INTRODUCTION
In the wake of the challenges made manifest in the 2007–09 financial crisis and the well-documented scandals that preceded it, an international agenda for financial regulators has been needed to remove unethical market conduct from the sector. This has culminated in a series of legislative changes aimed at transforming regulation and supervision of the sector.Footnote 1 Such targeted financial market re-regulation is amply justified, especially as the bulk of the post crisis diagnoses translated into an indictment of the entrenched supervisory and enforcement mechanisms.Footnote 2 South African efforts towards creating a new regulatory paradigm have been noticeable in, inter alia, the repeal of the Securities Services Act, No 36 of 2004 (SSA) and the introduction of a new framework governing market abuse through chapter X of the Financial Markets Act, No 19 of 2012 (the FMA). Likewise, with its regulator's once unassailable reputation having been tarnished by a catalogue of inauspicious events, US reaction has been evidenced by the enactment of the Dodd Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (HR 4173) aimed at, among other objectives, the promotion of financial stability and the protection of consumers from abusive financial services practices.
This article focuses on and compares the different regulatory strategies that South Africa and the US have adopted in a bid to curtail conduct likely to hinder fairness and capital market development. This objective may give rise to two questions, the first being, why a comparative analysis? The reason is attributable to a few basic premises. With the prevalence of global integration and the interdependence of the financial sector comes the need for transparency in financial markets. Such an environment would be beneficial, for instance, to issuers wishing to access capital markets in different jurisdictions and wishing to explore and understand the regulatory approaches in the intended investment jurisdiction.Footnote 3 Equally, a comparison of the experiences of multiple jurisdictions can provide insights about which regulatory mechanisms could usefully be transferred to the other jurisdiction and which cannot or should not. Similarly, a comparative approach can be an invaluable tool in broadening the perspectives of emerging economies, such as South Africa, which are engaged in reforming their legal regimes and need regulatory models on which to craft those regimes.Footnote 4
A second question one might ask is why a comparison of US and South African regulatory approaches? Comparing these two jurisdictions is particularly interesting because of the inherent characteristics that shape them. More particularly, the US is chosen on account of its long history and extensive evolutionary processes; its experience is archetypal of how a more developed and sophisticated securities market has dealt with the pervasive abusive conduct in the financial sector.Footnote 5 South Africa is chosen, first because of the author's familiarity with its regulatory capital markets regime and, secondly, to prove that it is possible to attain the objective of engendering market cleanliness in a less sophisticated regulatory environment.
On this basis, the article attempts to understand the differences that characterize US and South African regulatory efforts to promote market efficiency, fairness and integrity, by focusing on a particular element of that process: the regulation of insider dealing. It contends that, due to its long history and evolutionary processes, the US experience stands out as a model of how a more developed and sophisticated securities market has dealt with the challenge of pervasive insider dealing. This article is also motivated by other pragmatic considerations, mainly that:
“Given the ambiguity and complexity of US law in the insider trading area, the Congress and the Securities and Exchange Commission may be advised to assess the regulatory framework in certain other countries and determine their feasibility of application to the US system. It may eventuate that key principles readily can be implemented from favored securities jurisdictions in order to enhance the clarity and efficiency of the US framework.”Footnote 6
A comparison of the two jurisdictions is of course an immense task. It would be impractical to attempt an exhaustive discussion of all the variances in the two approaches. As such, this is not intended to be a comprehensive review of these frameworks, rather it seeks to provide insight into selected key aspects of their legislative frameworks, their application and enforcement. The remainder of this article briefly discusses the insider dealing debate and then considers the major characteristic features of the insider dealing prohibition that differentiate the US and South African strategies, before drawing a conclusion.
