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Frantz Fanon (1925–1961), a West Indian of mixed race, was a French colonial psychiatrist trained in Lyon, France, who worked mainly in colonial North Africa between 1953 and 1957. He was one of the earliest psychiatrists to suggest that the lived experience of ethnic minorities within a discriminatory colonial environment could trigger mental illness. This article focuses on Fanon's work and contributions to psychiatry, as well as his philosophy, advocacy for social inclusion and pioneering work in culturally relevant rehabilitation. It also examines what lessons could be learnt from his life's work as a psychiatrist and traces his influence on a generation of psychiatric researchers, suggesting how his contribution may have influenced critical thought and current views.
In the years before and immediately after World War I, gendered and racialized bodies at work became the focus of debate and discussion in France amongst an informal alliance of engineers, doctors, scientists, employers, workers, and the state. Seduced by the promise of “modernity”, and the seemingly endless possibilities of science and mechanization, the state attempted to modernize public services and employers sought new ways to discipline labor for greater productivity. Both mobilized rationalization – Taylorism and work science – in the service of greater efficiency and in an effort to identify the allegedly “natural” qualities that made gendered and racialized workers suitable for certain kinds of jobs and would exclude them from others. A not insignificant dimension of this project lay in how French work scientists began to envision the potential uses of gendered French and colonial labor. The development of the French North-African and Indochinese colonial empires around the turn of the century heightened attention to racialized difference. World War I had opened the opportunity to use racialized colonial bodies, both on the military front and in the factory. Thinking about race and gender characteristics continued to influence work science and its applications in the 1920s and 1930s. Work scientists' experiments to ascertain the physical endurance of colonial male workers and white workers underscored the durability of gender meanings i n dealing with white French workers and the instability of those meanings in assessing the abilities of workers of color.
Studies of self-harm in Black and minority ethnic (BME) groups have been restricted to single geographical areas, with few studies of Black people.
Aims
To calculate age- and gender-specific rates of self-harm by ethnic group in three cities and compare characteristics and outcomes.
Method
A population-based self-harm cohort presenting to five emergency departments in three English cities during 2001 to 2006.
Results
A total of 20 574 individuals (16–64 years) presented with self-harm; ethnicity data were available for 75%. Rates of self-harm were highest in young Black females (16–34 years) in all three cities. Risk of self-harm in young South Asian people varied between cities. Black and minority ethnic groups were less likely to receive a psychiatric assessment and to re-present with self-harm.
Conclusions
Despite the increased risk of self-harm in young Black females fewer receive psychiatric care. Our findings have implications for assessment and appropriate management for some BME groups following self-harm.
Studies have established that many depressed adolescent patients do not receive optimal mental health care. Specifically, depression in primary-care settings is underrecognized, undertreated, and stigmatized. Although the seriousness and prevalence of adolescent depression is well known to primary-care physicians, its assessment, diagnosis, and treatment remains a significant problem in general and in rural communities in particular.
Aims and discussion
In this article, the author accomplishes three aims: (1) summarizes the most current evidence-based guidelines for depression care for adolescents in primary-care settings, (2) reviews the empirical literature on how key patient demographic variables (race, gender, and age) may be correlated with and predictive of variations in evidence-based depression care (assessment, diagnosis, and treatment) for adolescent patients, particularly in rural areas, and (3) provides implications for translating empirical research findings to evidence-based depression care in rural primary-care settings.
By
Dinesh Bhugra, Professor of Mental Health and Cultural Diversity and Head of the Section of Cultural Psychiatry, Health Services Research Department, Institute of Psychiatry, King's College London, UK,
Oyedeji Ayonrinde, Consultant Psychiatrist, South London and Maudsley NHS Trust, London, UK
Summary Life events are a universal experience that everyone undergoes, However, the individual response to life events, whether they are negative (loss, bereavement, etc.) or positive (new house, new job) must be seen in a cultural context. Different cultures place differing emphasis on the significance of these events. Coping strategies are also influenced by cultures. Life events which are attributed to racism can affect vulnerable individuals. In this chapter, we review the literature, focusing on work related to racism, racial life events and mental illness. Race is a biological aspect and race is behaviour related to control of power and resources away from races deemed to be inferior.
The association of life events with the onset of various psychiatric disorders is well known. The body of evidence has highlighted the impact of negative or positive life events on the genesis of common mental disorders, especially depression. These findings have been replicated across different cultures, although the effect of different life events varies between cultures. In addition, the role of chronic difficulties (see p. 43) and resulting ongoing chronic stress have been shown to contribute to vulnerability to certain mental illnesses. However, data on the impact of life events, especially those perceived as racial, on members of minority ethnic groups are rather sparse. The questions that need to be addressed concern the perception of life events as racial, the role of pervasive and perceived institutional and individual racism, and chronic difficulties. In this review, we aim to draw the clinician's attention to some of these key factors, which may precipitate or perpetuate ongoing psychiatric problems.
Race, ethnicity and racism
Race and ethnicity
Until the middle of the 20th century race was used as a Darwinian tool to emphasise that Black people were inferior and savage compared with White people. This was accepted as a biological fact by the scientific community, thereby giving it a scientific legitimacy. Racism takes several forms and occurs both at individual and institutional levels.
Treatment of mental illness in Black and minority ethnic groups differs from that in the White majority. Large differences in admission, detention and seclusion rates have been recorded. These disparities extend into the physical healthcare setting, particularly in the USA but also within the UK National Health Service. There are many influences on prescribing of psychotropic medication, not least the metabolising capacity of the individual. Ethnic differences do occur, particularly for East Asian peoples. However, these differences are broadly similar across ethnic groups, particularly for the cytochrome P450 enzymes responsible for metabolising psychotropic medicines. Psychotropic medication prescribing also differs by ethnicity. Specifically, antipsychotic dose, type and route of administration may differ. However, most data originate in the USA and UK studies have not replicated these findings, even after controlling for multiple confounding factors. Similarly, antidepressant prescribing and access to treatment may differ by ethnicity. These differences may have complex causes that are not well understood. Overall, prescribing of antipsychotics appears to be broadly equitable in Black and minority ethnic groups.
Now, I don't see color. People tell me I'm white and I believe them because police officers call me “sir.”
Stephen Colbert, host of The Colbert Report
The notion of colorblindness has been idealized popularly since the late 1960s as a frame of mind that could combat racism. Perhaps the most well-known reference to a colorblind ideal is from Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.,'s famous “I have a dream” speech in which he imagined an America where his children would be judged “not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.” But what is entailed in colorblind beliefs and in the policies and practices that would accompany such a position? Is colorblindness good for people of color? Is it good for society overall? And what about racial colorblindness at the individual level, in terms of people's attitudes about race and ethnicity? In a multiracial, multiethnic society such as the US, what does it mean for a person to desire not to see race? Is it possible for people to be colorblind, to ignore someone's race or ethnicity in their interactions, to judge people only by the content of their character? If color matters in society, as part of one's self-concept, in social identity, in social policy, and in everyday life, what does it mean to not see it?