this vision, inserting a variation of a line spoken earlier: “If a god should stand here / He could not speak / At the sight of ships / Circled with ships” (CP 73).Footnote 18 They thus insist on the incommensurability between the first-hand experience or witnessing of (the preparation for) war and its recounting. At the same time, though H.D. extends the chorus’s admiration of Ajax’s ships to the whole Greek fleet, she undermines the implications of that greatness. While Euripides says “If anyone sets / barbarian barks against these, / no homecoming [noston] will he win” (lines 296–98), H.D. undoes the opposition: Both the Greek ships and those of their enemies are beyond measure. A statement of certain victory – in Greek limited to Ajax and his “most nimble” (line 293) ships – is transformed into a battle of equals, the only certainty being that of radical change for both sides. Loosely translating Euripides’ line νόστον οὐκ ἀποίσεται (298) by “nothing will ever be the same,” H.D. generalizes the impossibility of nostos; there can be no return from war for anyone, Greek or barbarian, victor or loser – something the Greek chorus does not seem to know. To make this point even more forcefully H.D. then turns the neutral statement with which the Euripidean parodos ends into a premonition of doom. Rather than translate “such is the armada / I saw here and what I remember, / from what I heard at home, / of the assembled army” (lines 299–302), she teases out the lines’ implication: “the shouts,” “the harrowing voices,” “graven with ships.” What is seen and remembered but barely spoken becomes for H.D. evidence of trauma, as she instills in her chorus a prophetic – as far as the play is concerned – knowledge of the future. They speak of the shouts and harrowing voices with a sense of certainty that can only be retrospective and marks the translator’s own presence in the text. Hearing the emphatic Greek consonance together with the ου assonance in τὰ δὲ κᾱτ᾽οἴκους κλύουσᾱ σῡῩκλήτου (line 301) as evidence for the kind of sounds the chorus has heard, H.D. translates accordingly and renders explicit the tension between memorializing the ships and being left behind. The chorus stand “with an army,” but also “apart,” and yet they too may share the army’s “grave” fate – a pun H.D. probably intended.
“The harrowing voices within the house”: Prophecies of War
In the second stasimon, H.D.’s section iii, we hear precisely from “The harrowing voices within the house” as Euripides’ chorus imagines the future exploits of the Greek army and the eventual downfall of Troy. Yet such a distinction between sides is blurred when the Greek women ventriloquize the Trojan women’s sorrow, “quoting” their laments to come after the predicted sacking of Troy. Precisely in hoping not to ever be put in the place of the Trojan women, they become them in sung prophetic imitation – prophetic not only of the Trojan women’s plight, as they think, but also of Greek women in Euripides’ own time. H.D. has her chorus occupy the position of the Trojan women from the beginning even if they only speak as them at the end. She writes, for example, that the Greek force will “come to Simois – / The strait,” not “arrive” there (as in Greek), implying that the speaker is already by that Trojan river (CP 77). This fourth use of “strait” – translating no Greek word – serves again to establish the imagistic coherence of the translation; in the first section, we had heard of Paris “coming” to two fated watery places, the Eurotas river and Mount Ida, and now correspondingly the Greeks are coming for him. Moreover, in H.D.’s text the chorus is already (with) Kassandra, seeing the destruction of Troy. While the account of the Greek invasion of Troy is set in the future, Kassandra intrudes in the present: “They will enter Troy. /… / Kassandra shakes out her hair –” (CP 77). This temporal distinction is present in Euripides as well, but there it is at least introduced by akouo ‘I hear’ (lines 757–58).
H.D. presents a more violent picture of the battles, extending Euripides’ description of weaponry and compounding his images of force. The gathered Greek army (line 753) becomes “The crowd of the Greek force,” their arms and ships (754) “stacked arms and with troop-ships” (CP 77, my emphasis). Her heightening of violence is directional; as in the rest of her translation, here too H.D. exhibits no sympathy or alliance with the Greeks, displacing even the pretense of a “national” cause for war (which Euripides himself puts into question of course) and implicitly arguing, here and elsewhere, against the notion of a just war, highlighting instead the losses sustained. For example, rather than have the Greeks simply arrive at Troy, she adds a line to declare “They will enter Troy” (CP 77). Moreover, though the Greek identifies the ground of Troy as Phoebean, H.D. transfers that adjective to Troy’s “porticoes” (“The sun-god built the porticoes”), thus implying that by “entering” the city they are breaking into a god’s territory (CP 77). Rather than introduce the Trojans waiting for the Greeks at the city walls, ready to defend their land (762–64), she places the Greeks already “stand[ing] on Pergamos” and “crowd[ing] about the walls,” as if there is barely any resistance from the other side (CP 77). In the one instance where she suppresses a violent image present in the Greek – Ares, used as a synecdoche for the war brought on by Greeks, will “take away severed heads” of Trojans (776) – she does so precisely to erase the purportedly just act of revenge. She turns this specific act of violence into a generalized and therefore all the more powerful “bright stain,” presumably of blood, on the “stone-battlements” of “ancient Troy” (“ancient” too is an addition, heightening the sense of sacrilege) (CP 78). When she finally writes that Troy is “given up to its fate” she eschews the more specific description in the Greek: “sacking the city utterly” (CP 78).Footnote 19 She thus further removes traces of glory from the Greeks who are sacking Troy; it is not, she implies, that they are such great warriors, but rather that that was the city’s fate. By slanting her translation in this way, H.D. downplays the tension that Euripides develops between the chorus’s excitement for battle and admiration of the Greek army and their suppressed fear for their own future.
Euripides’ chorus identifies the lamenting words to be spoken by the Trojan women (and wished away from themselves) as mythoi: παρ᾽ ἱστοῖς / μυθεῦσαι τάδ᾽ ἐς ἀλλήλας (lines 789–90; “as by their looms / they say to one another”). This lexical choice would hardly be noteworthy if the word did not poignantly return in its meaning of “fable” at the end of their ventriloquized song. After blaming Helen for their fate, the imagined Trojan chorus doubts her parentage and wonders whether the report of her half-divinity is “true” (line 795) or an untimely rumor, the Muses’ invention, a mythos qua myth (798). They ask, that is, whether their city’s destruction had a divinely ordained cause. But the Euboean women who are at this moment speaking these mythoi (qua words) are themselves idly spinning a poetic fable insofar as they are imagining the future voices of others (which, metatextually, they/we have heard in Euripides’ earlier Trojan plays).
H.D.’s translation teases out the implications of this act of ventriloquism. While Euripides’ chorus hopes they will not have to experience a plight like the one they imagine the Trojan women will speak of (“May no foreboding / ever come to me or to my children’s children”; lines 785–86), H.D.’s chorus makes experience and telling inseparable: “May no child of mine, / Nor any child of any child / Ever fashion such a tale / As the Phrygians shall murmur” (CP 77).Footnote 20 By using the vocabulary of conscious artistic creation here, H.D. dispenses with the imagined Trojan women’s purported distinction between fact and fiction, and simply answer the question. Every telling is a fashioned tale, in which there is little room for the determination of “truth”:
H.D. rearranges the imagined lament so that the imagery of destruction and violence is intercut with the epistemological question about Helen. What in Greek, then, may be taken as a gesture towards a factual statement about Helen (is she the offspring of Zeus or not?) becomes here almost irrelevant in the face of human lament and desertion: if … truth, but still we lament, even if … no truth. Whatever the cause or justification of war may be, wherever or however it may be expressed, the result will be the same, the only tales to be fashioned variations of this one. By devoting a separate line to each of the poetry-associated words in Euripides (the Pierian-inspired deltoi ‘tablets,’ anthrōpoi ‘humans’ [H.D.’s “poets”], mythoi) only to reject each of them, H.D. claims a very particular role for the “poet,” here in the guise of these Greek women pretending to be their Trojan counterparts: not the accurate and permanent (“cut on ivory”) recording of the past, or even of the present, but the prescient fashioning of the future that can nonetheless only be expressed allegorically – that is, when speaking through another. As indeed H.D. is doing here, writing through Euripides in 1915.
“Scattered light”: Muses and Heroines
While the voices imagined in the second stasimon are those “voices in the house” that echo at the end of the parodos in H.D.’s version, the first and third stasima, on the other hand, address divine speaking/singing, precisely the other kind of “myth.” H.D. emphasizes this alternation in her translation as her sections ii and iv attempt to address the question of the “reality” or “truthfulness” of myth that the Euripidean chorus has posed in the passage we just looked at. In these two sections H.D. highlights, if not exaggerates, the complicity of song in war. Going against the Greek in the first stasimon, she places Paris’s musical abilities at the start of war, presenting him as a pied piper: Paris “caught all Olympus / In his bent reeds” (CP 76). This is an important (and probably unintentional) misreading. In the course of describing Paris’s bucolic life, Euripides likens him to Olympus, a famed singer and purported inventor of the aulos: “playing Asian [barbara] melodies upon the syrinx, / imitating upon your reed pipe / the Phrygian aulos of Olympus” (lines 576–78). H.D.’s ambiguous line, however, either suggests that Paris metaphorically captured, that is, successfully imitated, the essence of Olympus (as synecdoche for the gods) in his music, or that he literally captured the Olympian gods by means of it (after all, we soon hear about the three sparring goddesses finding him on Ida). In either case, what was an incidental detail is here used to heighten the stakes and prepare us for the possibility explored in H.D.’s next section, the second stasimon discussed above.
The third stasimon (H.D.’s section iv) develops the Greek chorus’s imagined fear about song’s potentially deceptive and destructive powers. The strophe goes further back in time, before Paris’s choice, to Thetis and Peleus’s wedding. The Greek begins with an inquiry about a wedding hymn (“What wedding-hymn was that which…” [line 1036]); it then specifies the day on which the wedding occurred by describing the various aspects of the feast, one of which involves the Muses. H.D., however, has the Muses govern the action completely. Skipping to the fifth line of the Greek strophe, H.D. introduces the Muses immediately by redundantly translating the Greek epithet καλλιπλόκαμοι (kalliplokamoi) with “Burnished-head / By burnished-head” (CP 79). Of course the Muses’ heads are “burnished” in the figurative sense of being perfected, perfectly coiffed, as the Greek states. At the same time, the literal meaning of the word points us in a different direction, that of polishing metals, and by extension not to hair, but to helmets. H.D. encourages such confusion by then calling them “Pierides”; this toponym would be immediately recognizable to the Greek audience, but perhaps less so to an English-speaking one that might instead take the “Pierides” to be an Achaian tribe, like those listed in the catalog of ships of the parodos, on the hunt for Helen (“Pierides sought the bride,” H.D. ambiguously writes [79]). Rather than translate the place-name into the more familiar name, she paratactically identifies their many activities: playing music on flute, lyre, and syrinx, chanting, dancing, calling and bringing together bride, groom, and guests. She thus reorganizes and tightens the Greek strophe into a single performance by the Muses – a performance, moreover, that not only accompanies the wedding, but seems to make it possible. She also ends with an image absent in its specificity from the Greek when she adds that the Nereids – the name this time translated into “sea-spirits” – “Moved and paused / To mark the beat / Of chanted words” (79, my emphasis). H.D. does not want us to miss that it is the tragic chorus that is conjured here.
When in the antistrophe the centaur Chiron predicts Achilles’ birth, he is said to be inspired by Apollo, or, more precisely, to be a seer knowledgeable in Phoebus’s “muse,” namely prophecy (lines 1064–65). H.D. reads this “muse” in accordance with the Muses she has just presented, writing that Chiron speaks his prophecy “Inspired by the rites of song”:
H.D. reads the connective conjunction tote that follows Chiron’s prediction (line 1076) as expressing consequence (“Therefore”) rather than subsequence; the latter is the more probable reading, though as with the English “then” the line between the two can be blurry. But H.D. wants to imply that the chanting spirits (that is, in H.D.’s version, the Muses, when in Greek it is daimones, mostly likely the gods in general) bless Thetis for this reason: so that she, “fair-fathered,” may mother a worthy son. She thus presents this blessing in song as sanctioning the war to come, justifying it for the sake of a splendid image: so that this light, Achilles, can shine, the fire of Troy will have to come about. In Bid Me to Live H.D. would suggest the complicity between certain kinds of new poetry – avant-garde, vorticism, even her own “Imagiste” aesthetic of harshness and hardness – with “the times” and, thus, the war; she first does so here.
It is in this light that we should see H.D.’s subsequent “glorification” of Iphigeneia. Achilles will “scatter fire” in Troy in H.D.’s version, but the first victim of his “light” will appear already in the next stanza, in the stasimon’s epode: Iphigeneia herself, whose own hair “is scattered light,” and whose presence onstage leads the chorus to ask once again “where truth is” (CP 80). Yet, when at the end of the play (H.D.’s section v) Iphigeneia “accepts” her sacrifice, she presents herself not as victim, but as aggressor, ordering the women to sing, the Greeks to stand silent, Agamemnon to assist her – and especially so in H.D.’s rendering. H.D. adds more imperatives than are there in Greek precisely to suggest that Iphigeneia is in command of the ceremony and indeed of the entire Greek army. Rejecting the image (presented by the chorus earlier) of a heifer headed to the slaughter, Iphigeneia becomes the one demanding the slaughter and dictating its terms and proceedings. Though in Greek she asks to be led to the altar (line 1475), H.D.’s Iphigeneia proclaims her own free will (“I come – I free Hellas”), and wants to be acclaimed not simply for ensuring the continuation of the Greeks’ journey, but for “destroy[ing] Phrygia and Troy” (CP 83, rendering the Greek heleptolin [line 1476] and thus usurping the Aeschylean Helen’s role). She also asks for a song that sings “Without change of note, / My death-paeon and Artemis’ chant” (CP 82). While in Greek the paean is clearly for Artemis (lines 1467–69), H.D. implies that it is, paradoxically, for Iphigeneia herself, who demands to be glorified as both hero and goddess. H.D. thus fashions her as a counter-Helen and as a counter-Achilles – the one who makes the prophesied heroic Achilles possible. Though Gregory is right to say that H.D. highlights Iphigeneia’s embrace of war, this scene does not represent as H.D.’s final word. The “heroic axis”Footnote 22 is consistently undercut throughout the chorus sequence; that is, H.D. shows herself to be aware of the dangers of her own mythologizing, of her own historic or mythical revisionism that would turn Iphigeneia into a hero-goddess. The play may end with this glorified image and its attendant song, but we have already heard the future, what such song may make possible and what voices it may then cover over, as H.D. has made the case for the importance of being not a bold actor but an astute and empathetic witness.
Susan Stanford Friedman has argued that “the impersonal discourse of H.D. Imagiste was not suited” to writing about traumatic events of war; instead it was prose that became “the discourse that freed H.D. to narrate her experience of modernity” because it was “personal, narrative, directly gendered, and historical” – as indeed we have already seen with “Hipparchia.”Footnote 23 In large part Friedman is correct in her assessment: The bulk of H.D.’s production, published and unpublished, in the interwar period is in the form of novels and novellas, some set in the Hellenistic world, and all semi-autobiographical. Yet, as I have argued, H.D.’s first “imagiste” poems are not quite as disembodied and timeless as they might initially appear, while her Iphigeneia choruses are already doing the work that Friedman locates in H.D.’s later mythical dramatic monologues and in her novels; they already allow her to explore her ambivalence as a poet in a time of war. Before the constant retellings of the London war years in her 1920s (and later) prose, then, H.D. first begins to explore the question of war and its consequences, and the relation of art to war, through this encounter with Euripides. Aldington would write to her a few years later that though “there are moments when I doubt even the Greeks,” still “the ‘Greeks’ are our norm” because they “solved” the problem of life and art; H.D., in contrast, uses “the Greeks” to unsettle the very idea of such a solution (HD/RA 78). In the quintessential “straited” landscape of imagism, she stages a confrontation between what we might call the ideal and the real: the crystalline, musical world of the spirit and of song, as portrayed in the Muses stasimon, to which H.D. herself was heavily drawn, and a “real” world and real war impinging upon it that, moreover, it seems to have brought about. In this sense, then, maintaining the distinctions between “real” and “ideal” becomes pointless as they show themselves to be completely intertwined. She already responds in her text to the possible reaction of a critic – namely that, in turning to Euripides, she is looking away from her own time – by using the Iphigeneia choruses to encode both the promise and the danger of song, of poetry in a time of war. At the same time, by so doing, she pushes to the surface critical moments in the Euripidean choruses that may have seemed unimportant under the swing of the play’s plot and the Panhellenic mythos it was unfolding, a mythos to which other early twentieth-century hellenists may have been all too eager to subscribe.
Meter Madness: H.D.’s Hippolytus Choruses
H.D.’s interwar Euripides versions that follow IA are similarly not simply tributes to classical Athens, or to Greece, or even ways to explore her own personal traumas in disguise. Just as Pound is talking about quantity reasserting itself in 1919, so H.D. in both her versions of Hippolytus thinks critically about what that insistence on Greek sound means, in the same way that in the IA choruses she thought critically about the Greek mythical “image.” H.D. uses the Greek play more broadly, moreover, to reflect theoretically on the question of poetic measure. Just as Eliot and Pound are constraining their own verse, primarily through rhyme, in reaction to the perceived excessive freedoms of imagism, H.D. both practically explores and theorizes the limits of vers libre as well as the possibilities of rhyme in her Hippolytus versions. Finally, in the 1920s H.D. attempts to approach the “original” long poem by way of Greek tragedy: HT is the first in a series of Greek-based works that is longer than her previous poetic sequences (e.g., the title poem in Hymen), dramatic, and in the end multi-generic, neither solely for the page nor solely for the stage.
H.D. thinks of tragic writing as a translation into old symbols and ideas, which would also result in their transmutation in the process (see Introduction). What emerges in this particular kind of translation, H.D. suggests, is not words, though they may be exquisite, but “the rhythms, the metres,” which are “most important” for the audience.Footnote 24 She seems to be identifying with “metres” the possibility in poetry of a link to something “inexpressible” or non-/not yet verbal that captures the poet’s voice (and perhaps also the relation to the god) in a way that words cannot – something that would be translated into words and yet not exhausted by them. This issue is also broached in her 1920s prose, including “Hipparchia,” which is pervaded by mentions, though no explicit straightforward discussions, of “metres” and “feet.” H.D. seems to use the word “metres” not as a synecdoche for verse but for poetry; the poems her protagonists are seen composing in the prose narratives of “Hipparchia,” “Murex,” and Hedylus are not in easily identifiable, conventional measures. If then there is no identifiable measure, if the “metres” are “irregular,” as they so often are in H.D., can they still be called “metres”? What are they measuring?
H.D.’s work with Hippolytus, incipiently in the translation and more explicitly in HT, sheds light on her allegorical and theoretical conceptualization of “metres.” The play relies on metrical figuration (aligning content with meter in pointed ways) and presents Eros, the omnipotent force at its core, in rhythmical or sonic terms. Euripides’ literal and figurative deployment of meter allows H.D. to move beyond Pound’s primarily technical (though still mystified) consideration of Greek meter in the 1910s and 20s and to conceptualize “metres” or “rhythm” both more broadly as a cosmic force whose actions and reach she explores and more concretely in her own translation practice, which converts Greek metrical elements to English ones. She exploits and heightens these Euripidean metrical/sonic features throughout her translation of Hippolytus, yet chooses not to follow the play to its full tragic consequence in the “Choruses,” ending instead on Eros as aesthetic object or image rather than as disturbing sonic effect. The full consideration of Eros’s aural power, as well as its implications for the possibility and value of writing poetry and of turning to Greece, is, however, the central concern of HT.
Erotic Rhythms
Hippolytus had been the play that gave Richard Aldington his first glimpse into the possibilities of vers libre and led Pound to pronounce Euripides a vers-librist. Aldington’s own early unpublished partial translation of the playFootnote 25 is indeed in free verse (unlike, for example, his later prose translation of Alcestis or his prose translations from the Greek Anthology). When Aldington frantically tried to restart the Poets’ Translation Series before even returning from France in late 1918, H.D. delivered with “Choruses from the Hippolytus,” which was published in 1919, bound with the Iphigeneia choruses.Footnote 26 Their common interest in this play may be explained by several factors: Walter Pater had written a long essay inspired by it, there had been an influential production of the play in London in 1904 (in Gilbert Murray’s translation), and, as H.D. may well have known, there was, as with IA, a female precursor. Mary F. Robinson had published a metrical translation of Hippolytus in 1881.Footnote 27
Hippolytus begins where Iphigeneia ends. In the opening section H.D. creates an exactly parallel situation with the final scene of her Iphigeneia: A group of (male) attendants, the equivalent to Iphigeneia’s maidens, pray to Artemis, after which Hippolytus himself does so. All of the play’s choral songs have to do with Eros, which is essentially what Iphigeneia does not address, since its marriage plot is a ploy and quickly turns into a war plot. As Gregory writes, H.D. moves from the “heroic axis” of hellenism to the erotic one, and from a paternal to a maternal plot.Footnote 28 The two translations are, moreover, complementary qua commentaries on imagism and its commitments, including its presumed relations to Greek. As with IA, H.D. takes some pains to make her Hippolytus sequence imagistically cohesive. The most consistent feature is the use of “dart” as a synecdoche for Eros, echoing of course Pound’s very definition of the image (“when a thing outward and objective transforms itself, or darts into a thing inward and subjective”; GB 89). But unlike in the IA, H.D. is focused less on phanopoeia and more on melopoeia in her approach, exploring this particular Greek cliché: namely, the obsession with the incomparable “music.” To some extent this fits the plays themselves. Hippolytus is an earlier play and more conventional formally (again, as Pound and Eliot are thinking about tighter forms). Additionally, it is obsessed with “meter”; it depicts the actions and effects of Eros through references to rhythm and song and through a “symbolic” or performative use of meter specifically and sound generally.Footnote 29 H.D.’s preoccupation with this play can be seen as parallel to Pound’s with the Agamemnon in this sense. But while Pound is struggling with Greek sounds and meters – all his writing about tragedy is characterized by the ambivalence produced by such a struggle – H.D.’s actual versions dramatize sound’s “excess.” They display and thematize what cannot be cleared away by rhetoric like that of Pound, imagiste.
H.D. intensifies and expands Euripides’ strategies of registering Eros as metrical disruptionFootnote 30 while also extending Eros’s reach. With the Hippolytus choruses H.D. addresses directly the tension she develops between the two paired stasima/sections of Iphigeneia regarding the nature of song: song as aligned with gods or with mortals (especially women), song as deceit or as measure of truth. In this partial version of Euripides, and especially in her later adaptation of the play, it is the measuring of the distance between life and death, between mortals and immortals – which, in Hölderlinian fashion, also stands in for the distance between “modernity” and “Greece” – through “song,” which is brought, performatively and thematically, to the forefront, and which is revealed as a risky erotic space.Footnote 31
H.D.’s treatment of the drama negotiates the terms of two triangulated oppositions, onto which further oppositions are mapped. The first is between what Freud would call the life or sexual drive and the death drive: Eros, the force that seeks to “combine organic substances into ever larger unities” and to thus complicate and preserve life, and the death drive, “the task of which is to lead organic life back into the inanimate state.”Footnote 32 The triangulation here is a split within Eros that H.D. is interested in exploring: Is the (self-)destructiveness of desire, its link to madness, something other than the expression of the death drive? I will return to this below; though the seeds for this question are present in the Hippolytus choruses, it is raised more explicitly in HT, owing presumably to the publication and circulation of Freud’s own work.