DEFINING INSIDER TRADING
In general, insider dealing is defined as the making of a profit or avoiding of a loss by trading on the basis of material, privileged or non-public corporate information in organized securities markets.Footnote 7 While in some quarters prohibiting insider dealing is regarded as a needless exercise for want of a victim,Footnote 8 the prevalence of insider dealing has been widely accepted as a symptom of inefficient markets.Footnote 9 Proscription is based on the need to enhance the integrity of capital markets through information parity and enhanced availability of the efficient pricing of information. This serves to ensure that the sale and purchase of securities is a reflection of the market participants’ informed judgment, having had equal access to relevant information.Footnote 10 Much as that may be so, and despite both repeated calls for jurisdictions to craft robust regulatory and enforcement strategies and also the adoption of diverse and concerted approaches aimed at minimizing its occurrence,Footnote 11 controlling insider dealing has always proved to be a challenging pursuit.Footnote 12
To effect its purpose of creating cleaner financial markets in South Africa, section 78 of the FMA makes it unlawful, subject to certain defences, for an insiderFootnote 13 who knows that he is an insider knowingly to deal directly or indirectly on information that has not been made public.Footnote 14 This proscription extends to insiders who disclose such non-public information to other persons. An additional group captured by section 78 are agents who directly or indirectly deal for an insider with knowledge that the person for whom they are dealing is an insider. It is also an offence for such an insider to encourage or cause another person to deal or to discourage or stop another person from dealing in securities.
Similarly, conduct which is deemed to violate the financial markets is prohibited under section 10(b) of the US Securities Exchange Act of 1934 (the Exchange Act) which states:
“It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, by the use of any means or instrumentality of interstate commerce or of the mails, or of any facility of any national securities exchange … (b) To use or employ, in connection with the purchase or sale of any security registered on a national securities exchange or any security not so registered, any manipulative or deceptive device or contrivance in contravention of such rules and regulations as the Commission may prescribe as necessary or appropriate in the public interest or for the protection of investors.”
This section is buttressed by rule 10b-5 promulgated under section 10(b) of the Exchange Act whose provisions have been broadly construed to constitute the primary weapon against trading on the basis of material non-public information.Footnote 15 Rule 10b-5, provides:
“It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, by the use of any means or instrumentality of interstate commerce, or of the mails or of any facility of any national securities exchange, (a) To employ any device, scheme, or artifice to defraud, (b) To make any untrue statement of a material fact or to omit to state a material fact necessary in order to make the statements made, in the light of the circumstances under which they were made, not misleading, or (c) To engage in any act, practice, or course of business which operates or would operate as a fraud or deceit upon any person, in connection with the purchase or sale of any security.”
A fundamental difference between the South African and US approaches to the regulation of insider dealing centres however on the definition of what constitutes the proscribed conduct. US Congress has never sought to define the nature of the insider trading prohibition and, as a consequence, the precise circumscription that characterizes the South African prohibition is not available in the US. Instead, the proscription on trading on the basis of non-public information has its foundation in the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) rule 10b-5 anti-fraud provision and Congress has left it to the judiciary and administrative bodies to construe the ambit of this rule.Footnote 16 Such an approach seems to be premised on, inter alia, arguments that crafting a definition would create interpretational loopholes and impede the free flow of information that stimulates market efficiency. Furthermore, seeing as the US judiciary has been grappling with insider dealing litigation for many years, the resultant large corpus of insider dealing judgments makes a statutory definition irrelevant.Footnote 17
