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This introduction situates the rebellions in British Guiana within the larger context of unrest in the Caribbean during the 1930s. I also discuss the concepts of solidarity, overlapping diasporas, and modern politics to explore how this story fits into the broader historiography, and why the stakes of this project have implications both within and beyond the region.
This chapter discusses the roles of defence lawyer and prosecutor and the ethical challenges that arise in each role. In relation to defence lawyering those challenges include: advising a client about a guilty plea; acting for the ‘guilty client’; the problems of over- and under-zealous representation; questionable tactics in running a defence; the (mis)use of social media and the need for defence lawyers to maintain their independence from the client. In relation to prosecutors, ethical responsibility underpins the very decision to prosecute and the duty to disclose certain material to the defence. This chapter also discusses wrongful convictions and the imperfections they highlight in our criminal justice system. We conclude by noting the importance of individual ethics in an imperfect system.
The political independence of the Latin American nations did not usher in modern capitalism since economic stagnation and the repressed nature of financial markets were evident from the 1820s and 1830s in most countries. This chapter focuses on the role of credit and finance during the first half of the nineteenth century in the new states. Liberal constitutions and laws were put in place but did not produce the desired economic results since fiscal reforms did not prove successful. Attention is directed to the experience of the earliest banking entities. We begin with Brazil, where a first bank in Latin America began to operate in 1808, followed by a brief summary of history of the first commercial bank in Argentina and of an early investment bank in Mexico. Nonetheless, the collapse of imperial rule, the wars of independence and extensive civil conflicts created persistent fiscal and monetary difficulties. So much uncertainty affected decision-making by both economic and political actors, reducing the availability of credit, making it more expensive and risky. Political stability and institutional transparency were required to spur early capitalism but economic and political instability created many obstacles in postcolonial Latin America during the first half of the century.
This chapter explains what a PhD is and is not. A PhD is an apprenticeship in creating new knowledge: learning to frame meaningful questions, pursue them systematically, and defend conclusions under expert scrutiny. It outlines the typical structure of doctoral study and how it varies across regions, then describes common forms of contribution in AI, from methods and theory to evaluation and problem framing. The chapter also addresses the human side of the process and why persistence and judgment matter more than perfection.
Nicolas Cornell’s Wrongs and Rights Come Apart argues that accountability practices are rooted in wrongs, that obligations are rooted in rights, and that these are two distinct relations. Cornell’s argument convincingly pushes back against a widely held family of views in moral and legal philosophy according to which there is a necessary conceptual relation between, on the one hand, rights and obligations, and, on the other, wrongs and accountability practices. This is the Obligation-Accountability Nexus (OAN). But Cornell frames his arguments against the OAN as arguments against all ‘rights-based’ or ‘juridical’ views. This Critical Notice argues that this is a mistake. There is a coherent rights-based view that rejects the OAN but nevertheless posits a restricted juridical domain in which rights and wrongs are contingently correlated. This overlooked juridical view gives an independently attractive argument against the OAN and yields more compelling accounts of moral deliberation and moral community.
Turning to a renewed understanding of apocalyptic shaped by a biblical perspective, this chapter reads history confessionally to see in Jesus Christ a radical opening of history by God’s faithful action, the power of which is gathering a new people under Christ’s lordship freed from the dominion of the Powers and Principalities. From his particular life, message, and ministry, a new humanity of interdependence, solidarity, nonviolence, and mutual provision offers the prospect of an alternative path for history out of capitalism and into social renewal.
Hypothesized mechanisms can be converted into hypothesized statistical models (probability distributions) by first translating the mechanism into a causal graph (a directed acyclic graph (DAG) in this chapter) and then translating the causal graph into the probability distribution that is generated from this graph. The operation of ‘d-separation’ in the causal graph is key. Given d-separation, we can use the same inferential logic as used in the controlled experiment to test hypothesized mechanisms using only observational data.
This chapter begins by introducing misconduct – as the enforcement of standards of conduct at international organizations – comprising a series of actions intended to dependably investigate, attribute responsibility and consequently sanction integrity breaches by international officials. Second, the legal principles of misconduct are identified, namely: (1) The facts of misconduct must be established; (2) The established facts must legally constitute misconduct; and (3) Disciplinary sanction must possess a legal basis. Third, three attendant legal duties of misconduct are considered, as follows: (1) Proof of misconduct must be compelling; (2) Alleged misconduct must afford an opportunity to respond; and (3) Misconduct may only be sanctioned proportionately. Fourth, the chapter considers obligations towards staff who allege that they have been subjected to interpersonal misconduct – notably sexual harassment and bullying – and their capability to challenge and obtain information concerning related administrative decisions. Fifth, and in conclusion, this employment law of misconduct at international organizations is restated. The standards of conduct implementing the treaty-attributed integrity and independence of the international civil service are the subject of Chapter 9, ‘Standards of Conduct’.
