Introduction
Scrolling through social media, streaming live content, posting videos and commentary; delivering food, driving for ride-hailing apps, and writing software code; labelling data, or assembling components on the factory floor – these seemingly unrelated and disparate activities are now all subsumed under the concept of ‘digital labour’. This not only perplexes the general reader but also provokes vigorous debate among scholars in relevant fields. This article engages precisely with this debate. Amidst some critical voices, however, we adopt a positive stance, emphasising the merits of the concept of digital labour.
Since Terranova introduced the term ‘free labor’ in 2000 – an expression that later circulated under the broader heading of ‘digital labour’ – the concept has rapidly become an important object of study in communication, political economy, sociology, and critical media theory. As it circulated across disciplines, its scope expanded significantly, moving beyond online activities, social media engagement, and immaterial labour to encompass the entire labour spectrum embedded in the global information and communication technology (ICT) production chain. The platform economy subsequently extended this purview to platform-mediated gig work and crowdwork, while the recent ascent of generative AI has drawn training data extraction, data annotation, and the infrastructure of foundation models into the concept’s orbit.
Given this sustained conceptual expansion, however, some scholars have raised concerns about the term’s analytical precision and critical force. In a representative critique, Gandini (Reference Gandini2021) argues that the meaning of digital labour has overflowed its original referent – the unpaid labour of internet users – and is now routinely used to describe a variety of heterogeneous practices situated at the intersection of labour and digital technology, including various forms of paid work that often bear little connection to the concept’s original research agenda. He therefore contends that ‘the expression ‘digital labour’ has become a kind of empty signifier that is no longer able to serve a clearly distinguishable critical or analytical purpose’ (Gandini Reference Gandini2021, 2). In light of this, Gandini urges scholars to critically reassess how the concept has expanded across fields and advocates for greater clarity and precision regarding the object of analysis.
To be clear, Gandini’s intervention does not imply that digital labour completely lacks theoretical foundation; rather, it is a call for precision and specificity in research. He raises the concern that the concept’s over-extension across heterogeneous phenomena risks diluting its analytical specificity. If all forms of labour are increasingly becoming digitalised – that is, remediated, reorganised, and reshaped via digital infrastructures to varying degrees – then the analytical focus should shift from the qualifier ‘digital’ to concrete labour forms and their transformations. This methodological self-consciousness, rooted in the labour process perspective, runs through his study of platform-mediated gig work – treating digital platforms as points of production (Gandini Reference Gandini2019) – and his subsequent work on neocraft work and post-industrial cultural production (Gandini and Gerosa Reference Gandini and Gerosa2025; Gandini et al Reference Gandini, Casagrande, Giorgi, Peterlongo and Tonetta2025). We do not disagree with this turn proposed by Gandini.
But, has digital labour truly become an ‘empty signifier’? Must we abandon or drastically narrow this concept to preserve its analytical utility? This article argues that this is not necessarily the case, but the challenge posed by Gandini must be taken seriously. In Digital Labor, Jarrett (Reference Jarrett2022) acknowledges that the term suffers from definitional ambiguity and an overly broad scope of usage, but she simultaneously argues that by delimiting the research scope to digital media industries and distinguishing three forms of value creation – user labour, platform-mediated workers, and formal employees – the term retains sustained analytical utility. Her approach is one of differentiation: she identifies distinct strata of digital labour and specifies the analytical boundaries within which the concept can operate effectively. Goodwin (Reference Goodwin2022), however, contends that this task is impossible and that Jarrett ultimately fails to distil the distinctive features that differentiate digital labour from other kinds of work. Goodwin’s critique forecloses an essentialist path that seeks a set of exclusive, distinctive characteristics for ‘digital labour’. This article shares Jarrett’s conviction that the concept of digital labour retains indispensable analytical value, but it pursues a different path. Rather than seeking to concretise boundaries, this article proposes that the coherence of the concept should be understood through the category of totality, conceived as a dialectical method for tracing the structural interconnections among different forms of labour, exploitation, and value production and for exploring possibilities of resistance for digital workers. Herein lies the originality of this article: it transforms totality from an implicit philosophical intuition into an explicit analytical procedure.
