To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Given the rapid rise of AI and its capacity to help firms customize consumer prices, price personalization has become a hot topic at the intersection of business ethics and technology studies. This article challenges the argument that price personalization would increase social welfare, addressing the claim that firms should charge more to people with greater willingness-to-pay (WTP), and less to people with lower WTP, because this will boost social welfare. I develop two reasons for doubt. First, preferences that influence WTP often do not conduce to consumers’ well-being. So, adjusting prices to preference-based WTP will not necessarily enhance social welfare. Second, firms’ long-term strategic agendas will often disfavor increased price personalization. If “ought implies can,” firms can morally be expected to do only what they reasonably can in competitive conditions.
A recent federal policy will close a regulatory loophole created by the 2018 Farm Bill and restrict the sale of intoxicating hemp-derived tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) beverages in the United States. Given the sector’s popularity among U.S. adults, it is useful to quantify the anticipated reductions in consumer welfare from the impending policy change. This study uses utility estimates from previously published experimental research on consumers’ alcohol and cannabis preferences to calculate the change in compensating variation resulting from removing hemp-derived THC beverages from the marketplace. The results suggest that banning hemp-derived THC beverages is associated with a consumer welfare reduction of \$3.32 per individual, per choice occasion. Though this may appear modest, scaling this result nationally yields an annualized, scenario-based consumer welfare reduction ranging from \$112 to \$146 million. These results provide timely insights into an evolving regulatory environment that can inform policymakers and industry groups on the potential implications of the market change.
This paper investigates the effects on consumer welfare of changing food-at-home (FAH) and food-away-from-home (FAFH) prices in a period that witnessed two major economic shocks: the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent abnormal inflation. Even though FAFH prices increased more than FAH during this period, we find that FAH price increases have led to more significant and volatile welfare losses compared to changes in FAFH prices. The article makes two contributions to the literature. First, using a complete demand system that is comprised of nine expenditure categories, including FAH, FAFH, and seven other broad non-food aggregates, we estimate the household welfare losses in consumer surplus from changing prices of FAH and FAFH incorporating the own- and cross-price effects. Our findings reveal that own-price effects dominate welfare losses with negligible cross effects, resulting in 11.2% and 7% losses in consumer welfare from FAH and FAFH price increases, respectively, as a percentage of total food spending after the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, the dominance of the own price effects suggests that the easier-to-estimate conditional demand systems (foods only) may be sufficient for conducting welfare analysis of changes in food prices.
Chapter 5 discusses a number of potential objections to the transactions cost approach to competition law. For example, it might be claimed that the concern about hold-up is captured under the concept of ‘dynamic efficiency’ or that this framework can be incorporated into the concept of consumer welfare. This chapter also deals with concerns that the transactions cost approach may focus on the protection of competitors or that the implications of this approach are already recognised in the literature. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the implications for the sunk investments of the dominant firm as opposed to its trading partners and a discussion of whether the proposed approach would require a large change in competition law enforcement practice.
Chapter 3 looks at the different objectives that have been proposed as the basic rationale for competition law. The chapter starts with a discussion of the consumer welfare and total welfare standard and their pros and cons. This is followed by a discussion of the ‘protection of the competitive process’ standard and a range of other, less familiar, objectives. All of these claimed goals have their drawbacks, which are carefully assessed.
This Article examines dynamic pricing on Artificial Intelligence (AI)-driven platforms through a theoretical framework. It explores how AI enables platforms to engage in first-degree price discrimination, allowing them to perpetually impose “consumer-surplus-exhausting prices” based on personalized data—a significant shift from pre-AI price differentiation toward a more systemic and actual discrimination. This raises concerns about consumer welfare, as AI-driven dynamic pricing may eventually lead to worse outcomes than traditional monopolies, with full consumer surplus extraction despite competitive transaction volumes. In addition, this Article introduces the concept of multiple platforms in the same relevant market functioning as an “AI-driven de facto single entity.” It also explores consumers’ “profiling lock-in” and the erosion of the “invisible hand” by AI-driven dynamic pricing. Furthermore, the Article examines how a state-owned platform’s “quasi-taxation effect” could be exacerbated by AI-driven first-degree price discrimination. It argues that even in purely private markets, AI-driven pricing may generate a similar quasi-taxation effect. In some cases, however, a “quasi-subsidy effect” may also occur for consumers with lower reservation prices. The Article also briefly discusses regulatory responses, including the importance of obtaining enhanced consumer consent for the use of personal information in AI-driven pricing strategies.