By contrast, except for administrative sanctions handed down by South Africa's financial markets regulator, the Financial Services Board (FSB), through its Enforcement Committee, a common law character in South Africa's insider dealing jurisprudence is sparse, if not non-existent. In the absence of judicial involvement or common law direction, reliance is ordinarily placed on the explicit prohibition set forth in section 78(1)(a) of the FMA. Nonetheless, the purported benefits of sections 77 and 78 of the FMA over section 10(b) and rule 10b-5 in the US are watered down by criticism that, in an attempt to create clarity, the FMA has in fact inadvertently generated interpretive issues arising from the flawed definitions. In particular, in reference to the definitions of an “insider” and “inside information”, Jooste, in a critique of similar wording in the previous statute, argues that “[t]he definitions, which are interconnected, are, however…, ‘cumbersome and counter-intuitive’. They are in fact circular - to know whether information is ‘inside information’ one has to know who an ‘insider’ is; and to know who an ‘insider’ is, one has to know what ‘inside information’ is.”Footnote 18
It is further argued that the fact that conduct constituting insider dealing has been spelt out relatively well, and leaves no-one in any doubt as to the prohibited conduct, has an adverse effect of compounding the burden of proof dilemma. The fact that proving knowledge of both the inside information and the fact that one is an insider is an essential requirement for a conviction, may explain why South Africa is yet to attain an insider dealing conviction. It has also been postulated that the legislature's endeavours to supply an extensive list of what completes the offences end up being manipulated or taken advantage of by the skilled insider.Footnote 19 An additional problem with the wording of the prohibition relates to the lack of clarity as to what is considered information “which has not been made public” under section 77 of the FMA. A similar problem has been encountered in other jurisdictions whose statutes do not provide guidance or bring precision to such a classification.Footnote 20
Much as that may be so, it is argued that having a definition of some sort is associated with enforcement benefits, such as the predictability of both exoneration and liability.Footnote 21 Thus, unlike its South African counterpart, despite having proscribed insider dealing since 1961, the US regime still lacks the certainty which the relatively straightforward South African framework, even though flawed, provides. Such conceptual expansivenessFootnote 22 is arguably associated with the danger that “[w]ithout a statutory definition on the horizon, the courts will continue to muddle through the tortuous path of Rule 10b-5 liability for insider trading.”Footnote 23
FIDUCIARY DUTIES AND CONSTRUCTIVE INSIDERS
Although both regimes expressly outlaw any direct or indirect dealings in securities or financial instruments by any individual who has knowledge that he is dealing on inside information, remarkable differences nonetheless emerge regarding preconditions for liability. Generally, rule 14e-3, promulgated under section 14(e) of the Exchange Act, and section 78 of the FMA make it an offence for anyone to trade on the basis of material non-public information where they have knowledge that the information originated from an insider. However, two complementary theories have evolved from the interpretation of section 10(b) and rule 10b-5. Of these, the classical approach is predicated on the argument that no offence is committed in the absence of a fiduciary duty between the insider and the shareholders of the corporation. As such, outsiders who deal in securities while having no connection with that corporation are not affected. Furthermore, in cases of disclosure to third parties, no liability attaches unless the insider stands to benefit directly or indirectly from the disclosure.Footnote 24 This obviously presents complications.
Consider a case where someone hacks into an issuer's electronic information system and acquires relevant non-public information which he then passes to someone; if the insider did not breach the fiduciary duty for his own benefit, the absence of fiduciary duty would vitiate liability.Footnote 25 To assuage the possible gap and absurdity of a situation where only corporate insiders are targeted, the misappropriation theory and rule 10b5–2Footnote 26 emerged to outlaw “constructive insiders” from dealing on the basis of non-public information acquired from insiders.Footnote 27 In this case, even if no fiduciary duty exists between the outsider and the corporation, section 10(b) and rule 10b-5 are construed to impose the fiduciary duty not on the shareholders of the corporation per se but on the source of the confidential informationFootnote 28 (constructive fraud).Footnote 29
The South African approach is less cumbersome; considerations such as fiduciary connection or the mechanism of acquiring the non-public information or the deception on the part of an outsider are irrelevant. Merely contravening the insider dealing prohibition under section 78 of the FMA is sufficient to trigger the FSB's administrative sanction of up to R1 million or a fine equivalent to the profit that the person, such other person or such insider, as the case may be, made or would have made if he or she had sold the securities at any stage, or a fine equivalent to the loss avoided through such dealing.