The argument proceeds in three stages. First, it traces the development of the concept of digital labour, highlighting its complex theoretical threads and evolutionary trajectory. Second, drawing on Marx’s perspective of historical materialism, it elaborates the historicity of the concept, emphasising that its expansion reflects the transformation of the technical and economic conditions of capitalist production. Third, it discusses the totality of the concept of digital labour, pointing out the inner unity of totality at the conceptual level with the levels of reality and method and demonstrating the analytical efficacy of the perspective of totality in digital labour research. Thus, it demonstrates that digital labour is not an empty signifier but an indispensable concept for accurately grasping the structural characteristics of digital capitalism and the fundamental questions of the digital age.
The formation and evolution of the concept of digital labour
In discussing the origins of digital labour, some scholars place its starting point entirely within the work of Terranova. We consider this view to be broadly correct, but it is somewhat reductive. It is true that Terranova (Reference Terranova2000, 33) first proposed the concept of ‘digital labor’ in her article Free Labor: Producing Culture for the Digital Economy. However, from the standpoint of conceptual formation, the theoretical resources that would later feed into the study of digital labour – namely, the theory of immaterial labour and the audience commodity thesis – predate her intervention. Terranova herself drew primarily on the former, the Italian autonomist theory of immaterial labour.
Lazzarato (Reference Lazzarato, Virno and Hardt1996, 133), a key figure in this tradition, defined ‘immaterial labor’ as ‘the labor that produces the informational and cultural content of the commodity’, thereby extending the analysis of capitalist production to activities – symbol creation, norm shaping, taste formation – traditionally excluded from the category of work. This conceptual move was anchored in the Operaist thesis of the ‘social factory’ (Tronti Reference Tronti2019), which held that under post-Fordism the entirety of social life became a terrain of production.
Terranova drew on the theory of immaterial labour and its foundational social factory thesis to analyse labour in the digital economy, focusing particularly on internet-based practices. ‘The productive capacities of immaterial labor on the internet encompass the work of writing/reading/managing and participating in mailing lists/Web sites/chatlines’ (Terranova Reference Terranova2000, 42). Terranova called it ‘free labor’ and situated this labour form within the broader framework of the digital economy and late capitalism, demonstrating the critical spirit and expansive vision that have been integral to digital labour research from the outset.
The other theoretical thread in digital labour – the ‘audience commodity’ thesis – entered the debate not through Terranova but through a later moment of theoretical synthesis. In his seminal article, Smythe (Reference Smythe1977) put forward the audience commodity thesis, arguing that mass media produce audiences, not programming, as their primary commodity, sold to advertisers. In the context of Web 2.0 and social media platforms, this thesis was integrated into digital labour studies by Coté and Pybus (Reference Coté, Pybus, Peters and Bulut2011), Fisher (Reference Fisher2012), Fuchs (Reference Fuchs2012a), and others. Web 2.0 was characterised by user-generated content, powerful network effects, rich interactivity, and personalised information delivery – features that produced audiences markedly different from both Smythe’s mass media audiences and the users Terranova analysed in the Web 1.0 era (Coté and Pybus Reference Coté, Pybus, Peters and Bulut2011). Such a change not only exposed the limitations of the earlier conceptualisations of digital labour but also opened new avenues for its theoretical elaboration. The grafting of the audience commodity onto digital labour was historically specific: it responded to the rise of platforms like Facebook, which rendered visible the ways in which user-generated content and social interaction could be directly harnessed to generate advertising revenue.
While exploring the ‘free’ and ‘immaterial’ dimensions of digital labour, scholars also stressed the need to examine its other forms, including waged work, unwaged but paid work, and the material substrate of labour (Burston et al Reference Burston, Dyer-Witheford and Hearn2010; Fuchs and Sandoval Reference Fuchs and Sandoval2014; Scholz Reference Scholz2013). Concurrently, platform labour was also incorporated into digital labour research, generating rich empirical findings that have substantiated the analytical scope of the concept, including discussions of the globalisation and typology of digital labour studies (Casilli Reference Casilli2017, Reference Casilli2025), research on platform ghost work (Gray and Suri Reference Gray and Suri2019), empirical studies of on-demand platform labour (Rosenblat Reference Rosenblat2018), studies of global platform gig work (Graham et al Reference Graham, Hjorth and Lehdonvirta2017; Lehdonvirta et al Reference Lehdonvirta, Kässi, Hjorth, Barnard and Graham2019; Wood et al Reference Wood, Graham, Lehdonvirta and Hjorth2019), and analyses of the racialisation and gendering of platform labour (van Doorn Reference van Doorn2017). The most recent phase in this trajectory is the rapid ascent of generative AI. The large-scale extraction of training data from user-generated content across the web, the deployment of a global workforce of data annotators to label and classify this data (Casilli Reference Casilli2025), the generation of synthetic data to supplement human-produced material, and the emergence of foundation models as a new infrastructural layer of digital capitalism (Crawford Reference Crawford2021) together constitute the latest expansion of the terrain that the concept of digital labour seeks to map, while also raising fresh questions about subjectivity and connectedness (Couldry and Mejias Reference Couldry and Mejias2019).