The second opposition is one between two understandings of rhythm. The linguist Émile Benveniste reminds us that in most of its ancient occurrences the Greek word ῥυθμός (rhythmos) does not mean what we currently understand by rhythm and, despite its provenance from the verb ῥέω (rheō) ‘to flow,’ neither does it designate the flow of water. Noting that, in any case, those two senses are contradictory, Benveniste argues that the Greeks did not perceive a similarity between what they wanted to call rhythm and the movement of water, but instead used a word associated with liquidity to designate “la forme dans l’instant qu’elle est assumée par ce qui n’a pas consistance organique.”Footnote 33 Up until the Attic period, the constant and sole meaning of rhythmos was “forme distinctive, l’arrangement caractéristique des parties dans un tout” (330). More specifically, rhythmos was not a fixed or realized form, but a form always subject to change (333). By applying the word rhythmos to the movements of the human body in dance, Plato was the first to associate it with something regular; as Benveniste puts it, “cette ‘forme’ est désormais déterminée par une ‘mesure’ et assujettie à un ordre,” and rhythmos begins to designate a “séquence ordonnée de mouvements lents et rapides” (334). The word, that is, underwent a double displacement: from the domain of the inorganic to that of the human, and from that of space to that of time. No longer only referring to the contingent arrangement of constituent parts, it could now designate the intentionally organized repetitive alternation of distinct, and perhaps opposed, elements.
While I am sure that H.D. had not reached Benveniste’s particular philological conclusion, her understanding of rhythm recalls the word’s other, first sense. Certainly her characters’ repeated evocation of “metres in the air” is consonant with the idea that a rhythm might be a temporary form that one can only grasp at before it vanishes into a new shape. While one sense of rhythm would point to an intricate plan deliberately put in place by humans, whose goal would be to control a set of natural givens or constraints, the other might be – and that is how Maurice Blanchot conceives it, building on Benveniste’s insights – precisely the first one’s disruption: the accidental emergence of unplanned form that reverses or puts into question the edifice being built. The one rhythm would name the (imposed) order or disorder of things – the alternation of order and disorder – while the other would obviate such measuring, already gone by the time it is perceived. The triangulation I referred to above would be in this case between an understanding of rhythm that involves the opposition and alternation of, for example, the presence and absence of a regular meter, and one that is not defined with respect to such an alternation, to rhythm as conventionally conceived (or to its breaking), that cannot link up into any pattern that we might call metrical or unmetrical. “Feet, feet, feet, but not that kind,” as H.D. writes in “Murex,” and indeed her exploration of other kinds of “feet” during this period is focused on a particular use of rhyme (Palimpsest, 146).
By approaching the Hippolytus through these triangulated oppositions, H.D. tries to articulate a relation to Greece and to Greek drama that exceeds the available models in whose parameters Pound finds himself caught in the “Hellenist Series” and beyond. She articulates a textual and conceptual relationship to tragedy that is at once more interdependent and less fixed than that envisioned by either Pound or Eliot. Though it will take until the Ion translation for H.D. to be able to reimagine the erotic yet not wholly destructive possibility of poetic inspiration in general, and Greek inspiration in particular, the Hippolytus works pave the way through their rethinking of “rhythm” and “metres” in both the deep sense and the technical one. Neither rhythm nor its absence, neither constraint nor freedom, is adequate for expressing a living relationship to Greece but something barely definable in between those opposed terms may yet be able to.
“Wild words, mad speech”: The Metrical Representation of Phaedra
Anne Carson beautifully summarizes the consistent negative depiction of Eros and his effects in ancient Greek poetry: “His action is to melt, break down, bite into, burn, devour, wear away, whirl around, sting, pierce, wound, poison, suffocate, drag off or grind the lover to a powder.”Footnote 34 Euripides’ Hippolytus forms no exception to this “standard attitude and conviction.”Footnote 35 The play’s first stasimon, H.D.’s fourth section, describes the complete power of Eros over humans even compared to other gods, as exemplified by Herakles’ rape of Iole and Zeus’s of Semele. H.D. intensifies Euripides’ description, preparing her treatment of the Hippolytus myth in HT. She presents the unnamed Iole as an Artemis figure (“that girl, / chaste – / a wild colt, / mateless, uncaught”) who is forcefully corrupted, transformed into a “bacchante” by Herakles with Aphrodite’s permission (CP 89). H.D., moreover, makes Aphrodite, rather than Zeus’s appearance as god, directly responsible for Semele’s death:
Eros thus sets both gods’ and humans’ affairs out of joint, and in fact this out-of-jointedness is what binds them, according to H.D.’s version of the stasimon. H.D. will further explore this theme in HT, excluding only one god, Artemis, from Eros’s thralldom.
But before we hear of Eros directly in Euripides’ play, we witness his effects, first learning of Phaedra’s affliction through the chorus and then seeing her ourselves. H.D.’s second section, her translation of the play’s parodos, opens with the chorus referring to Oceanus, the river encircling the world. H.D. naturalizes the myth, turning Oceanus into the sea, while his waters dripping off a cliff become a pool left by the sea at high tide. A description of women washing clothes by the river follows:
While these are free verse lines, they do set up a pattern: They mostly end with two stresses (hígh-tíde, róck-shélf, etc.), all of which describe nature. This is interrupted by four consecutive lines with cretic endings (e.g., wómen díp, wáter járs), in which the activities of the women at the pool are described. Then we go back to the spondaic ending until we get to the stanza’s last line, which ends with “mistress.” Because of the preceding pattern we are almost forced to stress the word’s second syllable, as if “mistress” too were a compound word. In this way, Phaedra is placed between the human – more precisely, the feminine – world and the more “permanent” or forceful powers shaping the landscape, the very powers that in the first section of the translation Hippolytus has aligned himself with in his prayer to Artemis. This movement mirrors what is going on in the Greek metrically; there too there is a shift to a different set of meters for the lines pertaining to the women. To the extent that Euripides is using his meter performatively, H.D. follows him by resorting to strategies that work for English.Footnote 36
In the rest of the parodos the chorus describe Phaedra’s suffering and attempt to determine its cause, first in the divine realm – as either the result of possession (“you are possessed / by Pan, by Hecate”) or sin (the Murrayesque “have you sinned / … / against Artemis?”) – and then in the human: her husband’s possible infidelities, “sad news from Crete” (CP 86–87). Throughout, we have fairly regular stress alternation in H.D., approximating an iambic pattern and almost no clustering of stresses. Only when Artemis, in contrast to the other gods, is described in her natural surroundings at the end of H.D.’s third stanza do we return to the spondaic endings, with “huntress,” like “mistress” earlier, acting as an intermediate word:
There is, thus, a clear aural opposition set up in H.D., not between human and divine, but between human and natural, and by extension, between Phaedra’s female world and specifically the realm of Artemis (qua Frazerian nature goddess) for which Phaedra will soon yearn.
H.D.’s third section translates an exchange between Phaedra and her nurse, which contrasts the nurse’s sympathetic pragmatism and Phaedra’s “mad” wish for nature. This segment of the Greek play – including the nurse’s long opening speech which H.D. skips, her dialogue with Phaedra, and some short speeches by Phaedra – is in anapestic dimeters, rather than in the iambic trimeter which is customary for tragic dialogue. However, beginning with Phaedra’s second speech, her anapests exhibit “the Doric alpha associated with lyric delivery, though metrically they are no different from the Nurse’s non-lyric anapests.”Footnote 37 Moreover, “lyric delivery is often associated with delirium … and although Phaedra’s lines are spoken, the Doric vocalism may help to suggest an abnormal state of mind.”Footnote 38 When then H.D. translates this half-lyric exchange, she too shifts her translation’s rhythm. The Greek anapests have at least four long syllables and usually more. H.D.’s lines for Phaedra, though not for the nurse, are also longer: in her first and third speeches, almost exclusively with four stresses, a pattern otherwise absent in H.D.’s translation.Footnote 39 What the nurse and Phaedra share in the opening of the dialogue is alliteration, even of the same letter, h:
Phaedra Lift my head, help me up,
I am bruised, bone and flesh;
chafe my white hands, my servants:
this weight about my forehead?
Ah, my veil – loose it –
spread my hair across my breast.
Trophos There, do not start,
child, not toss about;
only calm and high pride
can help your hurt:
fate tries all alike.
Such alliteration is also present in H.D.’s version of the parodos above, and throughout the rest of her translation; thus we may assume that here it is a mark of “sanity,” of regularity or normalcy, a sense of attunement. For it is at this point that Phaedra’s lyric anapests begin in the Greek, and after an initial alliterative line, H.D.’s Phaedra disperses, and then drops, the alliterations completely, while the nurse picks up on Phaedra’s dropped w alliteration and continues the earlier h alliteration:
of spring water
from its white source;
ai, ai! for rest – black poplars –
thick grass – sleep.
Trophos What is this you ask,
wild words, mad speech –
hide your hurt, my heart,
hide your hurt
before these servants.
H.D. also moves away from both her initial four-stress lines and their stress alternation as Phaedra’s speech becomes increasingly fragmented: In this second speech, her every (monosyllabic) word also turns into a stressed word. Even her cry, only present in the beginning of the speech in Euripides, is repeated. (We have an intimation of this crowding of stressed syllables already in the first speech, where there tend to be two consecutive ones in the middle of Phaedra’s lines, in contrast with the nurse’s more spaced-out stresses.) When the nurse then refers to Phaedra’s speaking, she does so precisely by having four consecutive monosyllabic (and, in theory, stressed) words: “wild words, mad speech.”
In her third speech, H.D.’s Phaedra returns to the longer lines used in the first; as in the second, though, the stresses range from two to four stresses per line.
While previously her desire broke societal norms, here Phaedra expresses a more dangerous wish: She wants to transform herself into Artemis – from mistress to huntress – in order to be more attractive to Hippolytus. H.D. expresses through many metrical shifts this crossing of the boundary between mortal and immortal, which she will explore at length in HT. From the loosely trochaic, mostly stress-based, and faintly alliterative first line, most similar to the lines H.D. uses throughout her translation; to the crowding of four stresses in five words in the second (and, similarly, in the sixth); to the iambic third line (which replicates almost exactly the th-r-f sounds of the Greek thērophonoi ‘killers of prey/wild beasts’ [line 216]); to the adonic fourth which may well have come from Pound (leáp on the bríght stágs); to the fifth line, which begins spondaically (thus creating another string of four stresses if read with the preceding line) and continues anapestically so that the initial spondee can be taken as an anapest with substitution (Gód, hów I would shoút to the beásts); to the two concluding almost perfect anapestic trimeter lines, H.D. would seem to deem madness this metrical undecidability, this mimicking of Greek meters. H.D. depicts Phaedra’s mental unraveling as a descent into Greek until finally her Phaedra and Euripides’ coincide in the anapest; in this way, she mirrors the fact that Phaedra’s madness is marked in Greek through the Doric alpha – that is, through a linguistic device. It is not that she makes no sense (indeed, she does) or that she breaks the meter (she does not) but rather that there is something “foreign” felt in her native speech – just as there is in H.D.’s English speech with the metrical shifts and spondees. Artemis, for whose realm and identity Phaedra yearns, is thus figured as Greece itself, both through meter and through the alignment with a conventional topography of hellenism,Footnote 40 something that H.D. will more explicitly gesture towards in HT.
In her last speech, addressed to Artemis, Phaedra again speaks almost entirely in (stressed) monosyllables, this time ending most of her lines with the double stress we know from the parodos: the spondees associated with nature.
As in the parodos, here too we sense a shift as soon as Phaedra moves away from the description of the goddess to what she herself asks of her; from three stresses distributed to the beginning (one) and end (two) of each line, we move to two or three stresses alternating iambically. Already through the anapestic rhythm established at the end of the previous speech Phaedra has been moving away from fragmented, stress-crowded lines as H.D. suggests her slow return from “madness,” which follows in the untranslated remainder of the scene in Euripides (where Phaedra drops the Doric alpha and resumes regular anapests like the nurse’s). As Phaedra’s erotic desire for Hippolytus becomes a desire to transform herself into Artemis and thus encodes the desire for a translation into Greece (just as Euripides translates himself into Homer, according to H.D.), the “price” is madness, envisioned here as what Carson calls the ruin of “the formal beauty of our line of verse” in two apparently opposite ways: both as a pounding repetition that obliterates difference and as a constant shifting of metrical form that prevents any pattern from forming.
The triangulations of eros and rhythm coincide in this first and only presentation of Phaedra in the “Choruses from Hippolytus”: Phaedra seeks to meet Hippolytus in his dangerous love of immortal Artemis, while H.D. meets Euripides in a common, though differently realized, reliance on metrical figuration. In the first case, Phaedra finds herself between the human and the natural realm (or wants to), while in the second, H.D.’s lines stand between free and metered verse, and between English and Greek versification principles. In both cases, however, what is being negotiated is the relation to Greece (though the alignment of Artemis with Greek antiquity specifically becomes clearer in HT).
Eros: Darts and Wings of Discord
The remaining sections of H.D.’s Hippolytus choruses attack the question of Eros head-on, and with remarkable coherence. The latter is partly due to the play itself: Once the intervening scenes are removed, it becomes evident that Euripides consistently resorts to similar bird imagery for Eros throughout. Indeed, if the IA Choruses hatched the literal and figurative straits suggested by Euripides’ stenoporthmōn, the key word in Hippolytus for H.D. is not the famous arrythmos (a-rhythmic) used explicitly for Eros in the first stasimon, but rather the third stasimon’s dysornis: bad-bird-omen, that is, inauspicious, from the Latin auspex, which in turn is made up of avis ‘bird’ and specere ‘to look.’Footnote 41 In the translation there is a growing tension between the auditory and visual aspects of Eros as H.D. examines the contours of this Greek bird, parsing what it might spell out for her own poetic project. Sonically echoing dysornis, she chooses to translate arrythmos by “discord” – and thus, reframing rhythm through rhyme, moves closer to Benveniste’s understanding of rhythm, as I will argue below – and encapsulates Eros in the repeated word “dart,” that quintessential word of the image-in-motion, of the image-qua-translation mixing objective and subjective, outside and inside.
Phaedra’s scene with the Nurse prepares the ground for the proper appearance of Eros in the first stasimon (H.D.’s section iv). In the first strophe the Greek chorus ask Eros not to come arrythmos (line 529), translated by Kovacs positively (and redundantly) as “nor ever come but in due measure and harmony.” Of course, as Carson suggests, this is precisely how Eros comes. Here the chorus’s wish is already denied by their very language: Though this stasimon begins with four metrically identical lines, it has a greater assortment of meters than, for example, the next stasimon. Fittingly, the song in H.D.’s version does not have a consistent measure either as it sonically tracks Eros’s activities. The first stanza, which translates roughly half of the Greek strophe, has two stresses per line until Eros’s “discord” is mentioned, increasing the stresses to four and, as it were, “causing” a stanza break; the line preceding the four stresses, moreover, consists of two anapests, unlike any line before it. This double oscillation, mostly between two and three stresses though sometimes jumping up to four and down to one, and between a stress-based and a stress-syllable-based meter continues in H.D.’s next stanza as well as in the rest of her translation of the stasimon.
Taking her cue from arrythmos, which, regardless of specific meaning, echoes the word erōs, H.D. establishes Eros as a sound effect. She omits the Greek chorus’s initial double invocation of “Eros,” choosing to address him once as “Spirit” in her first line and name him only at the very end of her (split) strophe,Footnote 42 where he indeed reappears in Greek as well, though as the first rather than the last word:
H.D. builds up to the revelation of Eros’s name through sound. Registering the effect of the “Eros” repetition in the Greek, as well as that of the r/s sounds – which then echo in pyros ‘fire’ and astrōn ‘stars’ (line 530) – she varies “spirit” into “spark,” thus linking it up with “fire” in English as well. The sound of “spark” echoes throughout, first in “attack,” then in “shaft” and “dart,” before its r gets lodged in its rightful place: the name “Eros,” in which these two English stanzas culminate. Rather than start with Eros like Euripides, H.D. reveals him, remotivating his name; after inverting it in her first line (O Spirit), she describes Eros’s actions, then his function, and then particular examples of his effects before finally naming him.
H.D.’s chorus seems to keep Euripides’ apparently musical term arrythmos when it pleads with Eros to “not front me with grief, / yourself discord manifest!.” But this is an odd translation, not least because it is unclear whether Eros is addressed as “discord manifest” or whether he is instructed not to manifest discord. She also interprets the privative a in Greek as dis(cord). Arrhythmia as the absence of rhythm would be even more negative; discord retains some reference to concord, some sense of measure, suggesting that if one note were changed, harmony might ensue. At the same time, by choosing “cord” rather than “measure” or “rhythm” to render this instance of rhythmos, H.D. repeats the etymological history of the word, since, after all, “concord” initially had nothing to do with music, referring instead to the unity of hearts (corda in Latin, kardiai in Greek). In so doing, she reveals the absurdity of the chorus’s wish: almost by definition, Eros brings about the disunion of hearts, or of one heart with itself. As Carson writes, the erotic story must always be a triangulated one, “in which lover, beloved and the difference between them interact.”Footnote 43 The chorus seem to realize this, too, since in the next stanza – and I think H.D. splits the Greek strophe for this reason – they go on to claim that Eros always comes in excess of, or eluding what we could conceivably know or measure. He is a hyperteron belos (line 530), a shaft or arrow that exceeds the power of stars or fire. H.D.’s ambiguous “[Do not] yourself discord manifest” suggests, moreover, that Eros does not produce discord, but reveals that it is already there. Eros would then draw attention to the fact that one does not need to be struck by him, Eros capitalized, to live in such a triangulated world, but that eros, the distance that that name or force stands for and seeks to both overcome and maintain, is already there.Footnote 44
By avoiding the terms rhythm and measure, H.D. also moves the concept of rhythmos away from the realm of meter, with which our rhythm is more closely tied, and towards that of rhyme, loosely conceived as the repetition of sound, where the notion of accord or discord seems more readily applicable. We have already heard Phaedra experience both discord and arrhythmia due to Eros: Her broken attunement to her everyday, human, world was registered through the breaking of alliteration, while her attraction to Artemis specifically was marked through metrical inconsistency and through the absence of the stress alternation thought to be so crucial for English verse. While an absence of rhythm would suggest that the repetition and alternation of discrete units is not proceeding in accordance with an identifiable or intended set pattern – either lacking in repetition or having it in excess, thus being “monotonous” – the absence of accord from rhymes is, to some extent, always a given. Rhyme manifests discord with its accord since it is only a part (of a syllable, a word, a line) that is repeated and matches up; even in the case of word-rhymes, the lines which these words conclude are not identical.Footnote 45 Its “identification” thus necessitates a constant simultaneous progressive and regressive movement that allows one to discern a pattern that might or might not be strictly repetitive or “rhythmical”; a pattern that is, in theory, always subject to change with the addition of a new sound element that allows what has preceded to be arranged in a different constellation. H.D.’s discordant Eros would then involve the revelation, the manifestation of a pattern always disrupted, or about to be, and starting anew, a pattern we don’t know how to parse until it is no longer there. Through “discord,” then, H.D. offers an alternative reading of the Euripidean turn of phrase, pushing rhythm back towards its (per Benveniste) original sense by preferring the imprecise repetition of sound over the implied repetition of structure; this is something that she will explore and exploit more fully in HT. As a result, however, she also leaves the notion of arrhythmia out of the picture after displaying it in action in Phaedra’s scene; it too will return in the form of Artemis in HT, where it will suggest a formlessness that might be equivalent to death, and of which we have had a presentiment here in the monotonous double stresses of nature.
While the coherence of H.D.’s sequence depends in large part on Euripides’ own consistent use of bird imagery, which H.D. amplifies by using the word dart as a kind of synecdoche for Eros throughout (whether or not it is warranted by the Greek), the principle of Eros-as-sound also dominates H.D.’s translations of the other stasima. In the second stasimon, H.D.’s section v, the chorus elaborate on their earlier plea for escape from Eros’s discord before returning to Phaedra’s suffering. Wishing “for wings,” they want first to “dart” to a place where sorrow is transformed into beauty, where, in an evocation of the myth according to which Phaethon’s weeping sisters were transformed into amber-dripping trees, “tears of amber and gold … dart / their fire through the purple surface” of the sea (CP 90). “Dart” draws a straight line between the chorus’s expressed desire to take on the avian nature of Eros and its ideal fulfillment: the transformation of Eros’s discord, of his burning love-dart (Phaethon’s death by thunderbolt) and the suffering it causes, into a light-giving sculptural image. Then, more ambitiously, they “seek / the song-haunted Hesperides,” where the gods are “grant[ed] happiness” (90–91). The absence of Eros here is, as his presence was earlier, translated into poetic or musical terms: Where the darting of Eros has been left behind or transformed, regular song and rhythm may be possible, if not actual (since H.D. attenuates into “song-haunted” the straightforward aoidōn “singers” [line 743] of the Greek). Again, the sonic form of the stasimon in Greek reflects this. The first optative strophic pair – the pair of “harmony” about Phaethon’s sisters and the Hesperides – is relatively homogeneous metrically, while the second, which focuses on Phaedra, is in a medley of meters, marking discord. As with the previous stasimon and in line with her explicit reading of Eros as tied to rhyme rather than meter, H.D. conveys this through sound-, not stress-patterning. Her translation of the first strophic pair is dominated by s endings, emulating the whizzing and whirring of the conjured birds; these alliterations and assonances are amplified into an almost regular rhyme scheme in her Hesperides stanza.Footnote 46
Yet the absence of discord, suggested by this sound patterning, is revealed to be an illusion, another one of Eros’s ruses in H.D.’s second strophic pair. There Euripides describes Phaedra’s flight from Crete to Greece and her descent into despair. Though the s is less strongly felt in H.D.’s rendering of the second strophe, it does echo in key words – “mistress,” “unhappiness,” “palace,” and “Athens,” all specifically contrasting that blissful natural world of the Hesperides – and culminates in the well-chosen “auspice,” a bird word that translates the equally sibilant Greek dysornis (CP 91). Their wish for avian transformation not granted, the chorus are again reduced to watching the birds and reading them as “evil” (91). In H.D.’s second antistrophe, the final s is almost abandoned, appearing only in “mistress” for a second time and, crucially, in “Kupris.” The goddess is once again revealed, sonically if not verbally, as the source of the auspice and of the “real” bird darting in the play. Dysornis seems to encapsulate this whole stasimon – with the chorus’s avian desires expressed, thwarted, and rerouted to the correct reading of the situation, namely the inescapability of Eros and his discord – and it is the very word that H.D. tries the hardest to sonically “hatch” throughout her translation: from her emphasis on “dart,” which borrows two of its consonants, to her choice of discord, which is almost its transcription into English, to her elaborate s sound patterning.