This chapter begins by introducing international organizations, historically constituted and governed in accordance with international law. Second, the conventional legal characteristics of international organizations are identified, namely: (1) Treaty-basis; (2) State membership; (3) Independence. Third, an examination is made of the way in which the powers of international organizations are sufficient to achieve – but not exceed – their purposes. Fourth, the privileges and immunities that states typically extend to international organizations within their jurisdictions are considered. Fifth, and in conclusion, this legal basis of international organizations is restated.
The conclusion to the book considers the significant contribution of Kenya’s worldmakers to the anti-colonial cause and the place Tom Mboya rightly holds within the pantheon of Kenya’s great nationalist leaders. He is held dearly in the memory of Kenyans as the personification of the potential for a successful Kenyan multi-ethnic, cosmopolitan democracy. His legacy has been invoked regularly at moments of political crisis in the decades following his death. But the conclusion argues Mboya’s legacy was more complicated and interesting than this posthumous memorialisation allows. He shows instead how the practices of worldmaking ran alongside those of gatekeeping. Mboya and others like him had little choice but to adopt this dual strategy of global engagement because of the context of the Cold War. Drawing on Mary Dudziak’s work on the civil rights movement in the United States, the conclusion considers in detail the influence of the Cold War on the politics of decolonising Kenya. Although the Cold War helped enable decolonisation, it also acted to limit the possible trajectories states such as Kenya could adopt once independent.
For an $\omega $-categorical theory T and model $\mathcal {M}$ of T we define a hierarchy of ranks, the n-ranks for $n < \omega $ which only care about imaginary elements “up to level n,” where level n contains every element of M and every imaginary element that is an equivalence class of an $\emptyset $-definable equivalence relation on n-tuples of elements from M. Using the n-rank we define the notion of n-independence. For all $n < \omega $, the n-independence relation restricted to $M_n$ has all properties of an independence relation according to Kim and Pillay [17] with the possible exception of the symmetry property. We prove that, given any $n < \omega $, if $\mathcal {M} \models T$ and the algebraic closure in $\mathcal {M}^{\text {eq}}$ restricted to imaginary elements “up to level n” which have n-rank 1 (over some set of parameters) satisfies the exchange property, then n-independence is symmetric and hence an independence relation when restricted to $M_n$. Then we show that if n-independence is symmetric for all $n < \omega $, then T is rosy. An application of this is that if T has geometric elimination of imaginaries and the algebraic closure in $\mathcal {M}$ restricted to elements of M of 0-rank 1 (over some set of parameters from $M^{\text {eq}}$) satisfies the exchange property, then T is superrosy with finite $U^{{{\unicode{x00FE}} }}$-rank.
This special issue seeks to probe the nature of the ostensible transition from ‘anticolonial’ to ‘postcolonial’ and its implications, focusing on historical actors who sought to remobilize across multiple political and spatial scales: that is, actors who thought and acted locally and globally. It asks: What discontents did decolonization bring in its wake, and what opportunities persisted for political activism across borders as the world shifted from one of empires to one of (nation-)states? It traces transformations – of imaginaries and networks, of ideas and modes of mobilization – that occurred alongside or because of the formal transfer of power and explores how this transition reshapes the interplay between different scales of decolonization. In other words, how did actors attempt to operate in, and stitch together, international, regional, national, and local spaces in the postcolonial era, and what new limits that they find themselves up against?
The story of Brexit in Scotland was about whether – and, if so, how – Scotland’s vote to Remain in the EU was to be acknowledged. In Albert Hirschman’s terminology, was it to be through the exercise of voice – a role for Scotland’s representatives in influencing the form of EU withdrawal and its domestic implications or through exit, by triggering a second independence referendum? In the end it was neither. The UK-wide majority to Leave the EU prevailed, with no concessions to the Scottish government’s preferred form of Brexit and no second independence referendum. This result exposed radically conflicting visions of the nature of the UK’s territorial constitution – a Union State based on Scottish popular sovereignty, or a Unitary State based on the sovereignty of the UK Parliament. A Brexit premised on the restoration of Parliamentary sovereignty and the desire to ‘take back control’ laid bare the subaltern nature of the Union-State account and the fragility of Scotland’s constitutional protections within the Union. Devolution in Scotland has been left diminished and the pathway towards independence mired in uncertainty.