Given the complexity of the theoretical threads and the evolution of the concept of digital labour, any conceptual reduction or narrowing must therefore be approached with caution. This does not mean, however, that the expansion itself is beyond scrutiny. Gandini’s critique appropriately reminds us that the expansion must be interrogated: does it reveal previously unrecognised structural interconnections, or does it merely loosely subsume heterogeneous phenomena under a single label? This article argues, precisely through the method of totality, that the expansion of the concept of digital labour belongs to the former rather than the latter.
The historicity of the concept of digital labour
Whereas the previous section traced the complex genealogy of the concept of digital labour to caution against any simplistic reduction, this section provides an epistemological defence of its expansion.
Concepts are not created ex nihilo; they necessarily have historical roots. For Marx, concepts are embedded in social reality, shaped in accordance with its transformations, and never exist as fixed, immutable entities standing above or outside reality. ‘It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their consciousness’ (Marx Reference Marx1972, 21). Building on this, Postone (Reference Postone1993) argues that the core categories of capitalism, such as labour and value, are not transhistorical abstractions but historically specific ‘real abstractions’ – they acquire objective validity within capitalist social relations, but this validity is itself the product of particular historical conditions and cannot be treated as eternal truth.
Concepts are not merely linguistic artefacts; they are both ‘indicators’ and ‘factors’ of historical change, simultaneously recording and shaping the social realities they name (Koselleck Reference Koselleck2004). The concept of digital labour clearly embodies this dual function: on the one hand, its expansion records the real historical process of the digitalisation of labour, from free labour on the internet to platform gig work spanning the globe – each semantic extension of the concept responds to real techno-economic transformations; on the other hand, it participates in shaping the historical process itself, for, by providing the analytical category of ‘digital labour’, critical theory is able to reveal the structural connections among different forms of exploitation, thus furnishing the conceptual conditions for understanding and intervening in reality.
What, then, is the social reality that constitutes the basis for the generation and evolution of the concept of digital labour, and that is reflected, understood, and intervened in by it? We suggest that this primarily consists of the technological, economic, and organisational forms closely bound up with digital labour – specifically, digital technologies, the digital economy, and the associated forms of digital labour.
Digital technologies are one of the most significant scientific and technological advances of recent decades. They have transcended the confines of ICTs to encompass vast fields such as big data, cloud computing, the Internet of Things, digital twins, and artificial intelligence. Owing to their reprogrammability and data homogeneity, they possess a powerful capacity for aggregation and generation (Yoo et al Reference Yoo, Henfridsson and Lyytinen2010). This capacity, however, should not be understood solely in functionalist terms. As Star and Ruhleder (Reference Star and Ruhleder1996) argue, infrastructure is a relational achievement, embedded within socio-technical structures under specific configurations of power. Rossiter (Reference Rossiter2016) further grasps this capacity as logistical media – digital technologies do not merely passively connect existing entities but actively produce new spatial orders and a new global division of labour through algorithmic scheduling and supply chain management. The ‘infrastructural’ status of digital technologies is itself a product of the politics of standardisation: proprietary data formats, closed interface protocols, and centralised cloud computing architectures selectively determine what can be datafied and what can be included in the network. The digitalisation of the world is not the outcome of a natural technological penetration but an infrastructural politics jointly driven by capital and the state. It is upon this substratum of infrastructural politics that the large-scale generation and capture of user data become feasible that social media and search engines valorise and transform audience activity into labour, reviving the ‘audience commodity’ debate under platform capitalism, and that digital technologies as logistical media give rise to the platform economy and forms of digital labour. This process blurs the boundaries between digital and other industries, between production and consumption, and between labour and leisure (Crary Reference Crary2013). Consequently, digital labour has surpassed its early narrow identification with free internet labour.