In H.D.’s last section (vii), the fourth stasimon, the chorus seem to have reconciled themselves with the power of Kupris despite the tragedy it has caused (Phaedra’s suicide and Hippolytus’s accidental death remain unmentioned, however),Footnote 47 transferring the aesthetic attributes present in the first strophic pair of the second stasimon (Phaethon–Hesperides) onto Eros himself. This potentially violent force is now presented as an enticing being, chrysophaēs ‘gold-gleaming’ (1275) and poikilopteros ‘with wings of changeful hue’ (1270), that swiftly surrounds the humans and gods it attacks (ephormasē ‘arouse against or rush upon, attack’). H.D. translates ephormasē with the familiar “dart”: “he darts gold wings / maddening their spirits” (CP 93). Yet, by using “dart” this time to refer not to arrows (cf. “the love-dart / sped from your hands,” 89) but to Eros’s “gold wings,” she explicitly unites the images of the first and second stasima,Footnote 48 turning Eros into a good omen rather than a bad one: “now he flies above earth, / now above sea-crash / and whirl of salt: / he enchants beasts / … / he charms all born of earth” (93). Finally, since Eros’s activity manifests as extending to all living things, H.D. feels justified in aligning him with Helios. In Greek, Eros affects all that the sun sees (line 1279), which H.D. heightens by using the word “light” for both forces, referring to Eros’s “wings’ swift / interplay of light” and to Helios as being “fiery with light” (93). She then closes her translation by calling Kupris “alone” the “creator of all life” – a characterization added on to Euripides’ statement that she “reign[s] absolute” – thus making explicit the identification of Eros with the Freudian life force (93). This transfiguration, however, hasn’t been quite earned in H.D.’s sequence. It suppresses Eros’s aural component, which her translation had been so assiduously developing, and elevates instead his visual or even imagistic impact, as if one has to be sacrificed for the other.
The “Choruses from Hippolytus” offer two sonic models for a relation to Euripides’ Greek measures (and, by extension, to Greece itself, as HT will make clear): one on the basis of the desire-induced arrhythmia experienced by Phaedra, which is, however, not explicitly thematized in the translation, and one on the basis of “discord.” The former can be seen as an all-or-nothing approach: Either the rhythm can be imitated, as Phaedra wishes to imitate Artemis, or it can’t and the polymetry of madness or the monotony of death ensues. The latter, aligned with the Benvenistean model for rhythm and associated with rhyme, is more flexible, allowing for temporary and inexact patterning that admits multiple significations. In the end, though, H.D. moves away from both, going back to the image instead. There is no reason H.D. should have ended her “Choruses” with the fourth stasimon. She could have included Hippolytus’s dying song, as she did with Iphigeneia, or the chorus’s final anapests. That she does not gives us a clue as to where she will take this next: In HT the god opposite Artemis is not Aphrodite, but Apollo in his guise of Helios. There H.D. will pick up the thread she dropped here and trace precisely how Eros’s creative potential might be reconciled with the discord he manifests.
Song-Haunted Hippolytus
Keeping the Print: From Poem to Play
HT has been treated as an adaptation, not a translation or palimpsest: H.D. takes the myth of Hippolytus from Euripides and changes it to some extent to allegorize her own life, or “extends” it in a way that befits twentieth-century feminist concerns, as she does in her dramatic monologues of this period.Footnote 49 Yet, as with the Greek work that we examined in Chapter 1, at every turn, H.D. specifically refers to and overwrites or reverses Euripides’ text – as her markings on the Loeb edition (ed. Way) she was probably using at the time confirm.Footnote 50 H.D. consistently borrows images, phrases, and sounds from the Greek play. This is especially true in her depiction of Phaedra and Eros, which is perhaps not surprising given that these were the thematic focus of her earlier translation. Here she externalizes and presses, as it were, all that was there left unsaid, exposing the underside, the unconscious of Euripides’ play; at the same time she debates the larger significance of the questions the latter was already posing. HT knows well but goes beyond Euripides’ words and plot and is guided by the thought of arrhythmia that H.D. herself had not quite addressed in her earlier version. It is a translation in the vein of H.D.’s conception of tragedies themselves as translations – a translation that allows for the emergence of Euripides’ “metres”: the way in which his play measures or conceptualizes sound pattern and rhythm, eros and death, mortality and immortality, Greekness and foreignness, as well as the conjunction of all these elements. In the end HT also offers a self-conscious meditation on its own process of production, and on possible relationships to Greece from the vantage point of the twentieth century.
HT begins not with Artemis’s prologue, nor with the play’s “Argument,” but with a poem of the same title; in 1950 H.D. wrote that it was this poem, first published in 1921, that inspired the play (“H.D. by Delia Alton,” 221). “Hippolytus Temporizes” is dated and located: “Isles of Greece, Spring 1920.”Footnote 51 This is the present out of which the “tradition” and “legend” mentioned in the “Argument” that follows are interpreted, according to which they are temporized. The poem, however, has no direct reference to Hippolytus or to particular goddesses, so only its title directs us to its relation to the myth. This kind of indexical yet veiled relation seems to be precisely the poem’s point and, to the extent that it functions as a guide to reading the play itself, the point of HT as well. The poem, that is, is programmatic: It uses palimpsestic imagery to express both the play’s thematic concerns and its status as a translation, telling readers how this ostensibly new play will relate to the old one. At the same time, “Hippolytus Temporizes” links up to H.D.’s own published work by recalling her “Choruses” and by engaging once again with the Keatsian Greece against which H.D. had defined herself in her earliest poems. The volume’s arrangement, then, also performs the genesis of H.D.’s status as a playwright: from the “lyric fragments” of imagism inspired by and enacting relationships to Greek texts, through tragedy, to this more ambitious, larger-scale, mixed-genre book.
Each of the poem’s four stanzas consists of a first line that is followed by between eight and eleven lines enclosed in parentheses. All first lines begin the same way, with “I worship”; those of the first and last stanza are identical (“I worship the greatest first”), while that of the second differs in word order (“I worship first the great”) and that of the third introduces new elements (“I worship the feet, flawless”). A contrast is set up between the chaste declaration of worship in each stanza’s beginning, suggesting that the poem is addressed to a god(dess), and the very sensual descriptions of the female body that follow in the parentheses. The first stanza focuses on the woman’s flesh and her body as a whole, the second on the eyes, the third on feet, and the fourth on the effects the previous three have on the speaker. Primed by Euripides’ play, where Artemis and Aphrodite are sharply distinguished rhetorically, but blurred imagistically, and by her own translation, which shows Eros lurking even in the purest places, H.D. here uncovers the eroticism hidden, sublimated we might say, in every supposedly innocent declaration of devotion.Footnote 52 This is what her play repeatedly shows and why it culminates in a night of passion between Phaedra and a deceived Hippolytus who mistakes her for Artemis. This event is H.D.’s major departure from the customary tale, which she nonetheless does not even mention in her “Argument,” seeing it presumably as only the realization of a fantasy harbored already by Euripidean Hippolytus. The poem “Hippolytus Temporizes” may not name Hippolytus, but it is Hippolytus.
This relationship is negotiated in greater detail throughout the stanzas. The first contains three images of one material covering another but, as the central metaphor of the sandy beach shows, allowing the one covered to show through underneath, or even shape, its cover:
H.D. starts with the image of the couch as her speaker sees one texture, that of fleece, giving shape, form, to the cloth which covers it. What follows is not a simple description of a body presumably lying on the couch – that fact is never established. Instead the speaker uses the cloth–fleece relation as an analogy for the relation between the woman’s bones and flesh, which is then further compared to the way the underlying harder material of the beach shapes the sand that sits on top. Yet this second analogy is introduced in such a manner (“her bones … are white as sand”) that it seems it should be applied the other way around: that is, that the bones are the sand and the flesh the crescent shapes, which of course makes no sense. By presenting it in this complicated way and forcing us to read the supposedly illuminating analogy backwards (and to then try to disentangle it), H.D. also forces us to experience what she is talking about. In reading the covering, the sand, we literally see, read the bones; thus we first encounter the composite “structure” (or superstructure, since this is two analogies in one) rather than the parts. By stanza’s end the series of analogies turns out to have been an epiphany: Suddenly between the fleece–cloth composite, the bone–flesh composite (i.e., her body) appears – maybe. Whether it does depends on how we read “so.” Is it that her body, which is defined by the interplay of bone and flesh, “lies” as if in or similar to the space created between cloth and fleece in the speaker’s imagination or thought (an analogy again), or is the “so” redundant, the sentence simply saying that her body lies between cloth and fleece?Footnote 53 Absence or presence? Since this analogy literally offers us a visual representation of how the whole poem works – beneath every declarative sentence, a parenthesis – the question can be extended: Beneath every devout proclamation is there a suppressed fantasy of a sexual encounter or a real memory of it? Beneath every new work, a contemporary equivalent or analogy for an old one, or the old one’s actual bones?
By making this poem the frontispiece of her adaptation, H.D. no doubt ties it to her particular perspective on the Euripidean play as she further explores the blurring of the distinction between desire and chastity, Aphrodite/Phaedra and Artemis. But she also puts the very question of textual relation at the center; the poem is not only the germ of the play thematically but a kind of translator’s manifesto. The surface–underlayer relation described, where an underlying structure remains visible and shapes a more fluid and perhaps transient cover, is expressed in terms of writing. The sand “keeps the print” in the beach analogy; in the couch analogy, the “shapes beneath” – in this case, the fleece – are printed on textile (cloth). The palimpsestic relation H.D. argues for here is, as this first convoluted stanza shows, not a simple one: not a matter of erasing the top layer and finding the one below, or even of being able to accurately trace the contours of the latter through the former, but rather a groping of one’s way through a maze of analogies, mirrorings, and echoes. If, then, her central (textual) metaphor in this first stanza works by reversal and complication, won’t her play too also in some sense reverse the terms of its Greek original, not to cover it up or to obscure it but precisely to make it more visible – “discord manifest”?
Though the analogies of the first stanza do not explicitly reappear in the rest of the poem, they leave their mark. The word “beneath” appears in all but one stanza, for a total of four times. Moreover, after its first appearance, “beneath” is used in constructions that disrupt the poem’s iambic flow. H.D. places words that begin with stressed syllables next to it, creating a spondee in the middle of her line, as though “beneath” awakens some other rhythm: “benéath fétter of gólden clásp,” “benéath stráps of góld that kéep,” “benéath quívering of mólten flésh” (3–4). As soon as it is uttered, something unexpected or previously hidden makes itself heard: the possibility of two stressed syllables placed next to each other that sounds so forced in English, the clustering of stresses that in H.D.’s Hippolytus choruses marked in Phaedra the arrhythmia induced by Eros. The word “rhythm” works in a similar way, when it is used in the poem’s most irregular stanza:
This third stanza not only has a completely different opening and a parenthesis that begins on the third rather than the second line, it also keeps intact the poem’s pattern of three stresses per line in only four of its ten lines (1, 5, 6, 8); there are three lines with two stresses (2, 9, 10) and, correspondingly, three with four (3, 4, 7). Its first line has the first feminine ending in the poem (“flawless”), while throughout there are more instances of consecutive stresses, albeit usually separated by a comma (“ah, sweet, dare,” “of yours, carven”). Foreshadowing the oppositional terms of the play, it is in a stanza specifically about constraint that the rhythmical–metrical constraint according to which the poem has operated so far is broken. As the speaker envisions caught, trapped Artemis’s footsteps at the origin of rhythm (an image that the drama will continually return to), connecting metrical with actual feet, a disturbance in rhythm makes itself felt. But insofar as it keeps erupting, causing a momentary change of form, rather than breaking the pattern altogether or starting a new one, this disturbance resembles Benveniste’s second rhythm; like “beneath” in the other stanzas it manifests different possibilities of shaping, a different print, lurking under the surface path chosen.
Finally, H.D. is here rewriting Keats yet again, which amplifies the programmatic nature of her poem, both with respect to modern poetics and to what “Greece” means. In an untitled sonnet Keats chafes against the “dull rhymes” by which English poetry is “fetter’d.” He proposes finding “Sandals more interwoven and complete / To fit the naked foot of poesy” and compares the poets’ newfound attention to “sound and syllable” to Midas’s obsession with “his coinage” – this is perhaps a source for H.D.’s gold imagery.Footnote 54 HT explores the consequences of Keats’s last couplet: “So, if we may not let the Muse be free, / She will be bound with garlands of her own.” What are the Greek muse’s “own” garlands in the third decade of the twentieth century?
The “thread-bare plot”: Realizing Euripides
Hippolytus itself is palimpsestic as a play insofar as it is Euripides’ rewriting of his first Hippolytus, with its scandalously brazen depiction of Phaedra’s passion; as Zeitlin writes, the new Phaedra speaks “as if she were responding directly to (and identifying with) the audience’s reaction to the previous play.”Footnote 55 It has also had a rich reception history. Beyond its famous overwriting by Racine, Hippolytus was rethought from a thoroughly sexualized and transgressive perspective in Swinburne’s “Phaedra,” and fancifully extended in prose in Pater’s “Hippolytus Veiled.” Though Pater shares some of Swinburne’s decadent aesthetic, his Hippolytus is squarely focused on the youth’s relationship with his self-sacrificing, saintly mother and his obsession with reviving the worship of Artemis, here presented as the daughter of Demeter; instead of Swinburne’s powerfully appealing Phaedra, Pater’s is a violator who preys on Hippolytus. We can detect in H.D.’s play both a Swinburnian Phaedra and a Paterian Hippolytus; no doubt she also relies on “Hippolytus Veiled” for the significance of the mother–son relationship and on Swinburne’s poetics more broadly for the cultivation of the erotics of sound.Footnote 56 At the same time, H.D. more subtly borrows from Pater his frame of approach. Included in his Greek Studies (1894), “Hippolytus Veiled” begins as an essay, as a meditation on place and on the knowability of the past. Pater laments both the paucity of evidence for the full reconstruction and understanding of the “many phases of the so varied Greek genius,” and the centralization of Greek culture in Athens (157, 159). Even though this “scholarly” frame is fully eclipsed by the story’s pathos, Pater actually uses the Hippolytus myth – and especially the story of Hippolytus’s Amazon mother, here additionally tied to the Eleusinian mysteries – in order to suggest how those circumstances (paucity and centralization) came to be. He depicts in rich detail a cultic, “local” world about to be fully subdued by Theseus (and Phaedra) despite Hippolytus’s commitment to reading a “book” of the “varied incidents of [Artemis’s] story” (174). Yet we ourselves are reading a similar text nonetheless: “the impress of life in those old Greek cities … not less vivid and entire” in Pater’s own essay (157). H.D.’s play similarly ties an oblique dissection of Greek culture and its transmission into a plot both erotic and familial, simultaneously retelling and overwriting the traditional story and its history. On the one hand, she specifically “realizes” aspects of the play – perhaps those same aspects Euripides suppressed for his new Hippolytus – and on the other, she includes a final act that goes beyond it.
The nature of H.D.’s intervention in the Euripidean story is, of course, much different. Unlike in Pater’s chapter, where the unrecorded is filled in and the Athenian Euripides is not even mentioned (indeed, “veiled”), H.D. enacts several aspects of the play that were only spoken of in Euripides. This is one element in her “temporization”: She “adopt[s] some course for the time or occasion” and “adapt[s] … or conform[s] to the time and circumstances,” the circumstances being those of the Freudian or surrealist world with its porous boundaries between reality and dream, but also the imagist world, where things objective and subjective merge (OED). The primary change of this kind is in the depiction of Phaedra, and it culminates in the sexual consummation of her relationship with Hippolytus. While in Euripides Phaedra is weighed down by her headdress and wants to be rid of it (lines 198–202) – “Lift my head,” “this weight about my forehead,” in H.D.’s rendering – in HT she has already removed it: “once I might have been / proud with gold head-dress,” she says (52, my emphasis). Similarly, while in Hippolytus Phaedra wishes she could sleep outside, have her hair loose, and so on, in her Doric alpha section of “madness,” here those wishes appear as orders already given and, crucially, followed through. H.D. has Phaedra’s nurse, Myrrhina, report all the preparations that have been undertaken for Phaedra to sleep outdoors as though she has already said it. And indeed, she has said it, not only in Euripides, but in H.D.’s Euripides. To reinforce this sense of dialogue with the earlier text(s), H.D. hews to Euripides very closely in her description. When Myrrhina says that Theseus allowed Phaedra to “sleep by the cold water here,” we hear beneath it πῶς ἂν δροσερᾶς ἀπὸ κρηνῖδος / καθαρῶν ὑδάτων (208–9);Footnote 57 when she mentions that Phaedra will sleep “in a tent built up of cedar-wood, / hung over and around with canopies,” we hear Euripides’ Phaedra saying, ὑπό τ᾽ αἰγείροις ἔν τε κομήτῃ / λειμῶνι κλιθεῖσ᾽ ἀναπαυσαίμαν (210–11; and this short speech is indeed sectioned out in H.D.’s Loeb);Footnote 58 when Myrrhina asks her, “What madness prompted / these strange fantasies?” she is speaking the lines of Euripides’ nurse: μανίας ἔποχον ῥίπτουσα λόγον (214; another heavily annotated line in H.D.’s Dindorf Euripides).Footnote 59 But what in Euripides was madness has here become fact, and this helps us situate where H.D. stands with respect to her original: We do not see a sick and weak Phaedra as we do in Euripides’ play, but rather one as strong and as intent on pursuing what she wants as Hippolytus. As H.D.’s Phaedra realizes Euripidean Phaedra’s wishes, she utters what the other Phaedra did not dare say explicitly though she described it in her “mad speech,” where she yearned to hunt and ride horses like Artemis (lines 215–22, 228–31). Here she boldly impersonates the goddess, claiming that she has been “too long the mistress / of the stream and forest” (63), and urging the Cyprian boy/Eros to recognize “that I am Artemis” (64). Yet though she is able to fool both the boy and eventually Hippolytus, when Phaedra supplements her instructions for her tent at seaboard, H.D. gives us an ornate elaboration on Euripidean Phaedra’s wishes that is precisely “eastern” and non-Artemisian, thus highlighting the interchangeability or, rather, interpenetration between the two terms of the opposition (Athenian vs. Cretan, Western vs. Eastern, Artemis vs. Aphrodite, Hippolytus vs. Phaedra) that all of the plays’ characters, with the exception of the boy, more or less adhere to.
H.D. similarly “realizes” the Euripidean chorus’s “song-haunted Hesperides” in the form of Artemis’s chorus of virgin maidens who died before being struck by love. They speak of “love” exactly as the Greek chorus had of Eros in the first stasimon, though again expressing not a wish but a fact: “Never to us apart / did love thwart / body and soul and mind / with poisonous dart, / searing our happiness, / marring content, / tearing the heart” (121). The second stasimon had portrayed the garden of the Hesperides as a place of harmony, safe from the darts of Eros; so here Helios describes the “ecstasy” in this chorus’s preservation of a kind of pious rhythm: “in hope, / in these still forms, / in this stern dance, / in pious feet” (123). Indeed, the maidens stand out even in this play of richly patterned sound because of the consistency of their rhythm and rhyming. Their lines are generally of uniform length with only two primary stresses, usually placed at the beginning and end; as the play progresses, their stanzas rhyme more and more, sometimes using slant rhymes, or the same rhyme sound throughout.
But, as in the Euripidean second stasimon (and especially in H.D.’s version) the promise of the Hesperides was sonically undermined from within, here too the maidens’ song has a counterpart in yet another prominent figure of the Euripidean choruses, who is here ambiguously realized. H.D. introduces the character of a shipwrecked Cyprian boy that unwittingly plays the part of Eros, acting as an intermediary between Hippolytus and Phaedra, whom he takes for Artemis. His confusion partly stems from the fact that he does not see a difference between Artemis and his local goddess, the always unnamed Aphrodite.Footnote 60 The boy’s speeches are all sung, frequently in three-line stanzas with very clear rhyme schemes (pp. 59–60, 66–67, 69–70) – again something absent from the rest of the play despite its heavy use of rhymes. Phaedra first identifies him as Eros through his singing (“The very song / the boy has sung to us – / is he not Eros?” [65]), and then encourages him to snare Hippolytus by it: “touch his soul with singing, / sing” (69). One of his songs, moreover, echoes that which Hippolytus sings to Artemis in the opening of Euripides’ play (lines 73–87; see my discussion below). Through this repurposing of the song H.D. starkly shows the all-pervasiveness of Eros, leaving no doubt that Hippolytus’s desire for Artemis is erotic and so, to some extent, exonerating Phaedra for her impersonation of the goddess.
H.D.’s introductory “Argument” – a feature of all her editions of Euripides, where the play’s summary is offered – presents the tragedy as one already known: “the familiar story of Theseus of Athens,” “the prototype of unrequited passion for many centuries” (7). Hippolytus’s death “in a frenzied drive” is “as tradition has always maintained” (7). She makes no mention of her changes to this story (though open-endendly hints at them when she writes that “how Hippolytus returns the affection so secretly and tragically bestowed has become a legend”), except at the very end: “The consequence of [Hippolytus’s] death to two of the Olympians is here set forth in the final act of this tragedy, HIPPOLYTUS TEMPORIZES” (7). That this is the feature she chooses to highlight suggests that the focus of HT is not the reimagined love affair or the directness with which Artemis and Aphrodite are identified rather than opposed. Indeed, as I argued above, H.D. treats these as already features of her original that she is allowing to peek through more clearly. When Hippolytus rebuffs Phaedra as he emerges from her tent after their passionate night together (since he no longer sees her as Artemis), he seems tired of the very gesture:
Of course what we know and Hippolytus does not, and what makes this play different from its older iterations (Euripides, Racine, H.D.’s own translation), is that Phaedra has actually succeeded in tempting Hippolytus, and changing the plot. But this is not what H.D. is interested in here. Gregory is right that HT is “erotically continuous” with Hippolytus;Footnote 61 all of H.D.’s modifications extrapolate erotic patterns in Euripides, and indeed rely on specific passages. As H.D. says of Euripides, though, the plot is a translation of “old symbols” and “old ideas” that occurs in order to make something else possible: in this case, the debate about the value of Hippolytus’s life and of his attempt to capture Artemis’s feet. Is there a way to get at what she represents without succumbing to Hippolytus’s violent fate?
“Feet, flawless”: Song’s Freedom and Constraint
In H.D.’s view, one function of the tragic chorus is to point towards the link between gods and humans; this link is what Greek tragedy depends on, but does not explicitly address. The nature of Hippolytus’s relationship to Artemis is indeed a question that Euripides’ version provocatively opens up, but does not really explore until Artemis appears at the end, when she gives a long speech and briefly interacts with the dying youth (lines 1389–1406). H.D. takes up this remainder, the parentheses beneath the Greek “argument,” while at the same time using it to think about both the nature of “metrical” writing and the possibility of a relation to antiquity.
After a prologue by Aphrodite, Euripides’ play opens on Hippolytus and his male chorus of attendants dedicating a wreath of flowers to Artemis. In H.D.’s translation of this segment (the first section of the “Choruses”) Artemis is greeted twice, once by the chorus and once by Hippolytus; the difference between those two addresses is small, but significant. The chorus name her in the midst of epithets; the passage reads more like an invocation of the goddess than a greeting, and H.D. emphasizes more than Euripides her distance from them by giving more prominence to the ouranos, the sky or “depth of space” where Artemis dwells (CP 85). In direct contrast, H.D. has Hippolytus greet Artemis directly; moreover, she replaces the qualification eusebous ‘worshipful,’ ‘pious’ (line 83) for Hippolytus’s hand with the word “spirit,” which she had used of Artemis (CP 85). The repetition of this word in the first and last lines of this section brings Artemis and Hippolytus together and performs the meaning of the last few lines of Hippolytus’s speech, which H.D. does not translate: “I alone of mortals have this privilege: I spend my days with you and speak with you” (lines 84–85). She instead replicates the familiarity that Hippolytus narrates in his mode of address.