Chapter 3 considers another prominent economic activity, the particular form of begging known as ‘doing documents’. Examining the performances and invocations of this practice, the chapter considers how the documents produced by these beggars attempted to legitimate the act of begging through formalisation and bureaucracy. This reflected an ideal of a valuable form of dependency, but conflicted with a moral logic of the dignity of independence and honest work. As such, the sentiment of conviviality and official regularity conveyed by the document was frequently at odds with the practice of exchange itself: donors frequently viewed disabled people as suspect and aggressive. This chapter examines the debates that ‘doing documents’ provokes on who is ‘deserving’, what kind of work is ‘honest’, and whether or not begging is truly work. Desiring shallow relationships with many donors, the beggars aimed to build ‘contractual dependencies’ with them, deploying the symbolism of the bureaucratic (social) contract both to enforce and limit the relationship.
This chapter deals with the subjects of international law. The meaning of international legal personality is noted. The primary subject of the international system is the state and the conditions for the creation of statehood are examined (permanent population, defined territory, government and capacity to enter into relations with other states). Each of these conditions is examined. The role of self-determination in the context of the criteria of statehood is discussed, as is the function of recognition. The fundamental rights of states, such as independence and equality are noted. There then follow sections on particular kinds of states, such as protectorates and federal states, and then sui generis territorial entities, for example, mandated and trust territories in the past, territories under international administration, and entities of disputed status such as Taiwan, the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, Kosovo and Palestine. Special cases such as the Sovereign Order of Malta, the Holy See and the Vatican City, and international corporations are covered before the right of peoples to self-determination is examined.
Representation was believed to serve as a filter on the passions and excesses of direct democracy, but representatives could be influenced and even become the leaders of political factions. A central concern was to assure that representatives were insulated from such influence and focused on the public interest. As with the selection of executive and judicial officials, the questions that most occupied the Framers were the method of selection of representatives (appointment or popular election) and their term of service and eligibility for reelection.
In what measure could education be an agent of African freedom? Combining histories of race, economics, and education, Elisa Prosperetti examines this question in two West African contexts, Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire, from the 1890s to the 1980s. She argues that a Black Atlantic perspective changes how we see decolonization and development in West Africa, by revealing schooling's essential role in aspirations of African emancipation. Rejecting colonial exploitation of the African body, proponents of anticolonial development instead claimed the mind as the site of economic productivity for African people. An Anticolonial Development shows how, in the middle of the twentieth century, Africans proposed an original understanding of development that fused antiracism to economic theory, and human dignity to material productivity.
Florentino González (1805–1875) was one of the “founders” of classical liberalism in nineteenth-century Colombia. His early life was marked by the experience of independence since his family was forced to move from their home by the loyalists when he was still a child. He completed his studies in jurisprudence in Bogota in 1825. As Gran Colombia tore apart, González participated in the plot to assassinate Bolívar in 1828, and subsequently suffered prison and exile. He was back in Bogota shortly after Bolívar’s death and became actively involved in politics and journalism for the next two decades, when he held a succession of important posts, including elected member of Congress and State Secretary of Finance. In 1840, he published Elementos de ciencia administrativa, a two-volume treatise about public administration, a subject he then taught at the university in Bogota. He authored a significant number of essays, some of them in the newspapers he edited. Appointed to a diplomatic mission that took him to Lima and Santiago de Chile, he resigned it in 1861 and remained in exile until the end of his life, first in Chile and later in Argentina.
Throughout the nineteenth century, Spanish American writers and thinkers grappled with their unique circumstances of independence after three centuries of Spanish colonial rule. The emergence of a significant number of new polities that adopted representative institutions in an era when absolutism prevailed in Western Europe, their general adoption of republicanism, and their complex demographic composition, all posed serious challenges for the formation of national states in Spanish America. This volume explores how politically engaged Spanish American thinkers reflected on these issues, either in government or in opposition. Through a wide selection of texts, some previously unpublished in the English language, the volume demonstrates the multiplicity of voices across countries, perspectives and social background. The texts included are organised around main themes reflecting central concerns including history; democracy, constitutionalism and liberty; church and state; society; Spanish America and the World; and 'Fin de siècle'. This volume thus vividly demonstrates the significance of Latin America to the field of Global Intellectual History.