The digital economy constitutes the foundational context of digital labour. It is precisely within this context that Terranova discusses free labour. She regarded the digital economy as ‘a formation that intersects on the one hand with the postmodern cultural economy (the media, the university, and the arts) and on the other hand with the information industry (the information and communication complex)’ (Terranova Reference Terranova2000, 35). Today, the development of the digital economy has far exceeded the scope originally defined by Terranova, and at the technical level comes closer to Srnicek’s definition: ‘the digital economy refers to those businesses that increasingly rely upon information technology, data, and the internet for their business models’ (Srnicek Reference Srnicek2017, 4). Unlike agricultural or industrial economies, which possess relatively clear sectoral boundaries, the digital economy is inherently cross-sectoral and cross-industrial. We can therefore understand digital labour as ‘a convenience and convention rather than an assertion of universal ontological weight or referent’, as ‘a shorthand for work that is shaped by, utilises, and is profoundly transformed by digital technologies and their related socioeconomic environment’ (Bulut et al Reference Bulut, Chen, Grohmann and Jarrett2026, 1–2). Bulut et al (Reference Bulut, Chen, Grohmann and Jarrett2026) further point out that digital labour involves different phases or ‘waves’, from discussions around free labour to platforms, data, and artificial intelligence, connecting the past and pointing to the future. Precisely because of this, digital labour will continue to evolve in meaning, but, as they note, ‘it will continue to be a productive field for articulating classic and contemporary issues’.
An examination of the concept’s historicity makes clear the pressing need for an understanding of the concept of digital labour in terms of totality. For what has emerged in digital capitalism is not merely a quantitative increase in labour forms being ‘digitalised’, nor a simple multiplication of empirical phenomena to be covered by the concept, but the formation of a new ‘real abstraction’. Platforms, algorithms, and data flows, as forms of social relation in the digital age, are integrating previously separated labour forms into a single process of capital valorisation in an unprecedented manner. The homogenising logic of capital operates with new intensity under these digital conditions, interrelating activities as disparate as content moderation, mineral extraction, software development, social interaction, and logistics delivery as functional moments of the same accumulation process. It is this objective totalising process – executed by capital itself and mediated by digital technologies – that renders the method of totality analytically imperative.
Some might object that digital capitalism presents a picture of profound fragmentation and heterogeneity, far from an organic totality. However, this fragmentation is not evidence against the thesis of totality; it is precisely the form assumed by the totalising operation of capital. As Lukács and Kosík argue, the apparent independence of various spheres is the reified surface of a deeper structural unity – what Kosík (Reference Kosík1976) calls the ‘pseudoconcrete’. The dispersion of digital workers across different continents, platforms, and legal statuses is itself produced by capital’s differentiated labour markets and strategies for obscuring exploitation. Totality is not a category imposed on reality by a philosopher, but the very manner in which reality operates under capitalist conditions, albeit hidden behind a veil of fragmentation. The historical development of the concept of digital labour is the cognitive response to this objective process. The totalisation of the concept is the theoretical counterpart to the totalisation of capital. Therefore, while discussions of specific types of digital labour are absolutely necessary, research into totality is equally indispensable. Labour process analysis characteristically asks how a given labour activity is organised, controlled, and experienced. The category of digital labour, understood as a totality, asks a different question: how are multiple, qualitatively distinct labour processes functionally coupled, and how does this coupling itself become an instrument and an object of capitalist strategy? These are not competing analytical frameworks; they operate at different levels of abstraction and address different objects. The necessity of the concept of digital labour lies precisely in its capacity to pose and analyse the question that the disaggregated approaches cannot formulate. The challenge lies not in reversing the expansion of the concept but in developing theoretical and methodological resources that render this expansion analytically productive rather than diluted. This is the task undertaken by the third part of this article.
The totality of the concept of digital labour
The theoretical foundations of totality
Gandini (Reference Gandini2021) argues that ‘digital labour’ has become an umbrella term whose internal referents bear little connection to its original meaning, thereby undermining its utility for precise critical or analytical purposes. We do not deny the expansion of the concept’s connotation, nor do we dismiss the genuine concerns underlying this critique. Rather, we advocate for a new conception of the concept of digital labour from the perspective of totality, demonstrating its unique analytical efficacy, and pointing out that this concept need not be understood as an umbrella term; it can and should be understood as a term of totality.