In the spirit of “realization,” of letting show the contours of the Euripidean play’s “bones,” the first act of HT revolves around the conversation between Artemis and Hippolytus hinted at but not provided in Euripides. Artemis opens H.D.’s play with a speech that is in many respects the opposite of Aphrodite’s angry prologue in Hippolytus. She appears on the proverbial stage not to demand the respect due her, but to hide from it:
Artemis clearly sees no middle ground, no reconciliation possible between mortals and immortals. As in the “Hippolytus Temporizes” poem, the goddess is chased by honor and praise: “someone will come / after I shun this place / … / and pile an altar, / but I shall have gone further” (8). Even those who try the hardest to honor her are bound to fail precisely because, in their efforts to praise, they disturb divine time (“mar my ease”) and because their praise always implicitly (or even explicitly) demands something in return. Artemis here is not the goddess of the hunt but chased herself, made one with her animals. She is said to “hide,” while Hippolytus claims to have found “trace of [her] in the mountain”; a sprung trap “entraps” Artemis by indicating she “had been there” to free a caught bird (10).
To explain why she needs to keep her distance, Artemis sets up a second opposition between the divine and the immortal. The god is one who still maintains a relation to humans (and who, as the Hippolytus choruses told us, is not immune to Eros), while what Artemis wants is to lose it:
H.D. thus reverses the customary human–god relation: not humans, the playthings of the gods, but gods burdened, tricked, trapped by mortals, more bound by obligation than those praying to them: “you trick, / you trap, Hippolytus, / a goddess in your snare,” Artemis keeps repeating (18). (In contrast, Euripides’ Aphrodite begins her prologue by stating that gods “enjoy receiving honor from mortals” [lines 7–8].) Ironically, then, H.D. embodies a goddess and adopts her perspective in order to present her as one who wants to abandon not only such anthropomorphism, but all ties to the human. Like Aphrodite in Euripides’ prologue in this respect, Artemis too is ruthless in her demand for the destruction of the human element:
As H.D.’s earlier translation of the choruses has already told us, Artemis’s measure is that of nature.
The human element is repeatedly identified by Artemis through one feature: sound and, more specifically, the sound and rhythm of prayer. The man this goddess wants to efface, drown out, and overwhelm with “earth,” the man who populates the cities she wants destroyed, is not an unfaithful or an arrogant man, but precisely the faithful man, the priest – and also a musical man. Hippolytus’s search for Artemis consists, much like “Hippolytus Temporizes,” in an incantation. He repeats her name and begins his stanzas with a single word that echoes three or four additional times in separate lines: wild, Artemis, wild, there, there. We recall Iphigeneia’s first stasimon, where (in H.D.’s misreading) Paris “[catches] all Olympus / In his bent reeds” as H.D. contra Euripides places Paris’s music at the start of the Trojan War (CP 76). Yet the terms become clearer than they were in Paris’s “catching,” since capturing gods in music would be precisely that: imprisonment, entrapment, containment. “Alas, / alas, / alas, / I would escape, / myself escape from all men’s songs / and praying,” Artemis laments (17). When she defiantly tells Helios later that she does not love Hippolytus, it is to his song that she has recourse: “no song of his / lured me / with poignant note; / no shrill song-note / of mine responded to his piercing flute; / no, / I was mute” (119). It is the absence of responsion in song that is supposed to prove that “Love has not stayed my wild feet” (118) – we recall that, in the opening poem’s third stanza, love wanted to precisely bind the beloved’s feet.
Sound is continually made substantial and metaphorized as a cutting instrument. For example, Hippolytus figures Artemis’s name as a knife and arrow, tearing through both the air and his heart:
It is not Artemis herself, but the sound of her name in his speaking it that is the shaft and flame. In yet another quasi-reversal of Euripides, H.D. borrows here the language of her own translation of Hippolytus’s first stasimon discussed above, where it is Eros’s “love-dart” and not Artemis’s name that exceeds the stars (CP 89), as though this Hippolytus is consciously writing over the other play’s chorus and intertextually asserting his goddess as having priority over Eros (blind to his own erotic investment in her). As that description arose from the designation of Eros as arrythmos, so here the cutting associated with Artemis’s sounded name is transferred onto Hippolytus’s song itself: “I have inflamed and torn the dispassionate air / with sound of flute / and note of song / and metre” (12). From the outset of the play, then, human song is linked to excess and violence, yet at the same time other forms of “capturing” the gods are instantly dismissed. Hippolytus admits that the statues of Artemis he erects are “lesser” even though “wrought / by the most exquisite craftsmen” (14).Footnote 62
Just as Artemis is split between her role as goddess and her immortality, however, so human song has an internal fissure, as our discussion of Artemis’s maiden chorus above intimated. Like statues, “conventional” songs are rejected as deadening by Hippolytus. When Artemis disappears, Hippolytus’s servant Hyperides asks for music to be played for him; H.D. notes, “The musicians form in usual, conventional dance form. They chant or sing as if before some imaginary altar” (39). Hippolytus vehemently objects:
H.D.’s “metrical palimpsest”Footnote 63 is in full evidence: The iambic dimeter and trimeter lines that alternate here would form perfect iambic pentameter lines if put together. The underlying structure of the pentameter is thus felt even though it has been broken up, overwritten by H.D.’s new measures. But a second erasure also takes place as even the metrical palimpsest breaks down. Already the line “thrów the lýre down,” in which an inversion has to be admitted, strains against the two-stress reading imposed on it by the pairing with the clearly three-stress line above it, given the three long vowels and the visual rhyme between “throw” and “down.” In the stanza’s last three lines, right after the mention of the “sudden rhythm” of Artemis’s feet, any stress-syllable reading of the lines encounters the resistance of the final spondees (“whíte féet,” “bírd wíng,” followed by “fléd”); these recall the double stresses associated with nature in H.D.’s translation of Euripides’ parodos and first stasimon. We begin to hear, then, the kind of song that, as Hippolytus had told Artemis earlier, “may yet” capture her, suggesting, we now understand, that the usual kind of song could not (14).
The play has often been read as articulating H.D.’s argument for free verse; she opposes her broken-up lines to conventional meter. But the situation is more complex, given her Greek intertext and the abstract contemplation of “metres” and “rhythm,” and of freedom and constraint that it inspires. In Hyperides and Hippolytus’s exchange the question of poetic meter for writing in English is conjoined more or less obliquely to the question of writing in or through Greek, while “freedom” is shown as unattainable. First, Hyperides challenges Hippolytus, asking him in a broken-up iambic pentameter:
Subordinating language to dance, he offers one of the interpretations of the emergence of the tragic chorus, and points to the Platonic origin of our “rhythm” (per Benveniste). Hippolytus acknowledges, in iambics, that such a form may have been once useful:
But it is now inadequate, only good “to frame a slight song,” or a song that “beats out to modulate the dancing feet / of country choristers” (40). Again there is a double “metrical palimpsest” at work here. Hippolytus’s use of three-stress iambic lines points, on the hand, to H.D.’s breakup of the standard pentameter line, but on the other, it also gestures towards the standard tragic iambic trimeter in Greek.Footnote 64 Capturing Artemis’s feet is a question both for the lover and for the translator, who has to balance between a native and a foreign convention. Indeed, in his earlier pursuit of Artemis, Hippolytus’s song was described precisely in the terms of “imitation.” He imitates bird sounds to try to get closer to Artemis and has “implored” many creatures “for some prayer, / some charm, / some peril to entrap your feet” (10). Even before he states his intention to lure her by “hiss[ing] / like a wood-creature,” Artemis has identified his speech as “wood-speech,” suggesting he has been quite successful in his replication of the linnet song (“bird-notes”); note that his success is metrically indicated by the spondaic pattern H.D. had associated with nature in her translation of the choruses (10).
Yet Hippolytus then suggests that the feet he has so focused on must be exceeded, that to capture feet, one needs more than feet, and certainly more than what Hyperides tells him is well-patterned iambic form.
Again we hear him progress from metrical palimpsest to stress clusters while maintaining a strong rhythm. Hyperides continues to try to restore him to measure, literally and rhythmically, giving a version of Artemis’s earlier response in broken-up iambic pentameter: “You cánnot cátch the seá / withín a sóng” (41). Instead, however, of advocating for freedom or passion in song, for “free” verse, Hippolytus does not exactly refute Hyperides/Artemis. He may make the ambition for song greater, but he still presents it, as he did to Artemis, as a violation, an imposition, a “setting” and constraint, whose ultimate goal, it is now revealed, is a kind of curing of arrhythmia, of human terror:
Maurice Blanchot speaks of rhythm as having become, in its current sense, a figure and image for the mastery, measurement, and “configuration” of the unknown; the sea or river is said to move “rhythmically” (and our “rhythmical” song would only be a rendition of that rhythm) as we impose on nature a regularity and measurability and immediately forget that we didn’t find it there.Footnote 65 Motivated by the “human terror” that immortal Artemis’s total indifference to humans represents, even Hippolytus’s “freer” song seeks to bind it and cover it over with his love. As Hippolytus here rhythmically alternates iambic lines and lines with spondaic endings, this alternation traces and circumscribes his attempts to move from what has been metrically figured as the realm of the human to that of Artemis/nature, and betrays the still “set,” measurable, and measuring nature of his song.
The tension here is between patterned iambics, “meter” as it is conventionally understood, on the one hand, and what Hippolytus seeks, which is only a measure of another kind. The former is aligned with particular places of worship and a line of tradition – Hyperides dismisses Hippolytus’s words as a “peevish fit” and asks him to “come back … to the temple and the altar” where “song has been set / by your great ancestors / … / by the priest that sings” (41) – whereas the latter seeks the indeterminacy and fleetingness of nature but only to institute there new altars and new priests, to constrain it by consistently rendering its force with, for example, a final spondee (as H.D. has done). Hyperides brings in his “set song” to charm and trap Hippolytus, luring him away from the woods, just as Hippolytus had intended to do with his “excessive” song for Artemis. Desire for measure not set by the metronome but, for example, by Artemis’s feet, or by the “sequence of the musical phrase” per the tenets of imagism, still shares the dangers associated with song in IA, in some of H.D.’s 1920s novels, and of course here: deceit, illusion, justification for or forgetting of violence, of war, the dead, of what may not be susceptible to rhythm.
In Hippolytus’s terms, what conventional meter doesn’t allow and what he tries to get at by inhabiting the space between the terms of the opposition (human song/natural song) through his metrical alternations, is the capture of “sudden rhythm” or “sudden tide”: that is, the incorporation of that Benvenistean rhythm qua temporary manifestation of new form. Hippolytus’s initial exchange with Artemis, however, does suggest the possibility of a third measure, which is performed yet never explicitly articulated in the play. As in the “Choruses from Hippolytus,” it is rhyme, broadly conceived as sound repetition, that can more minutely measure sudden shifts and hidden currents. Despite what she tells Apollo, Artemis is not mute. Her proclamation to Hippolytus in Act One that “No craftsman may imprison / my swift feet –” initiates one of the play’s central aural motifs. While in the beginning of the play she had commented on him inaudibly and invisibly, speaking mostly in single lines as he called for her with longer speeches, she now enters into a stichomythia of matched couplets with him. Intertwining rhymes, and even identical rhymes, between the two speakers also become more pronounced as H.D. entraps metered tragic dialogue in her unmetered but sonically rich lines, mirroring Hippolytus’s snaring of Artemis. Rhyme is what measures their accord or discord:
Artemis You waste your life
in shadowing Artemis.
Hippolytus Can any waste his life
in fervid worship?
Artemis What of the city,
the demands of kingship?
Hippolytus My city is the forest,
I, its high priest –
Artemis There is a goddess
and a priest who frowns –
Hippolytus You have no rival
in the windless towns –
Artemis The streets are fervid,
the town squares are rife –
Hippolytus With what, O mistress,
that concerns our life?
Artemis The streets are rabid
with small talk and dire –
Hippolytus What talk, O queen,
intolerate, white like fire?
Artemis I stand intolerate with disgust,
not hate –
Hippolytus What tale has reached you,
of what wicked thing?
Artemis A tale of Athens’ queen,
of Athens’ king –
Hippolytus Alas, my dotard sire,
my captured father –
Artemis Beware the capturer
who may snare another –
It is Artemis who introduces the first rhyme, “life,” which Hippolytus repeats, and then Artemis rhymes “kingship” with his “worship”; in the next couplet his lines end with consonance (forest/priest), to which she responds with a consonance of her own (goddess/frowns). As soon as he begins the rhymes again with “towns,” she returns to her own initial rhyme sound with “rife,” a sonic choice which mirrors her resistance to his propositions and her insistence on placing only him in the human world of the city. He persists by double-rhyming, both giving back “life” and returning to her earlier “goddess” with his “mistress”; she, however, continues to rhyme with herself (“rabid” for “fervid”) though he interrupts her second line “with small talk and dire –” to rhyme it with “fire.” Angered, she returns to his earlier boastful consonance of “forest”/“priest” with the telling “disgust.” She once again comes closer to him in sound as well as in subject matter when she agrees to answer his question about the tales she has heard about his father: In one couplet she repeats his “queen” and rhymes “king” with his “thing,” to which he responds by again rhyming with her earlier “dire,” this time with “sire.” Instead of pulling away now, she rhymes doubly with his “father” (capturer/another), and they both continue the er/air/are rhymes for the next two pages in their longer speeches. Their relationship, her moving towards and away from him, is thus reflected in the rhymes used. As they come closer together, moreover, they both begin to interrupt one another’s lines, the dashes uniting rather than separating them. There is indeed a rapprochement by song, or at least by rhyme, despite Artemis’s protestations.Footnote 66
Artemis’s resistance to song has to do with what H.D. learned from Euripides’ choruses: The realm of song, of (unconscious) sound patterning, whether concordant or discordant, is that of Eros. When Artemis finally asks Hippolytus to leave her, he tells her she is “everywhere”; she responds that she is not “where the Cyprian / weaves her perilous snare” (22). He then protests that Artemis’s woods are no place to speak of the Cyprian Aphrodite, and she retorts with a succinct summary of the Euripidean Nurse’s account of the goddess to Phaedra, marked by H.D. in her Loeb edition of the play: “Her name is everywhere, / her ways are dire” (22).Footnote 67 And indeed, if we look – or rather listen – closely, her name is everywhere: The words “Aphrodite,” “Eros,” and even “Phaedra” are never spoken in this lengthy exchange, but their sounds, especially the er of Eros, are omnipresent in internal or final rhymes even where what they represent is being denied.
When Artemis tries to place Hippolytus in the domain of the city (and of the “old, worn-out play” with Phaedra) as he tries to recall her to realm of forest, it is through er/ər rhyme sounds that their battle is fought. Artemis introduces sounds that she rhymes herself (rumour–dishonour–favour) to ruin their forest-based rhyme communion. Hippolytus amends them, trying to return to their earlier sequence of er rhymes, through, for example, his “fever” for her “dishonour,” which she then turns into “favour”; he insists with “lover” (19). Artemis returns to the er sound only to call him “Boastful and hot as ever” in response to his proclamation that he is no mortal (20). When Hippolytus wants to “share [her] solitude,” she tells him he cannot:
Even as Artemis tries to distinguish herself from lovers and musicians her defiance is framed by a single sound: the are/er rhyme that moves from the beginning of the line at first, to the middle, and finally to the end, where it becomes a proper rhyme. Later in Act 1, when Hippolytus has softened her resistance with mentions of his Amazon mother Hippolyta, Artemis says she cannot “cherish” him because “the gods, / Zeus, Pallas and Another” will be “wroth with me” (30). Aphrodite, presumably the “Another” Artemis refers to, continues to remain unnamed, but this instance of not-naming confirms our suspicion that it is indeed her name – and that of Eros – that echoes in all the er/ər rhymes. Rhyme thus becomes tied to erotic desire: always articulated even if unconsciously, a mobile, ever variable pattern that is predicated on distance, on the repetition never being exact, on the sounds never fully coinciding; that thus captures without fixing, without capturing anything other than the attempt to capture; that transmits something without even knowing quite what that is.Footnote 68
HT is not, then, H.D.’s manifesto for free verse. If it manifests anything, it is that verse is, as Eliot said, never free;Footnote 69 that what verse is bound to and perhaps reveals is not what its speaker or writer may seek or want to show.Footnote 70 In this case, in Hippolytus’s differently measured overtures to Artemis and in her responses, Eros is never explicitly said, but never not-said.Footnote 71 Through her sound patterns H.D. turns the Euripidean suggestion of Eros’s disorienting discord into the motor of her entire play; it is dangerously seductive, but also potentially better than the arrhythmia represented by Artemis herself.
Temporizing: Capturing Greece in 1927
In HT, H.D. inserts a gap in time between two of the main characters in Euripides’ Hippolytus, as she will later do through the commentary in her Ion. In this way, in a by all appearances classical or classicizing text, a drama belonging to a particular place (Troezen) but to no particular time, H.D. inserts the question of modernity (just as she did in her “Argument,” or in the few metapoetic comments about, for example, the datedness of the chorus and the tired state of the plots), and turns one of the ancient characters into us. The exchange between Artemis and Hippolytus is not only a narrative palimpsest, rewriting and reversing the Euripidean story without ever becoming truly unfaithful to it, and it is not only a poetological, metrical inquiry on a Euripidean basis that returns H.D. to a familiar contemporary debate regarding free verse. It is also historical. Primed as we are by the introductory poem, we cannot help but read Artemis here allegorically: Artemis as the ever escaping, or ever receding, ideal of Greece, either “natural” archaic Greece, in which an organic relation of humans to nature prevailed, or warrior, beautiful-youth Greece. Hippolytus’s address to her as “Wondrous, / O fair, / like some tall supple sapling / or some rare / young warrior / with his glittering arms and spear” (13) suggests as much, as does his Winckelmannian attempt at “imitation”; we recall, too, Phaedra’s descent into Greek meters in H.D.’s “Choruses” exactly when she wished to resemble Artemis. In Artemis H.D. embodies the ever sought-after and intruded-upon Greek antiquity.
In his search in the woods for evidence of Artemis’s now-past presence, Hippolytus turns into a budding archaeologist. He questions animals and plants in the hope that they might reveal her trajectory, and detects on the ground “the shape and pattern / of your feet” (12):
He looks for traces of Artemis just as H.D.’s near-contemporaries are digging up from the earth and reading into traces of antiquity in Crete, Mycenae, or Asia Minor, and contemplating its burning legacy on modernity. H.D.’s Hippolytus even uses a planetary metaphor that recalls Keats’s sonnet on Chapman’s Homer: “the arrows of your hair / that flame and burn / as if some travelling meteor / had dropped its mantle / where the laurels burn” (13).Footnote 72 When Hippolytus compares statues to songs, is he not also asking whether there can still be “classicizing” poetry if classicizing art has failed, as the artistic revolutions of the early twentieth century and then war itself had proven (recall Mauberley’s “botched civilization” and its “two gross of broken statues” [P&T 552])? Through Artemis, then, H.D. gives voice to persecuted Greece, talking back to all those – including H.D. – who invoke her and might wish to plunder her, turn her, supposedly dispassionately, into their object of desire. It’s as if Artemis is Moero revived, come to answer the question Hipparchia poses by translating her poem: Do you kill the wine when you press heavy on the grape-bunch?
It is this question that is obliquely addressed in the third act, H.D.’s major addition to the Euripidean play. In the exchange between Artemis and Helios (as H.D. refers to Apollo in almost all of her writings) she pits against each other what since Nietzsche was supposed to be one side of the coin, the Apollonian, thus inserting a fissure into the identical (the twin), while Dionysian elements are present in both.Footnote 73 The fight is no longer between chastity or purity and passion, Artemis and the always unnamed Aphrodite – if it ever was in this play – but between desire for life (and light) and the drive towards death. These are the terms that the conflict is translated into in this act, these H.D.’s preferred nuances. Artemis, like Dionysus, is a destructive death force that seeks to return all to nature; we recall that in her initial speech – and it is the exact same speech that closes the play as well – she is plotting “with earth” the destruction of “Grecian cities” in favor of “the wild arbutus / and the luminous trees” (9). The realm of Artemis, though that of nature, is nonetheless presented as the realm of the dead insofar as it is that of the non-human, and non-humanist.Footnote 74 Artemis is Hulme’s and Gaudier-Brzeska’s Greece ca. 1914, Helios the Greece of humanism. The Cyprian boy praises Helios as the all-seeing, ever present god, the closest of all gods to mortals:
Implicitly contrasted with Artemis and her professed disinterest in human affairs, Helios does not want to be solely an “immortal.” By choosing not to call him Apollo but “sun,” H.D. suggests he may be a more universal force, in contrast to Artemis’s specific Greekness, which insists on its own intangibility.
Act 3 opens with Helios lamenting Hippolytus’s imminent death, and calling on Artemis to intervene. Unlike Hippolytus, who in an abbreviated replica of their earlier stichomythia in Act 1 now acknowledges the power of Eros only implied then, Artemis continues to refuse it and does not condone his change of heart. She proclaims her powerlessness against death and calls on her ghostly maidens to lure Hippolytus’s soul away with their metered song. In contrast, Helios, echoing the ending of H.D.’s “Choruses” translation, acquiesces to Eros’s superiority and asks for his help to revive the youth (129–30). While the gods argue about Hippolytus’s physical survival, they also differ on the survival of his memory. The roles are thus reversed: Now it is no longer Hippolytus trying to determine how best to capture Artemis – through an altar, a statue, or a song – but the gods trying to decide exactly that question for Hippolytus. If Hippolytus is “us,” H.D.’s prewar generation fumbling towards a relation to antiquity, they are also debating what will best capture, or reflect, the “dying … dead” modern world (Bid 8). Does his (our) blind devotion to something other than our own time (even as he himself, in the end, is blind to exactly what that is, illusory arrhythmia or pervading Benvenistean rhythm) lead to life or death – and to what kind of afterlife?
The issue of Hippolytus’s afterlife is broached in Euripides as well, though in a section that H.D. does not translate: the chorus’s final anapests. They conclude the play with an almost metapoetic comment: “For tales of the great, when they spread abroad, surpass the common lot in evoking grief” (lines 1465–66). Evoking the emotive power of tales of grief, the chorus seems to guarantee Hippolytus’s future fame. Artemis in her preceding epilogue has also said the same (lines 1425–30). Yet here it is Helios who claims that Hippolytus will be remembered “forever” and live on “in white song” (115), while Artemis contests it, not wanting his passion, for her an evil act, to be memorialized or covered up by beauty, and forgiven:
Artemis Song, song, song, song it is
that shatters all –
Helios Song, song, song baffles
the fears of death –
Artemis Then is all, all forgiven
in song’s name –
Helios All, all lost beauty
shelters in its fane –
Helios here echoes Hippolytus’s own claims about song (“drown[s] out / our human terror”) as having restorative potential despite its complicity with violence and deceit, its necessarily discordant and constraining nature. In contrast, Artemis, having first compared Hippolytus to a “parched hyacinth” (124), and then described, though without naming him, Hyacinth’s death and subsequent transformation and survival (127), asks Helios to make Hippolytus “stand by each harbor” as “a symbol of my love” (128). Artemis wants Hippolytus turned into a statue that she could finally accept as a “friend” now that he will have become completely inhuman (128). Yet Helios seems to have regretted the Hyacinth transformation for that very reasonFootnote 75 and upon hearing him mentioned tries to revive Hippolytus with renewed fervor:
In the end, Artemis seems to win the argument: Hippolytus dies, Helios retreats in defeat, and she returns to her opening song, maintaining her separation from both mortals and all other gods, and plotting the destruction of the Greek cities – which, from H.D.’s twentieth-century viewpoint, she accomplished.Footnote 76
The questions H.D. raises here recall those of the IA translation: Does song mean death? Is the quest for absolute beauty, for something untainted, for the god, and for a Greece that would stand for these things, death? Yes, the play answers. Disavowal of the everyday world means death for Hippolytus even if his actions betray that disavowal. The fervid pursuit of Artemis’s measure leads Hippolytus the poet to (become) a dead song, a “frozen altar” (as Rico tells Julia in Bid), a statue. What can poetry do? The play argues that, like Eros, as Eros, it deceives, lulls into forgetfulness, seeks to catch and charm, victimize the thing it praises; in pursuing a relation with Artemis, with Greece, the poet deadens herself and fails to capture the livelihood, the motion, the feet that first attracted her – or at least that is this particular poet’s fear at a time when her initially highly praised poetry becomes increasingly looked down upon.