This article distinguishes isolationist and integrationist accounts of the legal-economic nexus. Isolationists deny the possibility of integrating different theoretical perspectives, while integrationists try to unify different accounts. Leading legal theorists have recently presented isolationist efficiency-, liberty-, and democracy-centred accounts of the market. It is argued that the legal–economic nexus is an integrationist concept, requiring an integrationist understanding of the constitutive role of law in the economy – a common view within the Law and Political Economy movement. Two integrationist strategies are presented: structural integrations and epistemic translations. Using them, an integrated consumer-centric account of the market is offered: consumers are not mere instruments; they are the lead actor, with all the entitlements in terms of powers, rights, and responsibilities that this position of authority entails.
While there is growing evidence that employers hold substantial market power and that workers suffer from worsened working conditions as a result, interventions against employer conduct through EU competition law remain limited. A possible reason for this reserved approach is the predominance of consumer welfare as the objective of the law. To be sure, harm inflicted on workers by employers may under certain circumstances translate also into harm to downstream consumers. But in other cases the effect on consumers may be neutral or even positive. Against this background, this Article offers two lines of argument for EU competition law to recognize harm suffered by workers from restricted competition between employers as a form of harm relevant in itself. First, the Article argues that harm to any market counterparty, including workers, is a sufficient condition for intervention. Second, in the alternative, the Article argues that at least harm to individuals at the edges of supply chains, that is final consumers as well as workers, warrants action. In any case, EU competition law should not be more Catholic than the Pope: The pursuit of consumer welfare, as an objective borrowed from U.S. antitrust, should not lead to less intervention against employer conduct than we see in the United States.
What’s the price of your product? In the past, one would probably assume that by your we mean the product you are selling. With the advent of massive information regarding prospective consumers, we are approaching an era in which your is more likely to stand for the product you are buying.
Firms want to maximize profits, and if they are constrained to charge a single price for every potential consumer, they might leave money on the table. However, if a customer reveals her willingness to pay (the key concept in this chapter), sellers may charge different prices to different people for the same goods or services.
Of the many concerns triggered by the rapid growth of digital commerce and the expansion of the data-based economy, price personalization occupies a prominent yet peculiar position. For many firms, the availability of big data and refined algorithmic tools has opened unprecedented avenues to learn about consumers’ financial and personal standing, market preferences, and transactional behaviour patterns. Building on these insights, firms have (at least to some degree) obtained an ability to make behavioural predictions about the future conduct of their clients, including their interest in a particular assortment of products, responsiveness to certain forms of advertising, and – not least importantly – their willingness to pay a certain price.
Pests and diseases like citrus greening that threaten agricultural productivity also pose a risk to consumers. Reductions in food supply due to outbreaks and spread could increase food prices. We model U.S. household fruit demand using a Quadratic Almost Ideal Demand System and data from Circana’s 2020 and 2021 household panel. Price and income elasticity estimates reveal how household behavior might adjust with shocks to citrus and other fruit prices. Shocks to retail fruit prices can be from either citrus greening or other phenomena such as adverse weather. We also use compensating variation to estimate the impact that changes in fruit prices could have on consumer welfare.
Consumers are at the forefront of market uses of AI. There are also myriad consumer uses of AI products. Consumer protection law justifies greater responses where the interactions involve significant risks and relevant consumer vulnerability; both such elements are present in the current and predicted AI uses concerning consumers. Whilst consumer protection law is likely to be able to be sufficiently flexible to adapt to AI, there is a need to recalibrate consumer protection law to AI.
The aims of EU competition law are contested. The mainstream view that competition law prohibits conduct that harms consumer welfare leads to discussion about the proper economic approach to apply. EU competition law has often been applied in ways that address other public policy considerations, presently focusing on promoting digital markets and a green agenda. The procedures to apply competition law must safeguard the fundamental rights of undertakings and the Court of Justice has helped shape the degree of protection as well as the right to a robust judicial review of Commission decisions. Since 2004, national competition authorities have been tasked with applying EU competition law. Cooperation among national authorities and the Commission is facilitated by the European Competition Network and the ECN+ Directive has conferred on each national competition authorities the same enforcement powers that the Commission enjoys. Each national authority focuses on cases that affect its jurisdiction, the Commission retaining responsibility for cross-border infringements. Private enforcement has been facilitated by the EU legislature and a system of collective redress by which consumers secure compensation is emerging slowly in some jurisdictions.
