In Mandarin Chinese, the same acoustic feature, pitch, conveys both semantic valence and emotional prosody. The effects of semantic valence on bilingual emotional prosody perception are mixed, with some studies reporting semantic facilitation and others showing interference. To clarify this, we extend the conceptual account of semantic valence to second language acquisition by examining its two components: learners’ semantic knowledge and the inherent semantic valence of stimuli. We investigated the independent and interactive effects of these components of semantic valence on emotional prosody perception for L1-English L2-Chinese learners in Chinese words and sentences. We found that semantic valence facilitated L2 learners’ perception when congruent with emotional prosody, but interfered when incongruent. Notably, these semantics-prosody (in)congruence effects were significantly predicted by learners’ semantic knowledge. Our results suggest an interaction between linguistic knowledge and paralinguistic perception in bilingual emotion processing.

Mandarin relative clauses (RCs) are head-final constructions that form gap-filler dependencies, whose resolution may differ from filler-gap dependencies. We conducted two eye-tracking experiments investigating native speakers’ reading patterns of Mandarin adjunct relative clauses (ARCs) and possessive relative clauses (PRCs). Experiment 1 compared ARCs with PRCs, revealing that readers found PRCs easier to process, indicating that the explicitly identifiable position of the presumed gap in PRCs facilitates processing. Experiment 2 focused on subtypes of PRCs with alienable versus inalienable possessive relations. The results suggest that inalienability helps resolve gap-filler dependency. Notably, these effects appeared only in late eye-tracking measures, implying that when processing PRCs with a possessum–possessor word order, readers do not predict the possessor for the possessum but wait until they encounter the head noun. Integrating the findings from Experiments 1 and 2, we conclude that in both gapped and gapless RCs, the challenges of semantic resolution significantly affect sentence comprehension.

In Mandarin, the head noun in [modifier clause-de-N] encodes not only the arguments or adjuncts of the clausal verbs (e.g. “John/biscuits/plate” in the event of “John eating biscuits”) but also non-argument, non-adjunct participants extended from the clausal event (e.g. “crumbs” resulting from the event of “John eating biscuits”). This article adopts a typological, multi-factorial analytic framework of noun-modifying clause constructions (NMCCs) and proposes a developmental hierarchy of three types of NMCCs: argument > adjunct > extended. We tested the hierarchy in two studies: an analysis of 728 tokens of NMCC produced by 369 children (1;2–6;9) in naturalistic corpora and a contextualised sentence repetition task conducted with 121 children (3;0–4;11) in China. Our findings show that NMCC emerges surprisingly early around 2;0 in Mandarin children. Argument NMCCs show developmental primacy in frequency and accuracy. Adjunct and extended NMCCs are acquired at a later stage, consistent with the proposed hierarchy.

Comprehension of wh-questions often poses challenges for children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) in wh-movement languages like English. However, it remains unclear whether wh-in situ languages like Mandarin present similar difficulties. Moreover, the present study explores potential differences in comprehension between Mandarin subject and object wh-questions. We hypothesize a subject wh-question advantage, given that Mandarin object wh-questions exhibit a longer dependency than subject wh-questions. If confirmed, it would support that Mandarin wh-questions involve covert movement. Using eye-movement measures of the intermodal preferential looking (IPL) paradigm, this study investigates the comprehension of matrix subject and object wh-questions in Mandarin-speaking children with ASD (N = 35, mean age = 60.94 months) compared to their typically developing (TD) peers (N = 38, mean age = 29.66 months), matched on expressive vocabulary levels. The results showed that children in the TD group comprehended both subject and object wh-questions. However, in the ASD group, children comprehended only subject wh-questions. Overall, Mandarin-speaking children with ASD exhibited weaker comprehension of wh-questions than their TD counterparts, with particular difficulty processing object wh-questions. The subject-over-object advantage in wh-questions among Mandarin-speaking children with ASD suggests that they were sensitive to the longer dependency involved in object wh-questions. These findings support the involvement of covert movement in Mandarin wh-questions.