But to the extent that Hippolytus is conveyed and remembered here, in this play, it is in the way Helios advocates. As the “Hippolytus Temporizes” poem praises constraint but momentarily breaks from it, so the play – having concluded that song cannot but betray what inspires it – ends with death and the banishment of sound but has shown us that transient moment of rhythm’s setup and dissolution, has shown us rhythm as a constant, mobile interruption that arises as if accidentally, without drawing attention to itself. Song may be thematized in all its failings, but it is left untouched when it works to bring together Artemis and Hippolytus or Hippolytus and Phaedra, even if, or precisely because, in both cases it is contrary to their stated desires. Revelatory and revealed discord, this rhythm names the moment of reversal and not of coherence (as Pound might have it), appearing (in the form of rhyme) at the precise moment when the speaker does not know what s/he is saying. Revelatory discord, similar to the one striking Euripides’ chorus in H.D.’s version when they wish to escape from Eros but are already caught in his ruse. Revelatory discord, similar to the one practiced by HT, which articulates itself as an overwriting of Euripides and nonetheless depends on it for its effects as it expands, probes, questions specific images, lines, or characters as possibly deceitful, constraining, or inadequate, as possibly not providing enough of an argument for life, or for their survival. It is this argument that H.D. uncovers in Euripides’ Ion eight years later. But in her temporization here, she draws both a connecting and a dividing line between Greece and us, antiquity and modernity; not identifying Greece fully with musicality or with loss, and using HT to ask questions about it instead, she delays making a decision.
Feet, feet, feet, feet. No, Freddie, no Freddie not metres. Not poems. Not that kind of feet. Not trochaic, iambic or whatever, not verse, free or otherwise. I am listening to something. To feet, feet, feet, but not that kind, not your kind Freddie. No not iambic feet, not beat and throb of metre, no Freddie. I don’t want to write it.
Thank you for your letter, re ION…. I like the grand-period Greek, as it has been so mossed over and distorted by the academicians that people don’t know it when they meet it. It is modern enough.
This chapter will examine H.D.’s multi-generic translation of Euripides’ Ion (1937), which, with its apparent straightforward Athenian emphasis – “grand-period Greek,” as she calls it in the letter to Pound in my epigraph – would seem to go against H.D.’s general preference for more complex genealogies and temporalities. H.D.’s Ion crystallizes her approach to Greek, redefining the practice of translation in the process; allows her to propose an alternative theory of psychic development contra Freud; and, finally, in its specific (mis)reading of the Euripidean play, foreshadows Pound’s treatment of Sophocles in Women of Trachis by making a strong case for the poetic and cultural relevance, aliveness, and indeed necessity of Greek tragedy in the twentieth century. As with the earlier translations, H.D. turns to Ion during a moment of both personal and global crisis; her writing block in the early 1930s, which caused her to seek psychoanalysis, eventually with Freud himself, was apparently prompted by her sense of impending political turmoil and fear of a second world war. The play provides a way of coping with both these issues and additionally responds to the questions left unresolved at the end of Hippolytus Temporizes, regarding the possibility of accessing “Greece” and of a more positive valuation of destructive or illusory song.
I will trace here the intellectual development in H.D.’s theoretical and practical engagement with “grand-period Greek” over a span of about twenty years. The bulk of the chapter is dedicated to her mid-1930s translation of the Ion, but the sections on the Euripidean play are bookended by brief and focused examinations of “Murex,” the second novella in Palimpsest (1926), and her series of wartime long poems collected as Trilogy (1944–46) that show, respectively, the germination and evolution of the questions, ideas, and techniques that went into the making of Ion. “Murex” contemplates explicitly the connection between “antiquity” and “modernity,” redefining both while continuing to tie that connection back to “rhythm” or other specific poetic means just as HT does. Some of the novella’s insights, as well as the specific shell imagery used to develop them, are pivotal for her treatment of Euripides’ Ion in 1935. Similarly, the hard-won optimism in the poems of Trilogy is a large-scale application of the lessons H.D. uncovered in the Ion and relies on images – such as that of the flowering tree – first developed in her version of the play.
Unlike with her other translations from Greek tragedy to this point, H.D. tackles the Ion in its entirety, and does so through a variety of programmatically conceived formal innovations, foremost of which is her decision to interweave a lengthy commentary throughout her translation. I read the Ion’s methodological translation program through the perspective of Walter Benjamin, before turning to an analysis of her particular distillation of the Euripidean play. Why is the Ion the play H.D. turns to at this particular moment? Why would a translation of the Ion be the “solution” to H.D.’s 1930s writing block, and how is it materially and poetically different from her earlier translations, both of select Ion choruses and of IA and Hippolytus? I argue that, psychoanalyzing Euripides, his protagonist Kreousa, and herself all at once, she translates the text of Ion as an allegory for poetic writing; I rely on Maurice Blanchot’s account of inspiration to explain how H.D. uses the play to counter a Freudian theory of art focused on sublimation. In the Ion, moreover, H.D. explicitly situates herself against not only specific contexts of reception but also existing scholarship on Euripides; this paves the way for her deeply read engagement with the Helen myth in Helen in Egypt a little less than twenty years later. Pushing through primary accounts of the play available to her in the 1930s (by Gilbert Murray, A. W. Verrall, Jane Harrison, perhaps even Wilamowitz), H.D.’s remarkable interpretation of Euripides’ poetic strategies aligns with more recent scholarly accounts (e.g., by Victoria Wohl). Deploying differently the elements of commentary and translation in this multi-generic work, H.D. dramatizes both her own desire to believe in a triumphant narrative that would bind ancient and modern culture and would make poetry the cure or compensation for trauma, and the contingency or constructedness of such a position – just as Euripides is now thought to have done himself (see below). Though her Ion as a whole seems like an unperformable text given the ever present commentary, it is dramatic in essence: What is put onstage is that tension between belief and unbelief that is also at the core of this and other Euripidean plays – and which H.D. will probe even more thoroughly in Helen in Egypt.
Antiquities and Modernities in “Murex”
In Tribute to Freud, H.D. often returns to Freud’s insight regarding the homology between the history of the individual and the history of the race: “he had brought the past into the present,” she writes, “with his the childhood of the individual is the childhood of the race – or is it the other way round? – the childhood of the race is the childhood of the individual” (12, italics in original).Footnote 2 At the same time, though always acknowledging the limitations of such representation, Freud uses “real” external antiquity to help us understand his mapping of the mind; think, for example, of Rome in Civilization and Its Discontents (16–18). H.D. takes Freud’s insight and reverses the process, and in so doing destabilizes even Freud’s own certain rhetorical possession of “antiquity.” By internalizing or psychologizing the antiquity/modernity distinction, implicitly in Hippolytus Temporizes and Ion but explicitly in Palimpsest’s second novella “Murex: London 1916–1926,” H.D. models for us approaches to the “external,” historical modernity/antiquity. She explores the extent to which any given “now” (“modern” taken etymologically to mean ‘just now’) is directed, jostled, or illuminated by the “then” in a visceral, immediate though not necessarily detectable way, proposing that both are underwritten by an “eternal” truth, which is the very fact of their reciprocal ever changing configuration.
As in “Hipparchia,” H.D. in “Murex” uses the relationship between past and present, “antiquity” and “modernity,” as a governing metaphor: not, this time, for the relation between two people but for that between her protagonist Raymonde and her own past. “The past of somewhere about 1917” is to Raymonde antiquity “further than an Egyptian’s coffin” because of interposed “layer and layer of pain, of odd obliteration” (Palimpsest 108–09). But H.D. also turns what should be a temporal relation into a spatial one, just as in “Hippolytus Temporizes”:
Antiquity showed through the semi-transparence of shallow modernity like blue flame through the texture of some jelly-fish-like deep-sea creature. Modernity was unfamiliar and semi-transparent and it obscured antiquity while it let a little show through, falsified by the nervous movement of its transparent surface. Falsified by the nervous erratic jerks of its deep-sea members. Modernity was the unfamiliar, always baffling substance.
Recalling Freud’s spatial structuring of the mind, H.D. insists on the interpenetration of depth and surface (the unconscious and the conscious perhaps) and on the essential obscurity of both; neither “antiquity” nor “modernity” can be easily or independently or accurately portrayed. When a few pages later H.D. writes of “the static antiquity behind the comparatively modern antiquity of Plato” and aligns both “all Athens in its dying splendour” (during Plato’s lifetime) and the “antiquity of modern times, the antiquity of 1917” with “a shadow seen from a dark cave,” we realize the mobility of both of her terms (169). The “Antiquity behind antiquity [that] had glowed like jacinth” thus becomes more than a particular moment in time and, despite the Platonic overtones, is in the course of the novella identified not with truth but with poetry: a poetry that is not “original,” or even inspired, but “falsified” and always in semi-concealed relation to some other past, and never with fully explainable origins. The poem thus becomes not simply a translation, but a transmission of things its writer may not (want to) know.
Like “Hipparchia,” “Murex” is about a poet who, here less self-consciously, gathers poetic flowers, this time from the nineteenth-century Anglo-American lyric tradition, and whose anthological activity is tightly bound to her own creativity. But Raymonde, insisting that “the past is the past,” has been living in a timeless present – what she calls the “drug and anodyne of London” – and needs a reverse psychopomp to guide her back to living and to writing (101, 118). After the appropriately named Ermy makes her appearance, she “whips” Raymonde into speech, like another “Hermes of the Ways.” The poem she inspires, and whose composition takes up the second half of the novella, relates to the past in several more ways. The line to which this ostensibly new poem owes its being, a line that Raymonde had “always looked for” and finally “now … had,” is a combination of a “plagiarism” from Poe’s “To Helen” (“hyacinth hair”) and a color theme from Browning’s “Popularity” (“Tyrian shells / Enclosed the blue”): “Tyrian blue hyacinths against hyacinth hair” (147). “O plagarissimo [sic],” Raymonde imagines Freddie telling her, this Aldington stand-in fittingly worried about original work (151). A few pages later, Raymonde comments twice that her poem “sounded like a new transcription from Khayyám” (154). Her rebirth as a poet comes, then, first as an echo of two nineteenth-century poets – fittingly, for this American writer in England, a British and an American one – and then as a translation from an original she had only known (and cites) in Edward FitzGerald’s translation. Much like “Hermes of the Ways,” the new poem borrows its images and sounds from elsewhere.
“Murex” also draws a distinction between rhyme and meter. The latter is represented by the steady rhythm of “feet, feet, feet, feet” outside Raymonde’s London window and identified both with the marching soldiers of 1916 and with the working women going on with their lives in 1926 (see, e.g., 98–99, 115). Meter carries on, lulling Raymonde into forgetfulness, but rhyme carries over, as becomes clear when Raymonde is composing her poem: “the rhyme from outside broke across her set determination to be fair to Mavis [her erstwhile romantic rival]…. Something, some other metre, was about to tick, tick like some insistent metronome in the air above her” (148). This second “metre” now dictates the direction of her writing, but is not something we already know how to measure – “not that kind, not your kind,” as she tells Freddie (see my epigraph above). Though in the beginning the poem’s lines are clearly iambic, they are grouped and cut in a different metrical arrangement each time they appear. Later Raymonde identifies it with the “inviolable law” of Apollo:
There was the oracle – there was the answer. Raymonde had “put it up” to the oracle. Song had answered her. Let it stand. Helios the law giver. Song within song…. This was the absolute answer, that “hour” rhymed with “flower.” There was no law beyond this.
So, for example, it is inadvertent rhyme that prompts her to identify herself both with the treacherous woman at the heart of her poem and with “the inviolate host / who, sent for Beauty, / died before Troy gate” – both with Helen and her “victims” (150). Though Raymonde speaks of freeing herself “of all my old compunction” and of loving the other woman’s “treachery,” what comes through in her writing is precisely the compunction about writing it and presenting this ruined beauty. The poem shows Raymonde’s fear that she might be again, after the fact, trying, if not to sell war as a quest for beauty, at least to put a beautiful face on war or mark it as a positive moment for her poetic awakening. As in the dialogue between Artemis and Hippolytus in Hippolytus Temporizes, what is spoken in the poem is found to exceed or override what is thought by the poet.
Finally, “Murex” offers a defense of poetry as translation by converting Hipparchia’s “wine-pressing” – her ambivalent metaphor for poetic writing and/as translation – into “distillation,” as exemplified by the processing of murex shells. The key is Browning’s “Popularity,” which gives the story its title and epigraph in addition to registering in Raymonde’s “new” poem. “Popularity” suggests a parallel for the poet’s difficult but unrecognized labor in the fisherman who extracts the precious purple dye from the murex. Everyone who stands around the fisherman knows about the prized substance hidden in these mollusks (“Who has not heard how Tyrian shells / Enclosed the blue”) and is able to cite famous instances of its use (“quote tradition / How depths of blue sublimed some pall”).Footnote 3 When faced with the actual catch, though, the bystanders can only exclaim, “Mere conchs! Not fit for warp or woof!” But, Browning tells us, we should wait,
The poet is presented by analogy as a distiller, as one who sees and discloses hidden potential. Her genius lies in perseverance, in trying every way possible to access and help produce the “liquor” hidden in unbecoming shells. The question in the poem’s penultimate line, “Who fished the murex up?,” that H.D. borrows for her epigraph, refers both to the literal fisherman, who first catches the murex, and to the cunning one’s action of fishing up the murex qua purple dye (the word’s second meaning) from the murex as shellfish. That is, the question is also one of double meanings: Who created this second, “poetic/literary” sense for this word?Footnote 4 The poet is cunning enough to discern two (two meanings, two elements, antiquity behind antiquity) where there seems to only be one, “mere conchs” or “the past.” As H.D.’s Ion will show, being the first one to catch the murex (have an idea, write a line) matters less than actually knowing what to do with it: pound, squeeze, clarify, refine.Footnote 5
Getting It Across: H.D.’s Ion Commentary
In 1938, a year after the Ion’s publication, Pound wrote that “H.D. in her Ion has tried various wheezes”; even though “[s]he has certainly pared down as much as [Gilbert Murray] has upholstered and straw-filled,” this “opposite system doesn’t work either” (GK 93). Though he doesn’t elaborate on what the “wheezes” are, the translation is remarkable in three ways. First, the emotional intensity of the choral sections has been heightened with a particular goal in mind; second, the dialogue has indeed been pared down; and third, more radically, the translation is accompanied by an extensive running commentary. In Pound’s reading, H.D. resorts to such ruses in order to make the play “live” for a twentieth-century audience, but, unlike Cocteau’s radical condensation of Antigone, to which he compares this Ion, the final result does not justify these departures. Pound, whose own attempts to translate the Agamemnon and the Elektra focus so exclusively on the plays’ linguistic aspects and on their immediacy, on what can be articulated and seen at once and without remainder, might be understandably condescending. In his view, the cuts and expansions, and especially the prose interludes, would be a kind of surrender: The translator does not let the play speak on its own, does not let its language perform and display its modern relevance, but rather wheezes it out herself, her voice drowning out that of the ancient text. What Pound misses is that these features do not simply constitute H.D.’s hopeless additions and subtractions. They are in fact demanded by her reading of the play and integral to her “task of getting it across”;Footnote 6 moreover, they form part of an effort, similar to that Pound and Eliot are engaged in around this time, to think about the possibilities of poetic drama, in relation to Greek tragedy on the one hand, and to the larger ethical/religious question of belief.
In a 1936 sketch for a radio piece titled “Translation – For and Against,” one of Walter Benjamin’s imaginary interlocutors suggests that the “successful form of translation” is one “which acknowledges its own role by means of commentary and makes the fact of the different linguistic situation one of its themes” (250). “Because the difference … was acknowledged,” he continues, “the translation could become effective, a component of its own world” (250). While the Benjamin of “The Task of the Translator” (1924) would hope that such a registering of difference could happen in the translation itself, primarily through the pursuit of syntactic literalness (and without supplemental materials), he now seems to be proposing an alternative option, perhaps more wary of the risk of falling into the depths of language as Hölderlin did in his Sophocles (and as Pound would do in his Elektra). Elsewhere, Benjamin would write that commentary and translation are the “same phenomenon considered from different aspects,” adding that they relate to a text as style and mimesis (respectively) relate to nature (“One-Way Street,” 449). In his essay on Goethe’s Elective Affinities, Benjamin brings in a third term, now distinguishing between commentary and “Kritik.” The former, he says, is the work of the chemist, the latter of the alchemist. Where commentary, seeking “material content,” patiently analyzes the ashes of the “burning funeral pyre” which is the growing work, critique, seeking “truth content,” inquires into the “living flame,” and presumably transforms it into new material (298). While the commentator aims at a reconstruction of the past on the basis of remaining evidence, the critic’s work forges a relationship between past and present, examining that “living flame” as it “continues to burn over the heavy logs of what is past and the light ashes of what has been experienced” (298). By separating logs and ashes through weight and tense, Benjamin suggests the critic is interested in approaching that “truth” through and not despite its historical progression. In this definition of Kritik Benjamin is not far from Friedrich Schlegel, who, however, is more dismissive of commentary and more explicit about the futural orientation of the endeavor, arguing in favor of “a criticism that would not be so much the commentary of an already existing, finished, and withered literature, as the organon of a literature still to be achieved … that would not only explain and conserve, but that would be productive itself.”Footnote 7
In 1936, at almost the exact time that the speaker in “Translation – For and Against” was lamenting that the “successful form of translation” that is commentary was “on the wane in modern times,” H.D. had just completed her translation-cum-commentary of Euripides’ Ion, a work that can be best understood in these Benjaminian terms. Her translation “proper” (what we would most conventionally term a translation) operates as “critique” in the Benjaminian–German Romantic sense. It is exclusively focused on shaping the Euripidean play – not arbitrarily, but certainly beyond what a professional translator would customarily allow – and revealing its living flame, forging a very particular relation between its time and her own. Her commentary, on the other hand, performs the analytic function as well as the difference-acknowledging function that Benjamin discusses, but it also works on a mimetic level to produce the effect that the original play may have produced on its audience, and thus to resurrect some of the “content” that her translation itself suppresses.
In her “Translator’s Note” H.D. writes that each of the nineteen sections into which she has divided the play “for convenience” is preceded by “explanatory notes” that are “merely the translator’s personal interpretation; the play may be read straight through with no reference, whatever, to them” (149).Footnote 8 This would be difficult: The prose interludes are not only found at the heading of sections but also within them – and this is especially true in the opening four – making them hard to skip. Even when they are limited to the beginnings of particular sections, they are sometimes multiple pages in length. Eileen Gregory has identified three commentator voices (an aesthete dilettante, a less self-conscious interpreter, and a heroic apologist) that are in dialogue with “the lyricist” translator, which further suggests that a singular “personal interpretation” is not to be found in the notes.Footnote 9 The commentary, I argue, is an essential and inextricable part of this intentionally multi-generic translation.Footnote 10 H.D.’s slanted approach to Euripides’ Ion, as displayed in the translation “proper,” demands this interjected prose, which not only fulfills the functions of the commentary outlined in “Translation – For and Against,” but supplies elements of the Euripidean text that would otherwise be left out. For example, in the earlier part of the play, just as H.D. is silencing doubts present in Euripides about Apollo’s oracle, her commentary introduces new elements of doubt regarding the possibility of this (or any) interpretation and staging of the play. Or, later on, just as H.D. the translator erases Athena’s litany of Ion’s descendants and Athens’s future glories, the commentary offers a lengthy and fairly stereotypical modern account of fifth-century Athenian “greatness.” But, most importantly, since H.D. repurposes the Euripidean choral songs towards her interpretation of the play, it is the commentary that fulfills the role of the (twentieth-century) chorus.
The commentator comments of course on the function of the chorus. It is,
an outside voice, punctuating and stressing moods. It is the play’s collective conscience. However, from time to time, speakers of strophe or antistrophe merge, informally, with the actors, or serve to bring contrasting moods.
So this very commentary: It consists in a multiplicity of voices that shade for us the translator’s choices and highlight moods, as though the play itself now needs a new kind of formal chorus to be carried across – a chorus that will help us visualize it, underline its relevance, or read into the characters’ states of mind from yet another perspective. In section x, for example, the commentator prefaces the chorus’s second stasimon by miming (her interpretation of) their words through her own passionate language: “They breathe bitter and fiery words as if to prophesy the unconscious reaction of their queen. They feel as one, as proud, deserted woman might feel” (200). Indeed, such an identification with the female protagonist Kreousa is present elsewhere too. In section xii, the third stasimon, the commentator sets the mood for what the chorus and Kreousa will say: “No such things we can imagine them thinking, ever happen in our holy city…. This sun-god had mixed the vibrations, has committed that most dire of spiritual sins, he has played fast and loose with the dimension of time and space” (222). This is not commentary, strictly speaking, but a kind of prophecy, a pre-emptive strike as the commentator herself plays “fast and loose with the dimension of time and space”; while Apollo does so by raping and abandoning Kreousa, H.D., we might say, does it by taking hold of this text, of these women, and putting herself in their place.
The chorus are also the play’s timekeepers. H.D. assigns to them – presumably inspired by A. W. Verrall – the function of the modern “curtain”; she sees them, that is, as a means of changing scenes and indicating the passage of time between them.Footnote 11 But, contra Verrall, who reads the chorus as a necessary inconvenience that helps overcome one obstacle (the absence of a curtain) but creates many others, she views the “unity of time” that, according to Verrall, the use of the chorus necessitates not as constricting but as freeing and “modern.”Footnote 12 In the heading to section vi the commentator tells us that “Greek unity gives us freedom, it expands and contracts at will, it is time-in-time and time-out-of-time together, it predicts modern time-estimates” (185). What it does, then, is allow a depth of time in addition to the measured-out length of time (antiquity behind antiquity); it introduces a fissure in the present moment, discord in the play’s linear accord, and thus establishes a kind of indeterminate rhythm. H.D.’s own contraction and expansion of Euripides would, then, seem to be dictated by the play itself, which lingers on the description of paintings or of a dance, while quickly dispensing with the problematic nature of a false oracle. As H.D. elaborates, “the choros is the march-past of hours, their time-values are ultra-modern, accordion-pleated, as it were. They may minimize the passage of time, or in a few stark words, they may convey an impression of hours lapsed” (222).Footnote 13 Similarly, the commentary, for example in section iii (the parodos), moves from the fifth century and a reading of the Euripidean chorus marveling at Apollo’s temple to the present within four lines. The multiple voices of the commentary, which are not so clearly distinguished in character and which, therefore (contrary to Gregory’s suggestion of a progression), do overlap in the unfolding of the text, weave the palimpsest of the Ion’s times, exposing and concealing threads of response and relation both to such “foundational” texts and to the notion of foundation. By aligning her commentary with the chorus, H.D. suggests that the “outsiders” are already inside the play, and that the play does not exist unless it is being shaped by such voices, by such “wheezing.” Such a use of the commentary complements the critique at work in the translation “proper.”