Totality is a major idea in the Marxist intellectual tradition. Marx (Reference Marx, Marx and Engels1986, 38) held that the ‘concrete totality’ is not a pre-given entity but the result of a specific analytical procedure, ‘the assimilation and transformation of perceptions and images into concepts’. He distinguished this ‘rich totality of many determinations and relations’ from ‘a chaotic conception of the whole’, insisting that the concrete totality is ‘a unity of the diverse’ (Marx Reference Marx, Marx and Engels1986, 37–38). Importantly, Marx (Reference Marx, Marx and Engels1986, 43) also pointed out that within any concrete totality there exists a dominant moment – ‘the general light’, ‘tingeing all other colours and modifying them in their specific quality’. For Marx, capital is precisely this ‘general light’, ‘a special ether’ that determines the specific gravity of all that emerges within it. The method of the concrete totality thus demands that the analyst identify the dominant structural principle that organises the whole.
Lukács (Reference Lukács1972) advanced the inseparable connection between totality, subjectivity, and the critique of reification. The capitalist system generates reified appearances, fragmenting social reality into seemingly independent spheres – production, distribution, consumption, labour, leisure – thereby concealing their structural interconnections. Only through the category of totality can the proletariat penetrate the reified surface of capitalist society and grasp its own position as the ‘identical subject–object of history’. Kosík (Reference Kosík1976) identified the primary obstacle to grasping the concrete totality as what he termed the ‘pseudoconcrete’, the world of everyday appearances, fetishised practices, and routinised thinking that presents social relations as natural, independent, and self-evident. He did not deny the objective existence of everyday phenomena but destroyed their ‘fictitious independence’ by demonstrating their mediated character. He insisted that the concrete totality is not merely a cognitive construction but is generated through practice.
These three theoretical resources provide the scholarly support for the perspective of totality advanced in this article, but we draw upon them selectively and critically. From Marx, we derive the methodological core: the concrete totality as the result of a dialectical procedure, organised around a dominant structural principle. From Lukács, we retain the insight that totality is necessary to penetrate reification and grasp structural interconnections; however, we do not accept his Hegelian assertion of the proletariat as the identical subject–object of history. From Kosík, we appropriate the critique of the pseudoconcrete and the insistence that destroying fictitious independence is a practical-critical act; yet we do not follow him to the phenomenological tendency of equating reality with the totality revealed only by practice. Together, these three elements form a solid framework for rethinking the concept of digital labour, not by taking totality as a static container into which diverse phenomena are indiscriminately placed, but as a dialectical method that penetrates the reified appearances of digital capitalism, reveals the structural interconnections among differentiated labour forms, and seeks to awaken the subjective consciousness of digital workers.
A clarification is needed here regarding the use of the category of ‘totality’. This article employs the category at three interrelated but non-identical levels. First, at the level of reality, there exists in digital capitalism an objective totalising process driven by the logic of capital, which integrates differentiated labour forms into the same structure of valorisation through platform architectures, supply chain management, and data extraction. Second, at the methodological level, totality is a dialectical analytical procedure that penetrates reified appearances by tracing the dominant structural principle and reconstructs the structural connections among apparently isolated phenomena. Third, at the conceptual level, the concept of digital labour constructed through the method of totality ceases to be an empty umbrella term and becomes a ‘concrete totality’ that grasps a multiplicity of determinations – that is, a category possessing totality.
The subject of this article is the totality of the concept of digital labour, but as noted above, the concept of totality cannot be divorced from social reality. Mediated by the method of totality, it is generated under the influence of social reality and acts back upon it. Understanding the concept necessarily involves grasping reality and applying the method. The totality of the concept is inseparable from totality at the levels of reality and method; it depends upon the operation of totality at the methodological level – it is a product of theoretical synthesis, not an a priori property inherent in the concept, nor can it be directly equated with an assertion of a completed state of totalisation of reality. Furthermore, as a product of thought, this category of totality possesses a distinct cognitive function: it enables the analyst to discern the structural interdependence hidden beneath differentiated labour processes, forms of value extraction, and conditions of existence, thereby providing the epistemological precondition for traversing the divisions manufactured by capital and identifying the possibility of shared resistance. Here, the concept is not merely thought’s reproduction of reality but also a cognitive instrument for intervening in reality.
