This chapter critically assesses the identity approach to intergroup relations, which includes social identity theory and self-categorization theory. The identity approach has become the most important approach to understanding intergroup relations. The history of the identity approach is discussed, with a focus on Henri Tajfel, John Turner, and the European movement to establish a more social social psychology. Social identity theory proposes that people have a need for a positive and distinct identity, and experimental evidence testing this proposition is critcally discussed. The consequences of people feeling they have an inadequate social identity are also examined, with a focus on the conditions (e.g., perceived legitimacy and stability of the socio-political system) that lead to different types of individual and collective actions. The applied implications of the identity approach, and the relationship between this approach and other intergroup theories, are also examined.

The relative deprivation account of intergroup relations is the main focus of this chapter. This account has proved to be highly influential in psychology and a number of other disciplines, because it provides a powerful explanation of situations where subjective experiences do not match objective conditions. Examples are when people who are objectively well off report being deprived, and people who are objectively poor report being satisfied. The role of relative deprivation in collective action is examined, together with research attempting to identify the preconditions for fraternal relative deprivation. The importance of relative deprivation in health and justice are also examined, together with research examples. The applied implications of relative deprivation have proven to be highly important, and these are examined.

This chapter draws together the findings from the connected analytical pieces and relates them to other cases and research from the fields of social movements studies and scholarship on the far right. As borne out by the case studies as well as by most of the cases covered in the qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), far-right demonstration campaigns are not typically mobilised around short-term rationales but instead are intended to endure. Since modes of institutionalisation are less open to far-right, particularly extreme-right movements, regular demonstrations are a convenient tool to maintain mobilisation and movement cohesion. The chapter highlights key findings of the study, including that counter-mobilisation by anti-far-right social actors is typically an indispensable factor in bringing about the demobilisation of far-right collective action.

This chapter introduces the book’s examination of the dynamics of far-right demonstration campaigns and their demobilisation. The chapter summarises the importance of these campaigns within the broader context of far-right movements and why they are illuminating cases for the study of demobilisation. It previews the book’s conceptual framework for understanding demobilisation, providing a theoretical basis for subsequent analysis. The chapter provides an overview of the empirical context for the study, drawing cases from Germany, Austria, and England between 1990 and 2020. Then, the chapter introduces the mixed-methods research design that is employed, combining both qualitative comparative analysis and process tracing to investigate these cases. The chapter concludes with the plan for the book, summarising the different chapters.

Total war meant unprecedented intrusion of states into the patterns and practices of economic and social life, with massive consequences for the structure of industry, organization of the labor process, and regulation of labor markets. New triangulations among government, employers, and unions settled into institutionalized arrangements of corporatism. Persuasive public discourses of “war socialism” and the “socialized state at war” captured those logics. Together, mass conscription of men and economic mobilization of women regendered the character and perceptions of work, employment, family, and citizenship. By 1917–1918, the intensified hardships of warmaking, both militarily and on the home front, brought impending societal collapse. Collective action – in strikes and shopfloor militancy; mutinies and desertion; food shortages and urban protests – threw political order into crisis.

This chapter highlights key findings from the five pillars of the framework and environmental peacebuilding, focusing on future pathways and implications for the environment in conflict, and simultaneously promoting human and environmental flourishing.

Chapter 9 proposes a fundamental paradigm shift in American capitalism from a “Me-Me-Me” to a “Me-We-Me” mindset, drawing on insights from Nordic societies. Through personal cases of healthcare access and workplace safety, it demonstrates how American capitalism’s hyper-individualistic paradigm creates systemic harm, while Nordic capitalism’s balanced approach enables both individual freedom and collective well-being. Using Multilevel Selection theory, the chapter shows how societies that effectively balance competition with cooperation outperform those focused solely on individual self-interest. It argues that Nordic capitalism’s success stems not from rejecting individualism but from recognizing how collective action enhances individual freedom. The chapter concludes that addressing global sustainability challenges requires shifting from destructive hyper-individualism to a paradigm that enables effective cooperation while preserving individual initiative.

Chapter 6 tests and illustrates the argument that protest broker availability helps to shape where protests occur by affecting the ability of elites to mobilize collective action. Drawing on a unique combination of original protest data from South Africa, over two years of fieldwork, and a new survey with local elites, the chapter demonstrates that both elites and citizens recognize the pivotal role of protest brokers in enabling protest. The evidence shows that broker presence is a critical factor in explaining geographic variation in protest activity. Through three detailed case studies, the chapter further unpacks the mechanisms behind this relationship. First, it examines repeated failures to mobilize protest in a broker-absent community. Second, it shows how the loss of a broker reduces protest activity in a previously mobilized area. And finally, it analyzes regional protest efforts, revealing that communities with brokers are more likely to participate. These findings confirm that broker availability not only affects local mobilization capacity but also helps to explain larger patterns of protest distribution. The chapter underscores the broader importance of brokerage in collective action, particularly under conditions of elite-led mobilization.