H.D., finally, substitutes her era’s common literary language and “cultural patrimony” for that which the Athenian chorus presumably shared with its audience. The commentary, that is, functions also as the repository of an impressionistic history of classical reception, including the modernist, Aldingtonian swipe against “scholarship” (which, if followed through, would of course preclude the presence of a lengthy commentary interrupting a work of literature). H.D. initially seems to make the familiar distinction between “philology” and a broader, more embodied, material-oriented understanding of the text, setting up an opposition between “the boy, Ion” and his “delicate phrases”:
We may relegate the boy, Ion, to the dust-heap and parse his delicate phrases till we end in a mad-house. It will bring us no nearer to the core of Greek beauty. Parse the sun in heaven, distinguish between the taste of mountain air on different levels, feel with your bare foot a rock covered with sea-weed, one covered with sand, one washed and marbled by the tide. You can not learn Greek, only, with a dictionary. You can learn it with your hands and your feet and especially with your lungs.
Even this very passage concludes differently than we might have expected. Learning Greek with your lungs suggests sounding it out, breathing out its voice and its meters (“feet”), and not leaving the language qua language behind. The commentary rehearses more of her era’s prominent approaches (classic, romantic, decadent, archaizing, ritualistic) to tragedy and to “Greece”: “gesture may be simple, direct copy of marble arm and bared limb of pentellic [sic] frieze, or it may tune-in to a less formal era, romantic beat and barbaric rhythm that have become familiar through the exotic present-day ballet”; posture may be “hieratic” and utterance “frigid”; “he has the whole run and rhythm of near-eastern colour and exoticism to draw on,” and so on (159). We further have a reference to potential interpretations of Kreousa as “‘savage’” and “frenzied” (214) in a nod to early twentieth-century primitivism, and a comparison between tragedy and opera or religious liturgy (150–51). “Passionate lovers of the drama” are addressed as much as “budding Philhellene[s]” who have nonetheless “let the whole thing go” – a nod to Pound perhaps (153). But broaching all of these often diametrically opposed approaches leaves us with more questions than answers. The following comment on translating the Greek stichomythia is a case in point:
If we knew Greek perfectly and had each one of us the peculiar gift of rhythmic sensitiveness … we might manage to convey in the spoken words something of the emotional tension behind them. Or on the other hand, if we were completely conventionalized mummers in masks, speaking by rote, in a sort of hypnotic sing-song…. Or else, if we were standing before an altar, really deeply moved, part of an immense ritualistic ceremony…. What is there left for us?
Is there any approach to these works that hasn’t been attempted? Perhaps exactly this one. The detailed acknowledgment of this burden, together with the interpretive risk that the poet-translator takes in her rendering of the text proper, is what constitutes for H.D. a full translation of Greek tragedy in the first half of the twentieth century. The localized, time-specific dialogue or negotiation presumably taking place between the performance on the Athenian stage and the Athenian citizens in the audience is replaced by a dialogue between a polemically reconstructed text – which aims at unearthing the antiquity behind the antiquity of Euripides, and H.D.’s time too – and the multiple traditions of its reception.Footnote 14
On Oracles and Ironies: H.D.’s Reorientation of the Ion’s Origin Plot
Throughout her Ion commentary H.D. both uses, seemingly straightforwardly, the modernity versus antiquity distinction – to call various aspects of Euripides’ play “ultra-modern,” for example – and seems very eager to collapse it. Early on she returns to the two modern antiquities of “Murex”:
At this moment, in the heart-beat of world-progress, in the mind of every well-informed Greek … there was a pause (psychic, intellectual), such a phase as we are today experiencing; scientific discovery had just opened up world-vistas, at the same time the very zeal of practical knowledge … was forcing the high-strung intellect on a beat further beyond the intellect. As today, when time values and numerical values are shifting, due to the very excess of our logical deductions, so here.
To a linear notion of time H.D. juxtaposes a palimpsestic one, one of simultaneity, as if she and Euripides were together contemplating the same question, that of art’s relationship to time as such. Contra Woolf, she writes, “How can we believe that 500 b.c. and a.d. 500 (or our own problematical present) are separated by an insurmountable chasm? The schism of before and after Christ, vanishes” (203). Her Ion and Euripides’ Ion arise out of a pause, a caesura in fifth-century, twentieth-century world progress, a caesura necessitated, or accelerated perhaps, by each era’s recent wars.
Many critics have written of H.D.’s 1930s writing block, prompted by her fear of another war, which she sought to overcome through psychoanalysis, at first in London and later, over the course of two years, in Vienna with Freud himself.Footnote 15 Her letters with Freud frequently refer to it, while in her published diary of her sessions she records dreaming of completed books she had not yet written.Footnote 16 We have seen that it is through her engagement with Greek tragedy in particular that her anxiety about the link between poetry and war, song and violence is negotiated. It is no surprise, then, that the book hatched from those psychoanalytic sessions is her translation of Euripides’ Ion. As her Hippolytus began where her Iphigeneia ended, so this Ion begins where Hippolytus Temporizes left off: In this play even Apollo, the god of song, the god most friendly to humans, has violated one, Ion’s mother, Kreousa. The play explores the other side of Artemis’s abandonment: Now humanity is contemplating abandoning the gods, and especially this god. DuPlessis and Friedman have argued that “H.D. achieves the fruition of her poet-priestess identity in Trilogy”;Footnote 17 as I will show, she already does so in Ion. It is the Ion, begun in 1918 and finally completed in 1935 (though published in 1937), that breaks the block and sets the foundation for her later writing, as the Greek Anthology translations had before the First World War, and as Hippolytus had right after.Footnote 18
Like his Alcestis and Helen, Euripides’ Ion is a tragedy with an ostensibly happy ending, very much unlike the tragedies that H.D. had previously worked on (IA, Hippolytus, Hecuba, and Bacchae). It dramatizes the reunion of Ion, a young priest at Delphi who was mysteriously brought there as an infant, with his mother Kreousa, the autochthonous queen of Athens who many years before had been raped by Apollo and, having been abandoned by him, decided to expose their child. Unable now to conceive and anxious about the future of her Athenian lineage, Kreousa goes to Delphi with her husband, the non-Athenian Xouthos, to seek the advice of the oracle – and this is where the play begins. After a series of misunderstandings that cause Kreousa and Ion to plot each other’s murders, the play concludes with an extended recognition scene. Though glad to have found his mother, Ion remains skeptical of Kreousa’s account of her rape – he is Apollo’s priest, after all – until he is convinced of his divine origins by the dea ex machina Athena, who then provides a long prophecy of Athens’s future glories (past glories for Euripides and his audience, of course) and leads them back to Athens. Unlike Hippolytus, which is in many ways a “modern” play – about repressed emotions and illicit desires – and like IA, the Ion is a foundational tragedy: not for the mythical history of the Trojan War (and thus the epic), but for Athenian culture and, by extension, Greek culture, both insofar as the latter is most frequently associated with Athens, and since Ion, as the play itself tells us, would be the founder of the Ionian civilization. As Wohl puts it, the stakes are particularly high in Ion because “its telos is the arkhē of Athens’s arkhē, the origin of its imperial power.”Footnote 19
The story and genealogy that Euripides presents in his play, however, wholly bears his stamp and is not found anywhere else.Footnote 20 Jane Harrison refers to the play’s myth as a “transparent piece of political genealogy-making,” aimed at legitimizing Ion as one of Athens’s founding figures, “no matter by what disreputable fraud.”Footnote 21 Tying him through Kreousa to the legendary founders Erektheus and Kekrops allows Euripides to authenticate Athens’s claims to autochthony and highlight its influence and significance for the rest of the Hellenic world. He thus flatters its citizens’ pride, and at the same time, especially through Athena’s final speech on Athenian triumphs, boosts the city’s morale in the midst of the Peloponnesian War. Embedded in this triumphant story, however, is a critique that, depending on how far we see it as extending, may undermine what seems to be the play’s most explicit goal. It lies in the very obviousness or “transparency” of Euripides’ motive and the “fraud” that brings it about, the play’s many inconsistencies and contradictions. The most conspicuous is that the oracle leads Xouthos to believe that Ion is his son when, according to the play, he is not – so claims Kreousa, and Athena confirms it. That this means that the oracle has lied is then not given much consideration. For A. W. Verrall, the influential scholar who edited the play in 1890, this is precisely the thrust of Euripides’ critique. He argues that we have to set aside Hermes’ prologue and Athena’s concluding speech where the poet makes the most concessions to faith in miracles and gods; this faith, Verrall maintains, is blatantly contradicted by the actual plot that turns against such beliefs. Victoria Wohl has recently attempted to reconcile these diametrically opposed responses. Calling the Ion an “ideological romance,” she argues that “the play’s means destabilize its end.”Footnote 22 But because every plot turn is marked by accident rather than plan and because the play’s unfolding seems so uncertain, we become more invested in its telos: “It makes the audience long for their own national and imperial destiny even as they are shown its essential contingency. What ultimately secures this precarious destiny is their own spectatorial desire.”Footnote 23 “The play’s formal structure” thus “leads the audience toward a psychic attachment that withstands any critique, even those the play itself poses.”Footnote 24
H.D. explicitly situates her translation in the context of readings such as the first two, but the interpretation that emerges from the entirety of her Ion is remarkably similar to Wohl’s. H.D. wishes to see in Ion’s story of a foundation for Athens a (new) foundation for the modern world, and consistently tilts the play to that effect. But her commentary, as I suggested above, performs that exact same function of the original Ion’s many contingencies. She flaunts her own desire for belief but consistently undercuts it – and that dynamic seems to be at the very core of Euripides’ play. H.D.’s epigraph from Gilbert Murray’s Euripides and His Age – a book she read closely at the time of Ion’s translation – emphasizes, though in a roundabout way, this tension. Murray connects Euripides to G. B. Shaw’s assessment of Ibsen’s unique contribution to modern theater: “‘Ibsen was grim enough …; no man has said more terrible things; and yet there is not one of Ibsen’s characters who is not … the temple of the Holy Ghost, and who does not move you at moments by the sense of that mystery’” (145). That this can be said also of Euripides “is clear enough,” per Murray. It is easy to see why H.D. chose this quotation: the old–new element, the “garland” in Murray’s forging this series of literary bonds, the location of inspiration or originality always elsewhere (she quotes Murray, who quotes Shaw on Ibsen to make an assessment of Euripides), which will play into her reading of Apollo as the “Voice” in Ion. But she also uses Murray’s insight here to counter Murray’s own argument elsewhere in his book, and to implicitly buttress her own decision to portray not just her characters but Euripides himself as possessed by some kind of “Holy Ghost.”
In her commentary to the play’s second section H.D. goes against an unnamed critic – in fact Murray (the line quoted below is underlined in her copy of his book):
A great English critic has used this play to point out forcibly the irony and rationalism in the mind of the poet. We do not, however, altogether accept his estimates…. In spite of the so-called rationalists, and the much-quoted critic with his “irony is lurking at every corner,” I prefer to believe that the poet speaks through his boy-priest, Ion, with his own vibrant superabundance of ecstasy before a miracle; the sun rises.
For H.D.’s contemporaries, Euripides’ early twentieth-century readers, the divine names and the use of myth are just masks, meant to expose the deceit of oracles, to inspire patriotism, or to present human psychology; what allows us as modern readers to move from the surface of the play to the underlying “intention” is Euripides’ well-known skepticism, or irony. We hold on to some of his inconsistencies, or point to his very human portrayals of great heroic characters, and thus seeing the human behind the legendary hero, we may conclude, like Wilamowitz, that the myth is just a myth, just a convention that Euripides had to use.Footnote 25 H.D. wants to reverse this movement and take Euripides literally, believe that he means what he writes even if he presents it skeptically. Granting that he does so – that there is an underlying layer of skepticism behind the surface lyricism and the surface plot – she maintains that the lyricism, the surface, is what is yet hidden even deeper, underneath that underlayer of skepticism. She thus complicates an easy manifest–latent content dichotomy; the manifest in this case is the latent, but not the latent her contemporaries detect. If Euripides presents a facade of antiquity through which his modernity shines through, H.D. would, in a sense, want to get at the antiquity behind antiquity that shapes both, but, as the palimpsestic “Hippolytus Temporizes” or “Murex” tell us, not in ways we can clearly and decisively discern and sort out.
H.D.’s resistance to Verrall and Murray’s reading is also one to Freud. As DuPlessis and Friedman argue, “H.D. was disturbed that … [Freud’s] rationalist perspective blinded him to the spiritual realities she found embedded in dreams, religious vision, occult traditions, and art” and wanted him to acknowledge the “religious” task of the poet to understand these spiritual realities instead of seeing her adherence to them as a symptom.Footnote 26 While H.D. “found in Freud’s science of the psyche a way to fuse religion, art, and medicine, he tried to separate the artist from the mystic” by insisting that she is only a poet.Footnote 27 Her attempt, then, to bring poetry and mysticism together in the Ion, nudging art away from artifice and away from Freud’s conception of sublimation, is also the continuation of her dialogue with “the Professor” – to whom she sent the translation upon its completion and who, as we will see, seems to have misunderstood it.
As Euripides invents a new legacy for his Ion and for Athens, so does H.D.Footnote 28 This play, too, reverses the terms of its Greek original, not to cover it up or to obscure it but to make it more visible. This is nowhere more clear than in H.D.’s treatment of Ion’s name. In her prefatory translator’s note H.D. has explained its importance:
It is significant that the word ION has a double meaning. It may be translated by the Latin UNUS, meaning one, or first, and is also the Greek word for violet, the sacred flower of Athens.
What H.D. neglects to tells us here – and refuses to translate later – is that the play itself gives another etymology for the name: “one who comes/goes,” ἰών (iōn) as the masculine active present participle of the verb εἶμι (eimi) ‘come/go’. This act of naming is at the heart of the play’s deception.Footnote 29 The oracle tells Xouthos that the first person he sees going by when he exits the temple will be his son; Xouthos sees Ion. At the end of their ensuing (false) recognition scene, the father exhorts the son to come with him to Athens in secret and names him “Ion” in honor of the oracle (lines 661–63). H.D. omits this entirely. Doubtless it would be difficult to translate this instance of linguistic play, but she could have mentioned it in the commentary or indeed in her translator’s note. That she does not suggests, on the one hand, her resistance to the custom of paternal naming repeatedly portrayed in the play: We are reminded time and again that Ion has been nameless because he has no father, and even at the end Kreousa tells him that Apollo gave him to Xouthos because as son of the god he would still be nameless (lines 1541–43). On the other hand, it reveals her desire to preserve not only the legitimacy of Ion and the Ionic tradition as divinely originated, but of the oracle itself, which is what Euripides questions by subversively suggesting that Ion and the Ionic are based on the god’s ambiguous at best, false at worst oracle.
Gregory calls H.D.’s definitions “imagined” – and certainly they are if we go by the play’s own statements or by a straightforward look in the dictionary.Footnote 30 Yet if we think as the play does – where in the name Ion (Ἴων) it detects a particular verb form – and examine the lexicon with an eye towards wordplay, the other senses given by H.D. do reveal themselves. The form ἴων is the genitive plural of the neuter noun ἴον ‘violet’ (for this meaning, moreover, LSJ notes that it can synechdochically mean any flower), while ἰόν is an unusual form of εἷς [heis] ‘one.’Footnote 31 Like Euripides and like the poet in Browning’s “Popularity,” H.D. sees two meanings where others see one, but she replaces Euripides’ pun with her own. Transforming Ion into a flower leaves no question about the stakes of the translation: the emergence and survival (or not) of a poet, and of poetry, conceived by H.D. already in the 1910s anthologically, as a series of personal, if formal, relations between remembering poets identified with flowers – exactly the poetic hosting depicting in “Murex.” Through her chosen etymology H.D. tells a different story of origins, turning Ion into the play “of violets” and placing Ion at the origin of anthologies as the single violet out of which all other flowers sprung, the symbol or metaphorical origin of Greek literature. By getting to the origin of Greece, to the single flower found there – and found not easily or simply – she reaches her own origins as poet and anthologist, and can thus begin resolving her writing block. (It also allows her to forge a personal intertextual connection to HT by reopening the question of Hyacinth, reduced there to the “nullity of flowers.”) This strategy follows Freudian principles, perhaps, but H.D. applies them in reverse. Where Freud tied her obsession with Greece (Hellas) to her mother’s name (Helen),Footnote 32 H.D. asserts that her return to writing must involve a different kind of process: not the sublimation of the personal into the poetic, but the exploration of poetic mythology as personal mythology, both for herself and for Euripides.
Just as H.D. resists limiting herself to the primary and explicit definition of the word ion, so in the play she looks for other available interpretive paths. The Ion is especially rich in ekphrasis and in accounts of ritual practice – as would befit a play set in Delphi, a site shared by Apollo and Dionysus – turning both visual art and performance into words.Footnote 33 The parodos describes the artwork at Delphi; a messenger offers an elaborate account of “world-making” tapestries in Ion’s tent during his celebratory mountain banquet with Xouthos (with metatheatrical implications);Footnote 34 mentions of weaving abound; and two of the stasima focus on processions (one Bacchic on Parnassus, the other Eleusinian in Athens). In H.D.’s retelling, the Ion is not a story about Athens, nor is it a story about a woman’s traumatic experience of rape. It is a play about poetic voice: a woman’s recovery of poetic inspiration and expression through the reunion with an older “product” that she had thought lost. In Kreousa she encodes her own reunion with the Ion choruses she had worked on in 1918–19, and her return to serious Greek work several years after HT. At the same time, her version of the play makes the case that Euripides himself surreptitiously returns to the “mystery” and to a more naïve/less skeptical belief in the powers of Apollo despite his extensive ironizing of religious ritual and belief.
H.D. thus “hatches” Euripides’ text according to a key she finds in the Euripidean choral sections in order to show that, in an age of brutal wars, intellectualism, and mistrust of spiritualism and art, art was not only possible but in fact the very motor of the intellectualism and guarantor of the survival of war traumas. In addition to such a historical argument that could also be applied to her own time, she dramatizes in Kreousa’s plot the process through which this might happen, proposing this reconfigured tragedy as a psychic and poetic origin story that counters the Freudian Oedipal narrative. It is the semi-articulated originary myth of inspiration, more than the relatively vague historical connections she draws, that allows H.D. to make the Ion temporally relevant and to bring the two times together. By erasing Euripides’ “modern” skepticism, she suppresses her own, and turns the play into the germ of her wartime Trilogy. She presents the same “complex” – the same intertwining of eros, violence, and poetry we have seen in her previous translations – but she is determined, as she will be in Trilogy, to have it work out positively, to find a seed of hope. She uses Euripides’ origin play to rewrite, not to recapitulate, the origins of Western culture and re-root them in poetry and mysticism rather than rationalism.
“What the torch-flame saw”: Realizing the Ion’s Choruses
H.D. explicitly frames the stakes this way early on. Presenting a question presumably in the Athenian theatergoers’ mind, and quite possibly in that of her readers as well, she writes:
and still, we ask ourselves what can this all signify; is this a worthy theme for great religious drama, the betrayal and desertion, by one of its most luminous figures, of a woman and her first child?
Though this is not Euripides’ last play, it may as well be; it is indicative, H.D. implies, of the decline of Athenian tragedy precisely because it challenges that very luminous figure. The answer, as far as Euripides’ twentieth-century critics were concerned, is simple: Superimposed on the melodramatic plot is the story of Athens’s past greatness, which it legitimates and in which it inspires faith. At the same time, the plot itself (the god’s callous behavior, the lies of the oracle, Athena’s less than graceful appearance, the various inconsistencies) offers by virtue of its “badness” advice for moving forward: no more blind faith in gods and oracles. H.D. herself does not give an answer. Instead, as she had suggested in her early comments on tragedy, it is the meters, or rhythms, that, regardless of plot or words, capture the audience: “before the thought actually has time to crystallize,” she continues, “the silver rhythms of this subtle defendant, God’s messenger, silence us” (154). Once again, Hermes (Ermy) seduces unwilling participants into poetry.
What follows is the passage with which H.D. as translator has taken the most liberties in this prologue and probably in the whole play: three eleven-line stanzas with a refrain opening – “Not meaningless, as you might think, / are the god’s plans” – that is more or less invented and whose repetition brings to mind the “Hippolytus Temporizes” poem (154–55). The commentary cited above actually breaks up the single statement in Euripides that the refrain couplet seems to translate: “Loxias is directing events to this conclusion, and contrary to appearances he has not forgotten.”Footnote 35 That is, H.D. ends the second translated section of the prologue with “Loxias arranges this,” inserts her questioning commentary, and continues with the couplet, which then leads into what looks like an independent poem. H.D. herself thus becomes the “subtle defendant” and messenger of the play she is translating; she puts her best self forward, rhyming and half-rhyming to preserve an echo of the rhythm that, she claims, justifies the existence of all the plays and, we will soon realize, of this play in particular. In the absence of obvious or transparent “god’s plans,” it is poetry that acts as a guarantee. H.D. performs this: Apollo’s “arrangement” – a musical word not chosen by accident – may always be interrupted, erased even (in this case by a questioning prose that seems unable or unwilling to understand it), but will persevere.
Another way to gauge H.D.’s intentions for the translation itself is to compare her final version to the few sections that she had translated around 1920 and embedded in an essay she did not publish.Footnote 36 In 1935 she translates with an eye to revealing what she believes is hidden under Euripidean irony or rationalism, and replaces description by urgent invocation. But in the late 1910s she primarily admires the poet’s phanopoetic powers. In Ion’s opening monologue, she claims in the earlier essay,
We see with the eyes of the young actor, not the row of priests and officials, not … the whole body of aristocratic Athens … nor yet the mass of bourgeois … crowding tier on tier above them. But with the eyes of a young priest and with the eyes of a poet we see Parnassus, the mountain that has stood for just a second before actual dawn, black against the silver-grey of the false-dawn, in just that second become two peaks, jagged, in exquisite outline, until every detail becomes suddenly visible, and through the twin-peaks there pours a fire, pours and swirls upward, and the whole sky above is mad with the riot.
Echoing Eliot and Woolf, she argues that “there is no adequate translation for the Greek words and there never will be,” and calls her version “the mere skeleton” (265). This is only another performance of demurral, her “skeleton” as close to an X-ray of the Euripidean lines as her “Fragment 113” is to Sappho 146. Compared to the later version, the earlier one is more literal and thus reads more experimental syntactically. H.D. includes, for example, the Greek-derived compound adjectives that we have seen in her IA and Hippolytus choruses – a feature absent in the 1937 text.Footnote 37 The opening of Ion’s monologue ca. 1920:
And the same opening fifteen years later:
The change of priorities between the two versions is clear. In 1937 H.D. understands this speech as Ion’s acclamation of the god rather than as vivid description, and she consequently begins her first three stanzas with “O, my Lord,” with Ion greeting Apollo in praise. The poet’s phanopoetic powers seem to have increased since H.D.’s 1920 reading: Ion’s words made only a beautiful landscape materialize on the stage then, but now they produce the god himself. Rather than effect the overcoming of the mysterious, which is what this play has been thought to depict and what according to Nietzsche Euripides accomplished once and for all,Footnote 38 H.D. reverses the movement and reveals what the play tries to suppress. She rewrites it as a whole so that what Euripides literally, if intentionally unconvincingly, proclaims at its beginning and end (that all was part of a divine plan) becomes convincing.