The analytical efficacy of totality
The totality of the concept of digital labour offers three unique contributions and provides new ways of thinking about important issues related to digital labour.
First, totality concretely specifies how capital, as the dominant structural principle, organises differentiated forms of digital labour into a functional structure of mutual dependence. This analysis follows the procedure of Marx in the ‘Introduction’ to the Grundrisse: it starts from the inner imperatives of capital valorisation and traces how, through specific mediating links, capital posits these labours successively as functional moments that require one another. The following analysis performs this movement on the commodity chain of a generative AI foundation model.
The analysis proceeds from capital’s abstract imperative: a technology company seeks to valorise a foundation model – a large-scale AI system such as a large language model – whose capacity to generate text, images, or code on demand is the commodity to be sold. To realise this imperative, the model must first be designed, architected, and trained by research scientists and software engineers. Their skilled technical labour determines the volume and type of training data required, sets the standards for downstream annotation, and specifies the computational resources that infrastructure must provide. Training the model presupposes enormous datasets of text, images, and digital content, which posits data extraction labour – the uncompensated activity of billions of users whose posts, comments, images, and clickstreams are harvested as raw material. This is Terranova’s ‘free labor’: at once social practice and productive act, captured without wages, and functionally posited as the source of raw material for the entire chain. Yet raw data must be cleaned, filtered, classified, and labelled, which posits data annotation labour – waged but precarious work concentrated in the Global South, where workers in Venezuela, the Philippines, and Kenya, among others, perform these tasks under the piece-rate logic of platform labour (Casilli Reference Casilli2025). The platforms from which training data are extracted are not natural data reservoirs but commodified environments actively maintained to capture and monetise user activity. This posits content moderation labour – workers, again in the Global South, who filter harmful material and enforce community guidelines (Roberts Reference Roberts2019). Their labour produces the ‘brand-safe’ space that sustains advertising revenue and, in the AI commodity chain, directly safeguards training data quality by preventing contamination from toxic or spam content. Finally, all these activities depend on the physical substrate of computation – data centres, specialised chips, electricity, and water – which posits infrastructural labour: mining cobalt and rare earths, manufacturing semiconductors, and constructing energy grids. Although these forms of labour are often classified as ‘non-digital’, they are equally posited by the same valorisation logic. The result is a concrete totality of mutual positing: the abstract imperative concretises into a functional coupling structure in which each labour form is posited and required by the others. Technical labour organises the conditions that extraction, annotation, and moderation labour must meet; annotation labour depends on extraction labour’s raw material and technical labour’s specifications; moderation labour sustains the platform environments on which extraction labour depends; and all are grounded in infrastructural labour. Capital, as the ‘general light’, does not erase these differences but organises them into an interdependent hierarchy. This is the functional coupling structure that the perspective of totality makes analytically visible – a structure that escapes single-site labour process analyses and expands as new forms of labour are drawn into the same valorisation architecture. This functional coupling structure is not a neutral technical arrangement. In organising this structure, capital systematically exploits existing inequalities of gender, race, and geographic space (Amrute Reference Amrute2016; Graham et al Reference Graham, Hjorth and Lehdonvirta2017; McMillan Cottom Reference McMillan Cottom2020; Rossiter Reference Rossiter2016; van Doorn Reference van Doorn2017) to construct a differentiated labour market, ensuring that the substitutability and irreplaceability of different types of labour are configured in the manner most advantageous to capital (Mezzadra and Neilson Reference Mezzadra and Neilson2013).
It is this cognitive function – refusing capital’s classifications as the starting point of analysis and instead making those classifications themselves the object of inquiry – that constitutes the irreducible analytical contribution of the concept of digital labour. No composite description of ‘platform labour plus user labour plus their interconnections’ can replicate this function because such descriptions necessarily operate within the very taxonomy that the concept of digital labour, as a category of totality, seeks to subject to critical scrutiny. From this perspective, the diverse forms of labour under digital capitalism do not form a static field to be sorted into ever-finer classifications; rather, they are the product of strategic processes that themselves require explanation.