If a firm is a nexus of contracts, then it is just the sum of its counterparties. It follows that when a firm monopolizes a particular market and exploits its power to impose unfavourable terms on a counterparty, the firm necessarily exploits one counterparty for the benefit of another, because the additional profits the firm generates from the unfavourable terms must be paid out eventually to some other counterparty of the firm. One alternative to attacking monopoly power through breakup of large firms or limits on anticompetitive conduct in the marketplace is therefore to prevent any one counterparty of the firm from so dominating firm governance as to be able to induce the firm to oppress other counterparties for its benefit. Creating a balance of power in firm governance, by giving each class of counterparties (i.e., workers, suppliers, investors, and consumers) an equal say over the choice of board members, would eliminate the internal forces that induce firms to exercise monopoly power. But it would not prevent firms from engaging in productive, pie-expanding, behaviour, because such behaviour tends to expand the business that the firm does with all of its counterparties—or at least enables the firm to use a share of the gains to compensate those counterparties that lose out—and therefore benefits them all.
We examine financial challenges of purchasing items that are readily-available yet symbolic of loving relationships. Using weddings and funerals as case studies, we find that people indirectly pay to avoid taboo monetary trade-offs. When purchasing items symbolic of love, respondents chose higher price, higher quality items over equally appealing lower price, lower quality items (Study 1), searched less for lower priced items (Study 2) and were less willing to negotiate prices (Study 3). The effect was present for experienced consumers (Study 1), affectively positive and negative events (Study 2), and more routine purchase events (Study 3). Trade-off avoidance, however, was limited to monetary trade-offs associated with loved ones. When either money or love was omitted from the decision context, people were more likely to engage in trade-off reasoning. By abandoning cost-benefit reasoning in order to avoid painful monetary trade-offs, people spend more money than if they engaged in trade-off based behaviors, such as seeking lower cost options or requesting lower prices.
This chapter summarises the argument of the book. It has examined the EU’s competition regime and its application in times of crises. In each of these cases, the relaxation of the rules has been shown not to have assisted in solving the crises, and has exacerbated the effects of some crises. Further, as has been shown, the rules themselves do not provide an insurmountable barrier to the solution of ongoing crises (e.g. those associated with environmental and sustainability concerns). Rather, the problem is the need for competition authorities to provide additional guidance and to work with stakeholders in designing and implementing solutions. The work shows that its main lesson – that the introduction of further monopolisation into markets does not solve crises – has been established.
This chapter introduces the argument of the book. It sets out the problem, namely that in almost every crisis there are calls to relax the competition laws so that business can aid in the resolution of the crisis. This chapter challenges this claim. It does so by arguing that the aim of the competition regime is to increase social wealth, so that it can later be used or redistributed. The Introduction outlines the structure of the work, indicating what will be found in subsequent chapters.
This contribution reviews the main normative and positive arguments that can used in the assessment of the costs and benefits of food marketing restrictions, focusing specifically on theoretical and empirical developments in the economics of advertising, consumer behaviour and industrial organization since the 70s.
Chapter 3 studies VSS under EU competition rules. While in the debate on competition law and sustainability it is often argued in favour of a larger space for private sustainability initiatives, the chapter studies the possibility of using competition rules to tackle the implications of VSS especially on prices and market access. The chapter focuses on the Commission Guidance on Horizontal Agreements, under which standard-setting in line with procedural requirements is seen as pro-competitive. By employing empirical research on the market impact of VSS and economic literature, the chapter argues that VSS can result in restrictions to competition and it questions whether a hands-off competition treatment of VSS is warranted. This finding is assessed against the current approach for balancing pro- and anti-competitive effects of agreements as applied by the Commission. The chapter then suggests a possible approach under Art. 101 TFEU for a thorough scrutiny of economic and non-economic effects of VSS. Chapter 3 also studies VSS under rules for dominant undertakings and considers whether recognition of VSS at the national level would exclude the application of competition rules.
This chapter considers the role antitrust law can play in safeguarding repair markets and, along with them, the interests of competitors and consumers. While IP law may grants device makers power over their products, antitrust and competition law are designed to impose limits on exclusionary behavior. As a result, they serve as potential bulwarks against tactics that would impede repair. Despite significant doctrinal and policy hurdles to enforcement, antitrust law can help discipline firms that attempt to capture markets for the repair of vehicles, electronics, and appliances that account for hundreds of billions of dollars in annual revenue.