H.D.’s numerous slight changes that tilt the play towards her reading occur in two directions. First, primarily in the choral sections the praise of the gods as well as the description of mysteries is expanded and emphasized, becoming more effusive and more lyrical, while Christian overtones are added to convey a syncretic sense of timelessness – a Murray touch.Footnote 39 I will expand on this intensification below. Second, everywhere in the play the doubting of gods becomes less harsh (especially in the case of Ion), or more personal and thus less absolute (in the case of Kreousa). So, for example, when Ion first hears of Kreousa’s rape, he emphatically rejects the possibility of divine betrayal: “no, / no, / no, / you are our Lord, / our virtue” (186). While H.D. makes Ion sound like he is in denial, in Greek he simply wants to know what the matter is (ti paschei?, line 437), not that Apollo is blameless. Euripides’ Ion then urges Apollo not to do such things but to pursue aretē ‘virtue’ and takes it upon himself to chastise all the gods for their failings. H.D. skips these eight lines entirely.Footnote 40 More crucially, at play’s end, H.D. condenses Athena’s description of Apollo’s largely failed machinations. Rather than show his inability to get what he wants even though he is a god, H.D.’s Athena presents human will interfering with Apollo’s plans in a positive way: “fearing” that Kreousa and Ion might kill each other, “he sent me” (258). The last phrase in Greek is mēchanais errysato (line 1565), “he saved by artifice” (trans. Verrall). This artifice that is so important to Verrall’s understanding of the play H.D. completely suppresses, refusing to identify either god with the artificial or with mean plotting. Ion’s three-line response to Athena when she confirms Kreousa’s account of his identity is translated into ten lines, with H.D. overstating the goddess’s effect and erasing the seed of doubt haunting the Euripidean text:
In Euripides Ion does not jump from impossibility to truth but is rather quite reserved: “We will not receive your words in unbelief. / I am persuaded that I am of Loxias and of her. / Even before this was not incredible” (my translation). The first and last lines in this passage end symmetrically in ouk apistiai and ouk apiston (lines 1606, 1608), suggesting that Athena’s ex machina appearance has not changed very much. Euripides’ Ion expresses a more roundabout denial of rejection instead of H.D.’s glorious affirmation.
But H.D. makes her Euripides-as-mystic argument most explicitly in the play’s choral sections. It is there that her crucial – and intentional – misreadings occur, since it is there that, in her view, Euripides gets carried away, there where she is most able to read between, or under, his lines. The parodos, especially in H.D.’s version, establishes both motifs: Delphi as a place of art and Euripides as a psychoanalytic subject. When the chorus marvel at carvings decorating the temple, H.D. insists that it is Euripides himself speaking in this song, describing the artwork from first-hand experience and recollecting the strong impressions it had left on his youthful painterly eye.Footnote 41 In the same commentary section where she disputes Murray’s “rationalist” reading, she asks of the tragedian, whom she imagines exiled in Macedonia: “As a student, a thinker, a philosopher, an Athenian, a Greek …, does this ‘old man’ throw his psyche back into the first lyrical intensities of youth?” (156). She thus conjures Euripides as a remembering poet too, who puts in words glorious art he once saw and, fearing perhaps for its disappearance which he himself may have helped bring about, wants to preserve it through his chorus.
The second and third stasima consist of angry laments followed by descriptions of processions. In both instances H.D. translates with an eye not to the blame assigned to the gods in the laments but to the praise implied (though not stated) in the processions. In the first case, H.D.’s section x, the chorus bemoan the Xouthos–Ion alliance, debating whether to disclose it to Kreousa, and then describe in the epode the father and son’s ascent of Parnassus, where a feast will be held in honor of their reunion. The epode’s “few words,” H.D. writes in the commentary preceding the translation, “inflame our imagination,” and she proceeds to tell us exactly how. She describes what “we see” though none of it is said in the actual epode: “a mighty procession, sacrificers, other priestly attendants, a whole company of servants, carpenters, musicians, wine-servants … the sacrificial rams or bulls, strung, unquestionably, with coloured wool fillets and decorative garlands” (200). Though she stays relatively close to the Euripidean text in her translation, H.D. replaces address with presence, general description with actual event. Where Euripides’ women invoke Parnassus and in the process also describe the mountain and the mysteries that take place there, H.D. “realizes” the description by emphasizing Xouthos’s and Ion’s path through the crags, which in Greek is only a single line at the end of the preceding antistrophe. If we see them, moreover, then we also must see Bakkhos [sic] and the Bacchantes too:
After a strophic pair that conveys metrically and syntactically the chorus’s agitated state,Footnote 43 in H.D.’s translation given through short single-stress lines, this epode exhibits evidence of the metrical palimpsest, with fairly regular stress alternation on the level of the line, and foot/meter alternation on the level of the stanza: We go, for example, from three anapests (in three-word, one-stress lines) to an iambic trimeter line, then back to an anapestic line, then to a longer line combining anapest and iamb, and so on. Note also the frequent assonances and rhymes. It is again “the silver rhythms” that “silence us,” convincing us not to doubt what the words tell us.
H.D.’s epode prepares us for her translation of the third stasimon in section xii, which she changes more significantly. Here the chorus have just heard about Kreousa’s rape by Apollo, her subsequent exposure of her child, her fears about Ion – still unrecognized – usurping her throne as Xouthos’s son, and her plot to murder him. They repeat some of this before describing in the second strophe the procession of the Eleusinian mysteries that Ion may witness if he goes to Athens. H.D. does not translate the second antistrophe. Thus, the second strophe (responsion-less in H.D.), which is only slightly longer than the first strophe, recalls the earlier epode formally as well as in terms of content: Where Ion’s and Xouthos’s procession to Parnassus was described there, here we have an imaginary religious procession that Ion may see in Athens though he is not supposed to. As with her textual arrangements in the “Choruses” from IA and Hippolytus, this constructed choral song matches the previous one, giving a sense of symmetry and coherence to H.D.’s text.
There is also a progression in H.D.’s interpretation of the stasima, which aligns with her psychoanalytic reading of Euripides. While before we had to imagine the details of the procession, here, says H.D. (though without explicitly drawing the connection),
the poet himself forgets this threnody in his sheer delight of words; they again seduce him, as it were, in spite of himself … into a by-play of vibrant images, dance, sea-floor, stars, a gold crown, a Virgin.
This poet’s golden images seep up, inevitably; they are like treasures seen far, far down under black, sweeping storm-waves.
For H.D. Euripides’ description of the Eleusinian procession is evidence of Apollo’s spell on the tragedian despite the latter’s intention of criticizing the oracle; Verrall, in contrast, calls this passage “a delicate satire on the prejudices of … local religion.”Footnote 44 Skipping the antistrophe contributes significantly to the particular picture H.D. wants to paint. In the Greek, the chorus demand that new songs be written in which men are faulted for their unfaithfulness and unjustness as a counterpart to all the songs that turn against women for these qualities. Wilamowitz notes the irony of this being sung while Kreousa is plotting murder; despite its tenor, then, the song ends up critical of women after all. Rather than being yet another song about them, moreover, it performs the female two-facedness whose constant presence in songs it seems to decry. H.D. refuses to fall into this trap, and ends her section with the seduction not of the female chorus but of the male tragedian. It is he and not his chorus, she suggests, who says the opposite of what he intends to say.
In Euripides the stasimon’s second strophe is about Dionysus though he is not explicitly named. But H.D. leaves out local religious customs and introduces what she sees as the play’s central opposition: namely, that between what is sung of the god and “deeds in the night.” She distorts the first part of her translation to suggest that the chorus are still accusing Apollo of acting against Kreousa:
The question here thus centers on whether Ion’s (our, H.D.’s) adoration of gods, his focus on “the sacred spring,” blinds him from seeing the harm. But the chorus’s accusations of the god (whether explicit as H.D. makes them or implicit as explained by Verrall) are nonetheless belied by the enthralled depiction of a dancing ritual that follows – a ritual that Ion, or the rationalist poet, ought not observe:
The monotonous accusations above give way to a kind of rhythm. Now the lines alternate between an alliterating trochaic meter and the line-final spondees associated with nature in the Hippolytus choruses – in the last two lines in a configuration called, fittingly, ionic (two unstressed/short syllables followed by two stressed/long ones). H.D. thus exposes a progression in the play’s choral songs that runs counter to the idea of “Euripides the rationalist”: from the recollection of youthful admiration of Delphic art to the (silent) injunction to imagine the Delphic mysteries on Parnassus, which H.D. realizes, to the actual enthralled description of such mysteries, albeit under the form of a proscription.Footnote 47
On Inspiration: Kreousa between Helios and AtheneFootnote 48
In L’Espace littéraire Maurice Blanchot reads inspiration as the fusion of inspiration proper and its lack, calling it “force créatrice et aridité intimement confondues” (233). More specifically, he claims that inspiration can be powerful only when the person receiving it has become weak or empty, and no longer relies on the world, its resources, or herself – no longer seems to rest on the first kind of rhythm, with its alternation of day and night, life and death (240). He identifies the leap as the form or movement of inspiration, elucidating it through the Orpheus myth, and tying it to desire: “Regarder Eurydice, sans souci du chant, dans l’impatience et l’imprudence du désir qui oublie la loi, c’est cela même, l’inspiration” (228). Though Orpheus knows that to complete his song Eurydice has to be kept at a distance, that, as Anne Carson might say, erotic writing depends on maintaining the gap, he gazes back and seeks to obliterate it, thus losing Eurydice, himself, and the song. That loss of self and world, that jump taken without certainty of success, that plunge towards what is unknown (and unknowable) but desired is the risk to which one needs to submit. That is, Orpheus’s “impatience” is not an accident or a fault, Blanchot claims, but necessary for the production of the work, whose completion is still not assured. It is this risk that H.D.’s Kreousa submits to at the climax of her Ion: the risk of a de-personalizing inspiration that would again, for a moment, thrust her outside her world and her rhythm, making another rhythm felt over which she has no power – the risk of an inspiration, of which, as Blanchot writes, there can be no presentiment except for that of failure and no experience except that of violence. Poetry would thus not arise through Freudian sublimation but from its opposite: the desire to face one’s desires head-on.
H.D.’s Ion, like her Hippolytus Temporizes and even her IA, is less about the family romance, or about the real physical violence perpetrated on Kreousa by the god, and more about art and the poet’s vocation; Kreousa’s relation with Apollo is presented largely in musical/artistic terms. In H.D.’s previous Euripidean works song was similarly tied to violence, while in the Palimpsest narratives poetic inspiration is portrayed as violation by a male alter ego. Raymonde puts on Ray Bart’s “heavy” “helmet” in “Murex” and defines “inspiration” as “the canker, the pain, the fester that … bit and scalded into [her] forehead”; Hipparchia’s dead and internalized brother Philip remains “her passion, her intellect … her inspiration,” without whom she would not have known “this intellectual ecstacy [sic] when body and brain are merged like a sword and its very victim” (Palimpsest 148, 150, 73, 74). In her Ion H.D. fully enacts and resolves this conflict through Kreousa’s character. While H.D.’s Euripidean chorus displays the fascination with mystical rhythm that readings of the play have tended to suppress (following Euripides’ own “negation”), her treatment of Kreousa functions as its counterbalance, presenting the questioning but also the eventual justification of such enchantment.
In her earlier essay on Ion H.D. had claimed that “the whole character of the play alters after [Kreousa’s] coming” because she challenges – “shadows,” as H.D. put it – “our” and Ion’s faith in Apollo (276). H.D.’s version of the play charts, especially through the commentary, Kreousa’s progression from repressed woman to powerful goddess, from one kind of “abstraction” to another through a passage into “humanity.” H.D.’s Kreousa first appears as inorganic matter – while the chorus have “humanity,” she has “the inhumanity of a meteor, sunk under the sea” – that then crystallizes into a statue: Her robes “seem to fall in folds that are cut of pure stone, lapis. She has always been standing there. She seems, simply, a temple property that we have, so far, neglected” (171). Ion looks at her accordingly. Admiring her “rare beauty” and “grace,” he asks “O, goddess, / what rain / mars that marble, / your face?” (171). This is notable especially in comparison to the Greek and to H.D.’s original translation of the passage. In both, the emphasis is not on Kreousa’s aesthetic appeal but on her genos. Ion marvels at her γενναιότης (gennaiotēs, line 237) and her being εὐγενής (eugenēs, lines 240, 243), her noble bearing and gentle breeding; “O noble of birth … you were sprung of a great people,” H.D.’s earlier Ion had exclaimed (275). But here Kreousa is folded into a Hulmian/Gaudier-Brzeskan image of Greek antiquity. Before her stichomythia with Ion, in which she first tells her own story as that of a friend, H.D. tells us that “A woman is about to step out of stone, in the manner of a later Rodin” (172). Echoing Wilamowitz’s comments on Euripides’ depiction of legendary heroes that somehow feel human, she draws an explicit line from ancient Athens to modernism:
And today, we may again wonder at this method and manner of portraiture, for the abstract welded with human implication, is in its way, ultra-modern.
A woman is about to break out of an abstraction and the effect is terrible. We wish she would go back to our preconceived ideas of what classic characterization should be.
The play chronicles this double breakout: of a woman “out of an abstraction” and of the “ultra-modern” out of “our preconceived ideas” of the “classic.”
This takes place through sound, as H.D. carries over from Hippolytus the identification between Eros and “rhythm” broadly conceived. Kreousa’s “personality [and] unity was violated by this god, by inspiration,” we are told (203). In section xi, which H.D. calls “perhaps the most notable section of the drama,” Kreousa’s first transformation is effected (203). Inflamed by her betrayal by both husband and god, she sheds her cold mask, breaks down, reflectively revisits her trauma with the help of her father’s tutor (whom H.D. identifies with “antiquity itself” and whose characterization recalls that of Freud in her other writing),Footnote 49 and finally consciously suppresses it, sublimating her betrayal into a call to action (203). At the core of this section is Kreousa’s anti-hymn to Apollo. In Greek her song is the inverse of Ion’s in the play’s opening: Both are anapestic and addressed to the god, but here instead of praising him as Ion did, Kreousa brazenly curses him. H.D. also echoes her version of Ion’s song through the repeated invocations, while also adding in many more repetitions than we get in Euripides.
In previous stanzas H.D. has already split up Kreousa’s initial address to psycha (line 859) into invocations of “soul,” “eyes,” “heart,” and “terror,” as if trying to delineate the different aspects of that difficult Greek word. In this particular subsection of the song in Greek there are four lines of relative clauses describing Apollo as a musical god between an opening vocative ὦ (line 881) and a second ὦ at the end of Kreousa’s main clause when she finally names Apollo, pointedly through his mother (line 885: “O son of Leto”). H.D. emphasizes these musical aspects through repetition but leaves the last line ambiguous. While in Greek Kreousa vows to bring forth her accusations in the light of day (i.e., not in secrecy) as she is indeed now doing, H.D. suggests that Apollo’s treachery was especially brutal because of his identity, because he is “within the light,” whether the light of day or the metaphorical light of art and music. Indeed, throughout the play H.D. takes any mention of the sun to be a reference to Apollo and simply transcribes and capitalizes the Greek word (Helios), while also adding or repeating references to light.Footnote 50
The seduction, rape, and aftermath are also represented musically here, suggesting once again the inescapability of Eros and the interconnectedness of “metres” and violence. The stanza is pervaded by initial and final rhymes: H.D.’s repetitive additions of “eyes,” “against,” “you,” and “yes” in the openings of her lines and the “heart,” “out–shout,” and finally, “delight–bright–light” rhymes at the ends. Together, these two series highlight the problem at hand; namely, that the god of harmony produces no harmony but only the discord implied in the failed middle rhyme between “Muses” and “accuse.” Yet Kreousa has recourse to his very “harmony” while trying to denounce him. This is encoded metrically as well. As soon as Apollo’s “harmony” is evoked, in the sixth and seventh lines cited above, H.D.’s lines become suddenly longer and clearly iambic. Throughout this song, in fact, the few longer lines have stress alternation (usually iambic or anapestic) and are all associated with music or the abandonment of Ion:
Similarly, the seven lines describing Kreousa and Apollo’s encounter are consistently trimeters (e.g., “why did you seek me out,” “while the flowers fell from my lap”); only when Kreousa begins to describe her resistance to Apollo does H.D. turn back to her customary very short, often single-stress, lines (210–11). H.D.’s use of metrical regularity, then, points to Apollo’s continuing hold on Kreousa, tying violence to verse and the earlier rape to its recollection. Metrical disturbances encode instead Kreousa’s attempted resistance that, however, only leads to her own undoing: “no help / came to me” (211). The three-stress lines return at the end of the rape stanza in very different form: “O, white hands caught,” “O, gold flowers lost” (211). We see here that clustering of stresses familiar from Phaedra’s mad speech – not coincidentally, the two passages are in the same meter in Greek – which signifies Kreousa’s own increasing distress.
H.D. saves for the end of Kreousa’s anti-hymn one particularly resonant image, which in Greek occurred in the passage whose translation I cited above (“O, eyes”): κέρασιν ἐν ἀψύχοις “on the lifeless horn” (line 883). She adds an entire final stanza, comprising a medley of words from her earlier stanzas; it thus functions as an epode or coda to Kreousa’s song and adds coherence and internal consistency to H.D.’s own composition.
H.D. brings forth a connection – present in the Greek but not so explicitly made – between Kreousa’s initial apostrophe to her soul (ψυχά, psycha) and her designation of the “horn” (H.D.’s “harp”) as “soulless” (ἀψύχοις, apsychois). She implies that Apollo played Kreousa like one of his instruments – and “pluck” is a stronger word than Euripides’ ἀχεῖ (achei) ‘sound’ – tearing her soul away from her body, leaving behind that sculptural, inorganic Kreousa, and not sheltering what came of their communion, the product, Ion.
But, now that she is “rid of” “this secret” and has exposed her human vulnerability, Kreousa moves from one abstraction to another one (210). H.D. manipulates the interaction between Kreousa and the tutor towards a double effect. First, it comes to resemble a psychoanalytic session through the particular vocabulary used and the depicted trajectory. Second, she has Kreousa hatch the plot against Ion on her own, by reducing the tutor’s role and cutting a fifty-line speech in which he primes her for revenge. By consciously repeating her old crime – as she then killed a child by exposure in order to save her city from shame, so now she concocts a plot to kill a slightly older child by poison in order to save her city from falling into the wrong hands – Kreousa, briefly humanized, retreats back into the marble, sublimating her trauma into dangerous action.
Kreousa, the woman, has failed, now let Kreousa, the queen speak … Kreousa, the queen, stands shoulder to shoulder with the sword-bearer of the Acropolis. She, too, holds a weapon; she, too, strikes infallibly at the enemy of her city. Kreousa, standing shoulder to shoulder with Pallas Athené, becomes Kreousa the goddess. The price? Kreousa, the woman.
The identification with Athena is the anchor of H.D.’s Ion’s victory narrative, but not in the way that is implied here. For this plan against Ion is bound to fail, and, seeking refuge at Apollo’s temple, Kreousa returns to her womanly body. “I am safe with the god,” she claims right after Ion confronts her (236). When he asks “what is the god to you?,” she responds that “my body is his, by right” (236). H.D. heightens the suggestion present in the GreekFootnote 51 that it is not the religious power of the altar but her stronger connection and earlier encounter with Apollo in particular that gives Kreousa confidence. This is the functional equivalent of the Blanchotian leap, as Kreousa takes possession of Apollo’s hold over her for her own benefit. In this moment H.D. also qualifies her insistence on modernity – and the modern, or modernist, trend against classicism and towards primitivism – by pushing back against the idea that Kreousa is a “‘savage,’” “frenzied” woman who acts simply out of jealousy: “Kreousa retains, at the last her unquestionable authority” (214–15). Indeed, by deliberately returning to Apollo, her author-ity is precisely what Kreousa/H.D. reasserts. Having moved through both archetypes (“statue,” “frenzy”), Kreousa takes over her own story.
“How will we approach it?”: Visions of Athens
Though H.D. is more interested in a defense of art and its “irrationality” – in Apollo’s law as formulated in “Murex” – one of the consequences of this strategy is that it would also seem to commit H.D. to Athenian supremacy, since the two are intertwined through the appearance of Athena at the end of the play. H.D. omits the goddess’s lengthy predictions about the great future of Athens and the Ionic race,Footnote 52 but offers a substitute in her four-page commentary. Seeming to speak for the goddess, giving us a supplement to – or a modern reading of – the Ionic legacy Euripides’ Athena expounds, the commentator trades Athenian military imperialism for its artistic or cultural imperialism.
For this new culture was content, as no culture had been before, or has since been, frankly with one and but one supreme quality, perfection…. The human mind dehumanized itself, in much the same way (if we may imagine group-consciousness so at work) in which shell-fish may work outward to patterns of exquisite variety and unity. The conscious mind of man had achieved kinship with unconscious forces of most subtle definition…. A scattered handful of these creatures or creations is enough to mark, for all time, that high-water mark of human achievement, the welding of strength and delicacy, the valiant yet totally unselfconscious withdrawal of the personality of the artist, who traced on marble, for all time, that thing never to be repeated, … that thing and that thing alone that we mean when we say Ionian.
In the midst of platitudes about the great fifth century, we detect H.D.’s somewhat subversive hand. We are encouraged to read classical “perfection” as emerging out of the unconscious, as a kind of in-spiration from within, an abstract, impersonal force creating very human artifacts: “the heel of an athlete or the curls of a god or hero, the head-band of a high-priest” (254).Footnote 53 This would be evident in the Euripidean play itself, its choral songs shading the skepticism of its plots. Moreover, in H.D.’s recasting of the play, it is Kreousa and not Ion who is implicitly aligned with what the commentator identifies as “Ionian”; we actually hear very little about Ion’s future in Athens or about his descendants, since those are exactly the sections that H.D. skips. The dehumanization outlined above – or rather, this movement in and out of the human, and of abstraction – we have seen most clearly in H.D.’s characterizations of Kreousa: at first a statue, then a woman reaching a high point of emotional turmoil, and once again transformed through her human suffering into a goddess, only to finally accept and defy her own human vulnerability. Critics have written about H.D.’s imaginative shift from portrayals of crystalline youths in her early and middle period to those of mother-goddesses;Footnote 54 this play enables that shift, since under the name of Ion, it is Kreousa who is celebrated. It is Kreousa who exhibits that “welding of strength and delicacy” that H.D. so insists on as the mark of the Ionian – and that was the admired quality of the flowers featured in H.D.’s early work. “The sea-violet / fragile as agate, / [that] lies fronting all the wind” is closer to Kreousa rather than to violet-Ion (CP 25). Through Kreousa, then, H.D. is rewriting her own poetic origin story, just as she imagines Euripides to be doing for himself in the play.
Despite the Freudian rhetoric, moreover, the understanding of art as a good-enough substitution for something more dangerously desirable is absent even in these fairly conventional passages about Athenian greatness. Freud himself was drawn in not by the Hellenic cultural ideal but by what he read as the triumph of reason. He wrote to H.D. that he was “Deeply moved by the play … and no less by your comments, especially those referring to the end, where you extol the victory of reason over passions” (Tribute to Freud, 194). He is referring, I believe, to this passage:
Let not our hearts break before the beauty of Pallas Athené. No; she makes all things possible for us. The human mind today pleads for all; nothing is misplaced that in the end may be illuminated by the inner fire of abstract understanding; hate, love, degradation, humiliation, all, all may be examined, given due proportion and dismissed finally, in the light of the mind’s vision. Today, again at a turning-point in the history of the world, the mind stands, to plead, to condone, to explain, to clarify, to illuminate.