TIPPERS AND TIPPEES
While both the US and South African insider dealing regimes recognize that many people who deal on the basis of inside information are not always themselves insiders, there is a sharp difference in the way liability attaches in cases where some-one trades on information emanating from a secondary insider (tippee). Likewise, differences exist in the liability of the primary insider (tipper) who discloses the information which is acted upon.
The US approach attaches no liability unless it is shown that the insider breached a fiduciary duty to the shareholders and disclosure of the information was motivated by a need to secure a personal gain; further, the tippee need not be aware of that personal benefit.Footnote 30 However, upon becoming aware, the tippee is obliged either to disclose the information or abstain from trading. What constitutes personal advantage has been broadly interpreted to include both pecuniary and intangible advantages, such as reputational enhancement,Footnote 31 creating or maintaining a useful networking contact,Footnote 32 a giftFootnote 33 or merely the prospect of financial or non-financial benefits.Footnote 34 Whether an insider personally benefited from divulging specific information is a factual, and yet potentially uncertain, considerationFootnote 35 which “will not always be easy for courts”Footnote 36 to decipher. However, if the disclosure objective was not spurred by personal gain, then the tippee would not assume a derived fiduciary duty and hence will not be liable if he trades on the basis of the information.
The South African proscription is clearly not concerned with such considerations. Section 78(4)(a) of the FMA simply provides that “[a]n insider who knows that he or she has inside information and who discloses the inside information to another person, commits an offence.”Footnote 37
A common feature in both jurisdictions is therefore that the tipper and tippee can be subjected to liability. However, under the FMA and contrary to the US requirement, whether an insider is liable does not depend on the secondary insider actually trading on that information; neither is there a precondition that the insider have a motive to benefit personally from the disclosure. Instead, under section 78(4), liability is premised purely on knowing communication of non-public information to another. Likewise the tippee's liability is not derived from the insider-tipper being in breach of a fiduciary duty or having a motive to benefit from such disclosure. Rather, by obtaining information from an insider with knowledge that the direct or indirect source of that information is an insider, the tippee automatically becomes an insider by operation of section 77 of the FMA. Furthermore, by dealing “directly or indirectly or through an agent for his or her own account”, that person commits an offence under section 78 of the same act and the motive behind the disclosure by the insider is irrelevant. The knowledge requirement in both the USFootnote 38 and South Africa that the tippee knew that the information came from a corporate insider) is however associated with problems in cases of secondary insidersFootnote 39 or where information came indirectly from the primary insider through a series of information transmissions. Likewise, proving subjective knowledge of the fact that the secondary insider had the necessary knowledge would be problematic asFootnote 40 it requires the “fact-finder to enter the mind of the accused insider trader or tipper to draw some kind of inference … that is laden with difficulty”.Footnote 41 However, by covering instances where the tippee had reason to know or ought to have known,Footnote 42 the US approach seems to offer an easier route round the problem. Such a broad construction is sadly not available with the South African approach.Footnote 43
ENFORCEMENT
Both the US and South African regulators have a wide array of sanctions for insider dealing at their disposal. Whereas the US has been extensively exploiting all of them (administrative, civil and criminal), for South Africa the most preferred enforcement tool has been the administrative option under section 82 of the FMA.Footnote 44 Owing to evidentiary requirements, litigation costs and the delays associated with civil actions, among other obstacles, no civil case has been pursued to final judgment in the South African courts and the judiciary has only been involved in rubber-stamping settlements reached out of court.Footnote 45 Such challenges make the FSB's shift towards administrative sanctions appropriate. As such, section 82 provides that the maximum penalty for contravening the insider trading prohibition is an administrative sanction not exceeding the equivalent of the profit that the insider, as defined in section 77, made or would have made if he or she had sold the securities, or the loss avoided through such dealing. Furthermore, the insider may be liable to pay an amount of up to R1 million. Besides administrative penalties, section 109 of the FMA makes such a person liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding R50 million or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding ten years, or both. For want of insider dealing prosecutions in South Africa, such stiff criminal penalties are yet to be imposed.