Building on the previous chapter’s focus on protest occurrence, Chapter 7 explores how protest brokers influence the types of protest that emerge. Drawing on extensive qualitative and quantitative data, the chapter shows that brokers shape not just whether protest happens, but also how it unfolds. It offers four key findings. First, it demonstrates that mobilization tactics vary by broker type: brokers embedded in their communities are less likely to rely on financial incentives to mobilize protest than those with weaker local ties. Second, it shows that communities with nonembedded or nonexclusive brokers are more likely to protest over a broader range of issues. Third, because nonembedded brokers depend more on material incentives, this chapter shows that their protests tend to be shorter in duration. Finally, the data shows that protests are less likely to turn violent when organized by brokers who are either embedded in the community or exclusive in their elite affiliations. Together, these findings highlight the significant impact of broker characteristics on protest dynamics, and help explain variation in protest forms, duration, and intensity across communities.

Chapter 2 lays the foundation for the book’s theoretical framework by introducing the collective action problem and examining how protest mobilization unfolds in practice. Drawing on global literature and empirical examples, it demonstrates that elite-driven protest is a widespread and influential form of collective action. It shows, however, that successful elite mobilization requires deep local knowledge, strong community networks, and trust – resources that many elites lack. To overcome this gap, the chapter introduces the concept of the protest broker: an intermediary who facilitates connections between elites and potential protesters. It explores who protest brokers are, what they do, and why their role is central to protest mobilization. It argues further, that existing theories of elite mobilization implicitly assume the presence of such intermediaries, yet rarely acknowledge them explicitly. By making protest brokers visible, this chapter reframes key assumptions in the protest literature and connects them to broader research on political and vote brokers. It also situates protest brokers among other grassroots actors – such as shop floor stewards and activists – clarifying their unique but overlapping functions in enabling protest and shaping its location and form.

Chapter 5 transitions from theory to practice, offering in-depth empirical evidence of protest brokers in action within South Africa. Drawing on over 26 months of ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, and surveys, this chapter shows that protest brokers are not only real but central to the organization of protest at the local level. It introduces the 37 brokers at the heart of this study, detailing who they are, why they act as intermediaries, and how they use their local knowledge, trust, and networks to mobilize communities on behalf of socially distant elites. The chapter also illustrates significant variation among brokers – reflecting the typology developed in Chapter 3 – and shows how these differences influence the brokers’ roles, scope of influence, and strategies. It also explores the dual relationships brokers maintain: with elites and with the specific communities they mobilize. Brokers emerge as highly skilled actors who manage reputations carefully, possess intimate knowledge of their communities, and selectively mobilize based on tightly defined social boundaries. By grounding the theoretical framework in rich qualitative and quantitative data, this chapter establishes protest brokers as indispensable actors in collective action processes.

Chapter 9 concludes the book by revisiting its core motivations, summarizing key findings, and outlining the broader theoretical and empirical contributions. It reflects on the central argument – that protest brokers are critical intermediaries in the mobilization of collective action – and highlights the book’s contribution to our understanding of why, where, and how protests occur. The chapter reiterates the importance of protest brokers in shaping both the occurrence and nature of protest, and underscores how overlooking these actors has led to significant gaps in theories of protest and elite mobilization. The discussion then expands to consider the implications of these findings for broader debates in the academic literature, including around the roles of civil society, grassroots organizing, and political intermediation. It positions protest brokers as a vital piece of the puzzle in understanding collective action, both in South Africa and globally. The chapter concludes by proposing avenues for future research, calling for further exploration of protest brokerage across different political contexts and time periods, and encouraging scholars to pay greater attention to the actors who bridge these gaps between elites and communities.

Chapter 3 deepens the theoretical framework by examining variation among protest brokers and exploring how different types of brokers shape protest dynamics. It identifies two central relationships that define broker behavior: the broker’s connection to elites and their ties to the communities they mobilize. Building on these two dimensions, the chapter introduces four key types of protest broker – Issue, Elite, Group, and Independent – and demonstrates how each type influences patterns of protest. Specifically, the chapter explores how broker type affects the variety of issues protested, the likelihood of protests becoming violent, the duration of protests, and the mobilization tactics most likely to succeed. It also investigates the contextual and structural factors that give rise to different broker types within communities. By unpacking the causes and consequences of broker-level variation, this chapter shows that protest brokers are not a monolithic group, and that their differing motivations and positionalities significantly shape protest outcomes. This framework helps explain diverse protest patterns across geographic and political contexts, offering a more nuanced understanding of how collective action is organized and sustained.