Second, the unique advantage of totality becomes particularly clear at the methodological level. The existing debates about the sources of digital platform profits provide a paradigmatic case. This debate crystallises a fundamental difference between two analytical paths. One can be termed the factor-analytical path, which seeks to attribute platform profits to one or several decisive sources. Fuchs (Reference Fuchs2012b) insists on an explanation grounded in the labour theory of value, arguing that users’ unpaid digital labour directly creates surplus value; Arvidsson and Colleoni (Reference Arvidsson and Colleoni2012) turn to the logic of financial valuation, contending that platform value mainly stems from the construction of affective networks and their realisation in financial markets; Rigi and Prey (Reference Rigi and Prey2015) point out that platform revenue comes from multiple channels, including advertising rents, the sale of information, and speculative virtual capital; Sadowski (Reference Sadowski2020) relocates users as ‘buyers’, framing the question on the side of rentierism. The shared presupposition of these positions is that platform profits can be analytically decomposed into several independent sources, and the task of theory is to determine which source predominates. Yet the above analysis of the functional coupling structure demonstrates precisely that this presupposition itself obscures the crux of the matter. Within this structure, none of these so-called ‘sources’ generates profit in isolation. Profit is not the simple sum of elements but arises from the functional coupling of these moments – from the relation in which one moment posits another as the condition of its own realisation. The factor-analytical path attempts to carve out an independent ‘ultimate source’ from within the coupling structure; this is itself a category error: it presupposes that something which exists only within the totality can be known prior to the totality. The method of totality transforms the mode of questioning. It does not ask ‘which element creates value’, but rather ‘how the functional interconnections among the various elements constitute the necessary conditions for the realisation of value’. It is precisely through this transformation of the mode of questioning that unpaid user activity, advertising sales, rent extraction, and financial valuation are presented as different moments of the same functional coupling structure, rather than as competing explanatory options.
Current research already includes theoretical efforts to grasp digital labour through the method of totality. Fuchs and Sandoval (Reference Fuchs and Sandoval2014) unify the various labours along the global ICT value chain under the definition of ‘digital labour’ and analyse their structural interconnections; Faraoun (Reference Faraoun2024) provides an analysis of historical stages; Wang and Tomassetti (Reference Wang and Tomassetti2024) focus on the analysis of labour–capital relations. These studies correctly identify the interconnectedness of labour forms, but each focuses on a particular aspect of structural connection and tends to offer the conclusion of totality rather than to demonstrate its constitutive process – that is, how the connections are established step by step through specific mediating links. The method of totality advanced in this article aims to push forward precisely in this direction: to transform the conclusion that ‘interconnections exist’ into an analytical procedure of ‘how they are interconnected’.
This analytical move also distinguishes itself from other major frameworks: Vercellone’s (Reference Vercellone2007) thesis of cognitive capitalism focuses on macro-historical periodisation; Casilli’s (Reference Casilli2025) typology of platform labour concentrates on the mechanisms of classification themselves; Mezzadra and Neilson’s (Reference Mezzadra and Neilson2017) analysis of the operations of capital foregrounds the operational logic of capital. The distinctive contribution of the method of totality lies in the fact that it does not replace the respective analytical functions of these frameworks but reconstructs, between the differences they have already precisely described, the functional coupling relations mediated by the logic of capital valorisation.
Third, the above analysis ultimately points towards a re-understanding of the concept of digital labour itself and demonstrates the political potential of the concept of digital labour as a totality. Having undergone the dialectical reconstruction of the method of totality, the concept of digital labour is no longer an umbrella term that merely collects heterogeneous phenomena but a category of totality that grasps a multiplicity of determinations. What distinguishes it from an empty signifier is not the breadth of its coverage or the refinement of its classifications but the fact that it requires the analyst to proceed not from the extension of the concept to enumerate examples but from the inner imperatives of capital valorisation to trace how various labour forms are posited, through specific mediating links, as mutually required functional moments. It is precisely this that fundamentally responds to Gandini’s critique: the validity of ‘digital labour’ depends not merely on the precise delimitation of its referential scope but more crucially on whether it can accurately grasp and illuminate a core ‘problematic’ (Agamben Reference Agamben2009) of contemporary capitalism – namely, how capital, through digital technologies, transforms life activity in its entirety into a field of valorisation.