Should we trust the commentator’s proclamation that Athena leaves no loose threads? When she first appears in H.D., after this very long introductory commentary, she ambiguously declares that she has come “to reveal / mystery,” not necessarily to shed light on it (259). In Euripides, in contrast, she refers more explicitly to her intention to resolve this affair and make known Apollo’s predictions for Ion’s future, which are precisely what H.D. suppresses (lines 1569–70). Even in the passage just cited, our abstract understanding is curiously identified with “the light of the mind’s vision,” not with reasoning. Moreover, H.D.’s Athena presents coherence as guaranteed by divine power: Though “the gods’ pace moves slow,” she says, they do not forget, and therefore one should “wai[t]” for, not “doub[t],” “the end / of the intricate / plan” (260).Footnote 55 The commentator transposes Athena’s advocacy for the now-antiquated belief in the gods onto the unconscious, the “hidden subterranean forces” that we should similarly not thwart but have “the desire actually to follow” (254). H.D.’s consistent reliance on the shell analogy points to art as the place where desire is revealed; classical works of art, “no matter how dissimilar,” are again described as having “yet one fundamental inner force that framed them, projected them, as (we repeat) a certain genus of deep-sea fish may project its shell” (255). Artistic production is figured as an almost automatic process without any sense of particularly human, or rationally arrived-at achievement. A whole culture somehow fishes the murex up – or, more accurately, is the murex – as H.D. turns Athenian hyperintellectualism into the imprint of the creative unconscious – which can for this reason be accessed again.
It is to the question of access that the commentary turns next. H.D. offers an elaborate parable that both illuminates her understanding of “vision” and makes an implicit argument for how to connect the modern and ancient. “Today, again at a turning-point in the history of the world,” she writes,
in the name of our magnificent heritage of that Hellenic past, each of us is responsible to that abstract reality; silver and unattainable yet always present, that spirit again stands holding the balance between the past and the future. What now will we make of it?
And how will we approach it? Not merely through subtle and exquisite preoccupations with shells of its luminous housing; no.
In oblique answer to this question, H.D. immediately tells a seemingly unrelated story that is probably inspired by PausaniasFootnote 56 and that will reappear in different guises in Trilogy. Throughout the play she has drawn attention to Athens defeated (e.g., 166), and she returns to this theme here, again ostensibly as a supplement for the Ionic legacy cut from the translation. Yet even as she narrates the conventional tale of Athens – a “lost city” after the Persian Wars that rose from its ashes and rebuilt the Acropolis into something greater than it was before – she locates her and our “approach” through a tale of excess and apparent (but in the end justified) transgression, in some ways parallel to Kreousa’s late appeal to Apollo. After the destruction of Athens, “Tradition has it that one devote [sic] scrambled back,” thus unwittingly rejecting the deep-seated belief according to which the death of the olive tree planted by Athena on the Acropolis meant the death of Athens (256). This “devote” defied also the “injunction of his goddess” – namely, “Of nothing, too much” – since, by going back, he sought “of one thing too much”: of “the beauty of pure thought,” of Athena, of Athens (256). Of course what leads him to defy Athena is not pure thought, but “love for our lost city” (256). At the beginning, then, of Athens’s most famed greatness would be this act of defiance, of rebellion against the very goddess that is being held onto, something that exceeds this beauty of pure thought, of moderation, of coherence, that is nonetheless fated to reinstate it. For the unnamed Athenian then discovers “a frail silver shoot” next to the olive tree stump. “It reached toward the light. Pallas Athené, then, was not dead. Her spirit spoke quietly, a very simple message” of hope – which he later delivers to his people: “Our old tree is not dead” (257). What revives Athens, allowing it to produce the exquisite Ionian shells that were here momentarily rejected, is something un-Athenian.
The image of the olive tree – representing both desire beyond reason and its equally mysterious fulfillment – serves to tie together the temporal and communal planes between which H.D.’s Ion has been operating. First is the connection to the play itself, which is left unspoken. In the previous section, the recognition between Ion and Kreousa was sealed by the presence in Ion’s baby basket of an ever-fresh olive crown, made from the same Athenian tree. Having bridged the gap between the historical and the mythic – and perhaps implying too that it was such Athenian lore that led Euripides to include this detail in his play – H.D. concludes this excursus, this parable for “how to approach it,” by bearing the message herself. On all her visits to Athens, she reports, she too found that olive: “numerically 1920, 1922 and again (each time, spring) 1932, we touched the stem of a frail sapling, an olive-tree, growing against the egg-shell marble walls of the Erechtheum” (257). Binding ever-larger communal units – the intimate but estranged family of Ion and Kreousa, the Athenian survivors of the Persian Wars, the past and present audience of the Ion as well as visitors to Athens – the surviving olive sapling serves to ground myth and poetry in the cycle of nature. On the one hand, then, H.D. would seem to insist on the continuity of place and on the specificity of the Acropolis, on a shared “Greekness.” But on the other, by using a plant as the ultimate synecdoche for Athens – instead of a column, a manuscript, or a sculpture as earlier in the commentary – she also suggests that the “miracle” is not very much of one:Footnote 57 Trees grow (or can be replanted); one just has to look for them, to “desire actually to follow” and attend to the “living flame,” as Walter Benjamin puts it. Or, to use his own plant metaphor in “One-Way Street”: A translation is only the “seasonally falling frui[t]” off the tree of the profane text (449).
Apollo’s non-appearance in the play – a telltale sign of Euripides’ irony for Verrall – is likewise transfigured by H.D. to emphasize the process of transmission rather than any individual recipient of “truth” or “mystery,” and to accord with Kreousa’s instrument metaphor. Like Eros in the Hippolytus stasima and in HT, Apollo’s trace is felt even when he is absent or explicitly denied. H.D. frequently refers to him as the “Voice”; while this identification must have initially arisen from references to the oracle in the Euripidean text,Footnote 58 she definitely goes beyond the Greek in using it. In his opening song Ion refers to “the magic oracular / Voice / from the altar” (157; this is absent from H.D.’s early translation). Kreousa says she “cannot accept / the Daemon, / but I accept / the Voice,” dissociating the anthropomorphic god and his reprehensible actions from the singing power of the oracle; still, the commentary later reports that Xouthos “has been given a son by this Voice, that betrayed her in her girlhood,” suggesting that the two may not be separable (184, 214). In H.D.’s translation of the first stasimon, the chorus ask Athena and Artemis to “pray to the Voice, / pray to the tripod” (188; nothing equivalent in the Greek). Finally, when Ion asks the Pythia about her decision to reveal that he was found in a basket, she answers “the Voice spoke to my spirit” (241; “Loxias” in Greek [line 1347]). H.D. thus turns Apollo into an omnipresent, ill-defined yet sound-bound force that is impossible to pin down and have speak directly, and that is not altogether benevolent – again, much like the Eros of the Hippolytus. When he makes Athena into his mouthpiece at the end of the play,Footnote 59 H.D. presents her literally in the light of her brother. She interprets the word antēlios ‘opposite the sun, that is, looking east,’ used by Ion to describe Athena’s appearance, as expressing the boy’s confusion of “this emanation of pure-spirit with that other, his spirit-father, her actual brother of Olympos” (254).Footnote 60 She expands Ion’s sighting of Athena from four to eighteen lines, heightening his sense of fear and uncertainty regarding this apparition, and concluding with an alignment between the two gods: “O, face / like the face / of Helios” (253). H.D. thus sets the stage for her suggestion in the following commentary that the love of Athens led the “devote” to break the injunction: It is only through Apollo, reconceived through Eros, that what Athena promises and stands for becomes visible.
“The way to a return”: The Translator’s Trade
H.D. seemed to claim above that the acknowledged greatness of Greece ought not to provoke numb admiration or dejection, but function as a call to action, a call to remember the “Hellenic past.” Yet, despite the idealizing Winckelmannian trappings of her rhetoric, she redefines the term so that the “Hellenic past” is not Freud’s perfect reason, nor even that balance between conscious and unconscious forces so praised by the commentator, but the disruption, the dis-cord struck to give rise to it. There is nothing triumphant about this remembering. It happens “somehow”; we do not know how the messenger “g[o]t back to his people” or exactly what he said “when he finally overtook them, perhaps on the old, sacred Eleusinian highway” (257). Similarly, the commentator’s surprising identification of Athena qua weaver as the figure “fitly presid[ing] over” the tightly plotted Greek drama (224) is undercut not only by the loose ends in this plot itself even in H.D.’s own tightened and polemical version, but by many other moments in the commentary where she is constantly picking on such loose threads.
The commentary keeps returning to questions of staging and visualization (e.g., on pages 159, 165, 166, 190, 192), which, on the surface, seem to be historical performance questions, philological questions, or questions about intention. How was this play put on in the fifth century? How did Euripides want it? If we do not know, what can the translator do? Questions, that is, that to some degree are answered or evaded in every introduction to a translation of a classical play. Here, however, we are asked to think not only about how this play was staged two thousand years ago and how we should go about it now, but, more specifically, about how much can survive in language – Greek or not – in a poem, or in a play. Can we, to paraphrase Woolf, “hope to get the whole fling of a sentence in Greek” or in English?Footnote 61
It is the smallest, most apparently straightforward scenes that exercise the commentator, precisely because in their simplicity or sparseness, so different from the choral songs or character monodies, they provide little with which to inflame the imagination in a particular direction. In the commentary to section ix, in which Xouthos exits from the temple having received the oracle, the commentator wonders:
If one departs from strict ritual, entrance, exit, the upraised palms of prayer, the mystic circle of dance, the stately entrance, at most, of a few priests in the background, one’s imagination takes one, perhaps, too far. How far?
She seems to answer her own question when she imagines music breaking across, “a clash as of muffled cymbals from within the temple” (192). She nonetheless continues her meditation on the absence of stage directions. When Xouthos exits the temple, “the words of the poet” simply say “he is here” (192). “What does that signify?,” the commentator asks, and offers us a variety of options: Is it a “conventional remark,” an answer to a question, or an exclamation? She herself has already decided in favor of the last: “as the king, born of a son of a son of Zeus, stands in royal robes…. The light of music, song, rejoicing shines from his face” (192). At moments like these, H.D. uncovers her own process of reconstruction, her choice being one among many. Indeed, in the next breath, she pulls back from even this certainty as she moves on from appearance to human psychology: “Does Xouthos walk slowly,” “Does he stand and look at the boy,” “does his voice resound instantly”? (192). This time no option is privileged over the others.
Throughout the translation, even in light of the intricate plan that is revealed, H.D. points to the many unknowns. Section viii consists of an even shorter speech by Ion, who asks the chorus what the oracle has told Xouthos. “We do not know,” the commentator tells us, what Ion has been doing while the chorus sang in the previous section. She nonetheless proceeds to precisely list the possibilities, some stereotypically “classical,” others “romantic”: sitting thoughtfully, wandering about, “erect in some rapt pose,” “or whether he walked away with the last tragic questioning about the purpose of his divinity” (190). H.D. claims to have separated her sections on the basis of characters’ entrances and exits, but here she implies that even that principle of organization is faulty; we do not know if Ion has entered or if he has been onstage all along.Footnote 62 Since, moreover, in this section the commentary overwhelms the translation in length, we are inclined to consider Ion as a character through the commentary rather than his speech. As a chorus might, the commentary pursues a line of questioning that he himself avoided when he earlier asked Kreousa not to bring up his own status as a foundling (p. 179 in H.D., line 361 in Euripides). This makes us read differently Ion’s very plain words that follow:
Is he suppressing his own desire to question the tripod about his parentage, or is he curious because he trusts the oracle less now that Apollo’s misdeeds have been revealed? Or is he simply asking a banal question?
H.D.’s pared-down translation of the play’s dialogue further suggests that the survival of the drama and the possibility of a relation to antiquity are not taken for granted, but are, like Kreousa’s inspiration, a risk. The commentator compares Kreousa’s and Ion’s manner in their first stichomythia to “that of skilled weavers” as they respond to each other in “perfectly matched statements” and produce a “sustained narrative” (174). Though she seems wistful at not being able to capture this, her choice of “broken, exclamatory or evocative vers-libre,” which she admits is “the exact antithesis of the original,” is telling in the context of her general reversal of the play (174).Footnote 63 Each of H.D.’s lines is framed by dashes, which may convey a sense of continuity, as if one character is filling in the other’s lines or words, but inevitably also conveys a sense of interruption. (The dynamic in this sense evokes that between Hippolytus and Artemis in the first act of HT.) In a similarly fast-paced dialogue between Xouthos and Ion, in which Xouthos claims him as his son, H.D. seems to present the unraveling of drama, rather than the drama itself:
Xouthos My own – my beloved –
Ion – own? beloved?
Xouthos – your hand – your face –
Ion – madness –
Xouthos O, I would only touch –
Ion – not this – the priest’s head-dress –
Xouthos I find you –
Ion – and this arrow –
Xouthos – and you, me –
Ion – my quiver – my bow –
Xouthos – you attack your own father –
Ion – never – father –
Xouthos – it’s true –
Ion – how?
With just the barest bits and pieces to evoke a psychological reality, it is left up to our imagination to fill in the “action,” to see the scene and contribute to it. Being presented with the ancient text, even in this translation, as a column to be reconstructed, we are literally forced to build modernity ourselves upon the remains of antiquity. To use H.D.’s metaphor from Bid Me to Live, she has made this particular trade with the words here; others may have been possible. This is the message that the commentator delivers, from a moment that is both “now” and past and a place that is both actual and textual, speaking for readers ancient, medieval, and modern. In the partially reconstructed temple of Apollo at Delphi,
Now sharp Ionic columns start up, shafts of unblemished marble point the way to a return…. So this manuscript of the poet, Euripides, was spared when so much perished…. The eagle soars today above the crags of Parnassus. The boy Ion speaks.
He speaks “today” because each of us can learn Greek with our lungs. Each of us can risk looking for the potentially still growing single sapling or silver shoot – for our own Ion, who is defined, after all, as “one” “of the violets.”
Upon his return from a quixotic visit to the U.S. in the summer of 1939 in an attempt to convince members of Congress not to go to war against Germany, Pound announces to H.D. that it is “Now time to go back to an effort of 1912.”Footnote 64 After asking for her thoughts on Ludwig Klages, he adds:
At any rate, time to get down into meaning and leave off school room helenism [sic]…. Have you found ANY understanding in commentaries on either Ovid or Homer (my present line is up greece DAMN Athens[)]/…. I dunno, in doing them thaaar traductions you may have found an intelligent student writing footnotes/ question iz, have you?
Perhaps expressing his resistance to Eliot’s Family Reunion, which had opened a few months before, and continuing with his skepticism towards tragedy, Pound tries to enlist H.D. for his new return to non-Athenian Greek. The mention of KlagesFootnote 65 suggests that he is interested in ritual – archaism rather than Alexandria – as might perhaps be fitting for what he thought would be the end of his long poem, and its return to the question of belief. Now that Eliot can no longer be counted on, his Family Reunion as far from Eeldrop’s wryness as possible, he turns to his original Greek accomplice. H.D., however, had already gone back to that effort, using Greek translation and Euripides’ Ion to reground her poetics. Having defended her preference for “grand-period Greek” a few years before in response to a different letter from Pound specifically about the Ion (see this chapter’s epigraph), she now holds onto her position even more firmly: “I am afraid I am only picking up threads in my ragged intellectual tapestry – going back, re-reading classics, Bible, folk-lore … – nothing ‘original’ or startling.”Footnote 66 Ironically, “classic” Athens is exactly where Pound will end up following H.D. to after the war, while H.D.’s faux-modest Athena-like syncretic thread-picking would lead to the monumental Trilogy a few years later.
Ionic Traces in Trilogy
There are multiple traces of the Ion in H.D.’s three long wartime poems, “The Walls Do Not Fall,” “Tribute to the Angels,” and “The Flowering of the Rod” (later collected as Trilogy), which point to the significance of that particular translation (rather than simply the completion of a translation) for the development of her poetic work. Trilogy is not only built around images important to H.D.’s Ion – the shell, the flowering tree, the still-standing building column/wall – but also puts into practice theoretical and formal insights distilled through the play. I will briefly highlight these here, though I will not be undertaking a full reading of the poems.
Trilogy offers H.D.’s most spirited defense of poetry and poetic vision during a time of war. The very first section of “Walls” plunges us into the reality of London during the Blitz; there is, on the one hand, “ruin everywhere,” yet, on the other, the buildings with their fallen roofs and destroyed doors now resemble ruined “temple[s],” their “shrine[s] … open to the sky” (Trilogy 3). And just as at the end of her Ion Kreousa at her least powerful nonetheless claimed Apollo’s power for herself, so here “through our desolation, / thoughts stir, inspiration stalks us,” and a kind of depersonalization follows: “we know not nor are known; the Pythian pronounces” (3, 4). As the images of the human skeleton and the charred building frame merge, the section ends on the question the whole sequence will be devoted to answering:
Trilogy’s broad synthetic and syncretic vision for what holds humanity together and gives value to human life goes well beyond what the Ion offers, but some of the strategies for presenting it were honed through that translation.
H.D.’s particular readings of Euripides, and what his “metres” say despite himself, allows the defense of poetry articulated, for example, in “Walls” 8. Just as the Ion commentator spars with Euripides’ skeptical readers, so here H.D. incorporates for the first time in her ostensibly “personal” lyric voice, the voice of critics: “poets are useless,” “we are not only ‘non-utilitarian,’ / we are ‘pathetic’” (14). The heightening of the issue in a wartime context becomes evident two sections later – “But we fight for life, / we fight, they say, for breath, // so what good are your scribblings?” (18)Footnote 67 – and the critics then attack H.D.’s own favorite poetic means: “imagery // done to death,” “rhyme, jingle,” “overworked assonance, nonsense, / juxtaposition of words for words’ sake, // without meaning, undefined” (44). The response is an almost Poundian defense of the poet as the one who sets words straight, with a typical H.D. twist: “but if you do not even understand what words say, // how can you expect to pass judgment / on what words conceal?” (14). What words conceal is exactly aligned with her argument about Euripides in Ion: “for gods have been smashed before // and idols and their secret is stored / in man’s very speech, // in the trivial or / the real dream” (15). The whole sequence becomes an analysis of that speech down to the minutest and most incidental layer, for “even the erratic burnt-out comet / has its peculiar orbit” (45).
Trilogy thus examines “symbolic” or mythical figures for their modern usefulness and resonance (Hermes and Thoth, Osiris, particular angels, the Virgin Mary and Mary Magdalene, the magus Kaspar) but does so through minimal units of sound/wordplayFootnote 68 – through exactly that “discord” and its contingent, momentary form that H.D. had explored through Hippolytus. The motifs both of hatching and distillation are used to name the process, and sequences such as the following from “Tribute” predominate:
Before the figure, in this case Mary, can be approached, the word through which she has been denoted needs to first be “hatched” – “I know, I feel / the meaning that words hide; // they are anagrams, cryptograms, / little boxes, conditioned // to hatch butterflies …,” H.D. writes in “Walls” (53) – just as here the multiple paths of the sound mar are followed. Then it can be distilled into one word which may encompass them all (in this case, “Mother”) as H.D. consistently builds the same tension between accident and necessity that structured her Ion.
As in the Ion, moreover, the poems express both the desire to clarify language – to rectify names, as it were – and the resistance to naming the “mystery” or writing it in a straightforward way. That is, there is both distillation and equivocation, mirroring the competing movements of the Ionic choruses and commentaries. So, for example, after the Mary section, the speaker tries to “correct” Aphrodite’s name, having found this other sea-mother in the crucible. Since her name became “desecrated” – Aphrodite as Venus tied to “venereous” and “venery” – now “we” have to “re-light the flame” and reorient the name towards “venerate, / venerator” (74, 75). Yet, as soon as this conclusion is reached, the speaker cannot name the color of the newly produced jewel-word that would encapsulate Aphrodite. Though she describes it extensively, she insists that “there is no name for it” (76). Upon being instructed to “invent” the name she cannot find, she resists again, demurring from this quintessentially poetic act and undercutting a potentially triumphant poetic moment: “I can not invent it,” “I do not want to name it,” “I do not want // to talk about it,” she proclaims even as she keeps talking across the stanza break (76). What the speaker wants instead is “to watch its faint // heart-beat, pulse-beat / as it quivers” – as if naming would stultify the object of her attention, or make her stop looking – and “to minimize thought” so that she can “dematerialize” and be “drawn into it” (77). As in H.D.’s vision of tragic writing (where Euripides translates himself into the Homeric world), she wants to translate herself into the world of the word and speak from within, rather than bring it across.
One way in which H.D. does this is by redeploying here the central image in (her) Ion’s story of Athenian survival: the charred yet flowering tree, again presented in connection with the seashell. After refusing to name the new Aphrodite word, H.D. leaves her mark on the name of the angel Annael, whose n she doubles and whom she connects to Venus through both image and sound. “Annael – and I remembered the sea-shell” (79). “Walls” had imagistically opened with Ion’s final commentary on the charred city; its fourth section had featured the Ionic “sea-shell” (8). It was there admired for its artistic nature, self-sufficiency, and Athenian moderation (“master-mason planning / the stone marvel,” “it limits its orbit // of being,” “it opens to the tide-flow: // but infinity? no, / of nothing-too-much” [8]) – so much so that halfway through the section it was given its own first-person voice (9). But soon enough the shell was displaced from its pedestal as other figures for artistic production were added on – the mage carrying myrrh, the worm spinning its shroud – and art itself was doubted. In “Tribute to the Angels,” as in Ion and “Murex,” the seashell returns not as perfect aesthetic object but as carrying an unforeseen force. Following the memory of the shell, Annael, “peace of God” (79), proceeds to “set a charred tree before us” (82). Much like the Athenian in the Ion commentary, the speakers here “crossed the charred portico,” returned to the “old … square” that “Walls” had opened on, and “saw the tree flowering” (83). And as in Ion this is presented as both a miraculous experience and also one which is repeatable and open to anyone, so here:
Finally, as in the play the commentary leads to the introduction of Athena in the light of an erotic Apollo, so in “Tribute” this passage allows for the transition from the angels and specifically the Venus-associated Annael to Mary’s own appearance.
While “Walls” explores ancient and modern ruins, picking out helpful voices and processing negative ones, “Tribute” moves towards a positive vision – as if our speaker, having first surveyed them when departing, is compelled to scramble back to those ruins of Athens/London where she indeed finds a flowering tree and experiences a divine epiphany. Finally, “The Flowering of the Rod,” obviously combining the Ionic flowering with the biblical symbolism of both Aaron’s rod and the cross, figures its climactic vision as a translation convinced of its rightness yet aware of its contingency – just like the acts of Kreousa, H.D.’s Athenian “devote,” and H.D. herself as translator-commentator. Kaspar, one of the three magi, is listening to a voice coming from elsewhere:
Kaspar’s aural revelation is similar to those experienced by H.D.’s Greek figures who hear words or rhythms otherwise. What seems to characterize this sound and its message is the Benvenistean rhythm’s transitory form that defies customary oppositions. It is neither sung nor chanted nor spoken; it is new but old; it comes from the natural world (“echo in a shell”) and from the human mind (“the shell / of memory”); it translates itself, but Kaspar’s brain further translates it; it is heard by Kaspar but “connects us”; it is described sonically here but referred to as a “picture” later (165).Footnote 69 Finally, despite its intensity, the account given here is provisional (“as it were”), and, despite the profession of understanding, the experience remains fundamentally mysterious: “no one will ever know how it happened,” or whether Kaspar “by his discipline and study” was uniquely suited to it (165). In H.D.’s version of the Pentecostal miracle as in her Ion, the “intricate plan” is revealed but only contingently – very much in contrast to Eliot’s in “Little Gidding,” to which H.D. may well be responding and which I will discuss in the next chapter.