By repealing the previous provisionFootnote 46 and pronouncing the insider dealing violation to be subject to the FSB's administrative processes, section 82 of the FMA has elevated South Africa's regulator to a similar status of that of the SEC as the primary enforcement agent in market misconduct actions. However, whereas the US has managed to create a visible presence in criminal insider dealing prosecutions, this has not been the case in South Africa. For instance, compared to previous years, the US enforcement regime has seen a sharp increase in insider dealing actions against individuals and entities.Footnote 47 By contrast, notwithstanding the clarity and comprehensive nature of its prohibition, South Africa is yet to arraign anyone on a charge of contravening the insider dealing prohibition, and as such is yet to attain a conviction and set a precedent.Footnote 48
Furthermore, compared to South Africa, the US cherishes a largely unforgiving criminal enforcement model.Footnote 49 Following the enactment of the Insider Trading Sanctions Act in 1984, there was a ten-fold increase from $10,000 to $100,000 in criminal penalties. Furthermore, the Insider Trading and Securities Fraud Enforcement Act 1988 increased the maximum term of imprisonment from five to ten years and likewise, under the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, criminal penalties for both corporations and individuals saw a remarkable increase.Footnote 50 The attainment of convictions is arguably eased by the relatively less stringent evidentiary requirements which allow courts to admit circumstantial evidence, subject to stipulated admissibility criteria. Such evidence has been said to be as appropriate and to have as much probative value as direct evidence.Footnote 51 In addition, the well-developed and incentivized whistle-blowing tradition in the US significantly accounts for the large volume of cases reported to the SEC and hence complements its investigative and surveillance efforts.Footnote 52 In addition, strategies such as informants’ bounty programmes, effective surveillance, capable personnel and the sound allocation of resources, endow the SEC with robust enforcement machinery. These strategies are further reinforced by a superior judicial culture that favours comparatively rigorous sanctions stipulated in sentencing guidelines and which are pursued with an efficient prosecutorial zeal.Footnote 53 For those reasons, and in comparison, the US regulatory framework is better equipped than its South African counterpart and has accordingly managed to craft and maintain an effective enforcement strategy that other countries have thus far failed to achieve.Footnote 54
The irony however is that, despite such plaudits, the US approach is not perfect. Given its longstanding history in regulating financial markets, one would expect the US regulatory environment for insider dealing to be faultless. It is however far from ideal and scholars have roundly slated the “astonishingly dysfunctional nature of the current insider trading regime”.Footnote 55 Additionally, the US approach of regulation by enforcement, where its insider trading law has developed on a case-by-case basis through judicial pronouncements, means that the process amounts to work in progressFootnote 56 and “the federal law of insider and outsider trading remains in an unacceptable state of flux”.Footnote 57 Inconsistencies built around unique and highly complex concepts focusing on the fiduciary duty, misappropriation and financial benefit aimed at determining the propriety of transactions have been said to portray an “erratic treatment of insider trading law that ill serves the investing public”.Footnote 58 For those reasons the US model is far from ideal and “is not one to be emulated”.Footnote 59 It is arguably this indictment on the US and to an extent the South African experiences which give credence to the assertion that insider trading law is notoriously difficult to articulate and understand, and even more difficult to apply.Footnote 60
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This article has attempted to consider some of the key elements that differentiate the frameworks governing insider dealing in the US and South Africa. This endeavour has been necessitated by the growing interconnectedness of financial markets; what has emerged is that, even though the US and South Africa seek to pursue a common purpose of eliminating insider dealing, their approaches are crucially distinct and relatively flawed. In spite of the highlighted imperfections, both countries have arguably managed to attain the objective of promoting and protecting market efficiency through market integrity by minimizing insider dealing. Given the US's long tradition and rich experience honed through decades of insider dealing litigation, it is fair to suggest that South Africa could learn from its counterpart's insider trading regulations and enforcement strategies.