This category of totality simultaneously contains the cognitive potential to penetrate reification. The functional coupling structure demonstrated above is not only the objective mechanism of capital valorisation but also constitutes the material conditions of existence for digital workers. Digital labour processes transcend spatial, temporal, and community boundaries. Workers dispersed across different continents and different labour processes are thus objectively placed within the same structure of mutual dependence. It is precisely this structural interdependence that provides the objective basis for the solidarity of digital workers. The cognitive function of the category of totality lies precisely here: by revealing the structural connections among separate struggles, it demonstrates why and in what sense the struggles of different groups are related to one another. This is the dialectics by which totality disenchants labour fragmentation, revealing that the seemingly isolated ‘monadic’ suffering is in fact a node in a web of shared fate.
Nevertheless, the category of totality must also take seriously the question of the heterogeneity of digital workers. Digital labour is a field criss-crossed by different stakeholders who engage in vastly different occupations, face different forms of exploitation and labour conditions, and may be unable to understand one another in many respects (Genovesi Reference Genovesi, Genovesi, Kaesling and Robbins2023). On this basis, Englert et al (Reference Englert, Woodcock and Cant2020) have already conducted important research on the organising strategies and struggle practices of different types of digital workers. Yet an overemphasis on heterogeneity risks making common composition impossible and heterogeneity may become a trap that forecloses revolutionary possibility (Roggero Reference Roggero2014). This is precisely the political challenge to which the category of totality responds. The category of totality does not deny this heterogeneity, nor does it attempt to erase concrete differences with an abstract concept of the ‘collective worker’. On the contrary, it demands that we traverse heterogeneity to reach the structural interdependence hidden beneath differentiated labour processes, forms of value extraction, and conditions of existence, thereby creating the cognitive possibility for bridging the divisions manufactured by capital and constructing real solidarity.
Conclusion
This article has responded to Gandini’s critique that digital labour has become an ‘empty signifier’ through three progressive dimensions: conceptual evolution, historicity, and totality. The genealogical examination shows that the concept has accumulated multiple theoretical layers – from Terranova’s autonomist roots through the grafting of the audience commodity to the incorporation of platform labour and AI-related data annotation – and that this very complexity cautions against any simplistic narrowing. The inquiry into historicity further demonstrates that the concept’s semantic expansion tracks the real movement of capital, as digital technologies and the digital economy have blurred the boundaries between production and consumption, labour and leisure, and have drawn ever more forms of human activity into the logic of valorisation. On this basis, the method of totality developed here offers a mode of understanding that preserves analytical specificity while grasping structural interconnections. Having established totality as an operational procedure – through its three levels and the mechanism of functional coupling – the article has demonstrated how the concept of digital labour can systematically reveal the constitutive conditions that single-site labour process analyses must treat as external and the cognitive and political potential of this concept to penetrate the reified appearances of capital.
‘Digital labour’ is therefore far from an empty signifier. It is a category of totality that makes visible the web of internal relations among the multiple labours within digital capitalism. Its analytical contribution lies in transforming the question of why exploitation takes the particular forms it does from a contextual aside into a central object of investigation. This contribution does not compete with the rich empirical research on specific labour processes – it cannot replace the precision of labour process theory in revealing algorithmic management, skill dynamics, and workplace control – but rather provides a complementary framework that situates detailed findings within the broader architecture of digital capital. As generative AI and other emerging technologies draw new forms of activity into capital’s orbit, the perspective of totality will continue to serve as an indispensable tool for tracing the structural interconnections that shape the conditions of work and exploitation in the digital age.
Competing interests
The authors declare none.
Fan Qiuyu is a PhD candidate in the Department of Philosophy at Shanghai Normal University and an Assistant Research Fellow at the Institute of Marxism, Anhui Academy of Social Sciences. His research interests include Marxist philosophy, philosophy of labour, and digital labour.
Mao Letang, PhD in Philosophy, is a Professor and Doctoral Supervisor in the Department of Philosophy at Shanghai Normal University. His research interests include Marxist philosophy, economic philosophy, and philosophy of labour.
Jiao Dewu, PhD in Communication, is Director and Research Fellow at the Institute of Journalism and Communication, Anhui Academy of Social Sciences. His research interests include communication studies and media governance.