The current study presents an HPSG analysis for deliminative verbal reduplication in Mandarin Chinese. We provide a detailed description of the phenomenon. After discussing reduplication’s interaction with verb classes and aspect markers, we argue that it is better analyzed as a morphological rather than a syntactic process. We put forward a lexical rule for verbal reduplication in Mandarin Chinese, and the different forms of reduplication are captured in an inheritance hierarchy. The interaction between verbal reduplication and aspect marking is handled by multiple inheritance. This analysis covers all forms of deliminative verbal reduplication in Mandarin Chinese and has none of the shortcomings of previous analyses.

This article investigates how dependencies are constructed in prenominal relative clauses of Mandarin Chinese by comparing the comprehension of two types of relative clauses: Possessive Relative Clauses (PRCs), where the head noun is associated with a dependent noun phrase in the embedded clause, and Adjunct Relative Clauses (ARCs), where the head noun takes the whole embedded clause as its complement. The results of a naturalness-rating experiment and two self-paced reading experiments showed distinctive reading patterns of PRCs and ARCs. The comprehension of a PRC is sensitive to the grammatical position of the dependent noun in the prenominal clause: retrieval of a dependent noun at the subject position is less costly than that of a dependent noun at VP-internal nonsubject positions. The comprehension of an ARC reflects the structural frequency of the whole prenominal clause: more-canonical structures like SVO sentences were read faster than less frequent structures such as disposal and passive sentences. These results support the importance of structural locality and subject prominence for constructing gap-filler dependencies in prenominal relative clauses.

Continuous immersion in a second language causes speakers’ first language to change, a phenomenon known as L1 attrition. We explored (1) whether bilingual native Mandarin speakers display attrition-related changes in their use of referring expressions in Mandarin after exposure to English and (2) whether the severity of attrition is affected by the amount of exposure to both Mandarin (L1) and English (L2) and English proficiency. All participants completed a questionnaire to assess their language experience and a picture description task in spoken Mandarin. The results show that where more monolingual Mandarin speakers preferred null pronouns, bilingual speakers tended to use overt pronouns, suggesting attrition-related changes in their native language which favoured explicitness. Our study also shows that decreased use of L1 coupled with increased use of L2 and higher L2 proficiency are likely to result in a greater degree of attrition, although such an association is statistically unreliable in some models.

The current study probes Mandarin-learning toddlers’ sensitivity to two grammatical noun phrase orders differing in typological markedness. With three visual fixation experiments, we find that by age 2;6, children distinguish the cross-linguistically common order – but not the typologically rare one – from an ungrammatical order; however, their sensitivity to the two grammatical orders does not differ significantly. Further, we conduct a corpus analysis and demonstrate that for early acquisition, both grammatical orders are neither sufficiently nor consistently supported in the linguistic input. The sensitivity patterns and input profile outlined in our study constitute the first step of testing, in a natural language setting, a bias for typologically common ordering discussed in the artificial language learning literature. Although the findings remain inconclusive, they underscore the potential for future investigations in this direction.

The understanding of wh-in-situ questions relies naturally on contextual and prosodic information for their early discrimination from declarative sentences. However, there is scarce evidence on the parsing processes involved during the online incremental processing of these questions. In this study, we investigate the incremental reading of wh-in-situ sentences with no prosodic or contextual information available to aid the parser by comparing them to their declarative counterparts. We investigated two wh-in-situ languages: Mandarin Chinese (in-situ only) and French (optionally in situ). This comparison allows us to determine whether wh-in-situ questions are processed similarly across languages and whether the parsing process is related to language-specific question formation strategies. Results of four word-by-word self-paced reading experiments on two types of wh-in-situ phrases (simplex or complex) in Mandarin Chinese and French show an interpretation strategy in which the most frequent structure, declarative, is considered in both languages, independently of the available question formation strategy. Nevertheless, the timing of the online interpretation and the observed effects are affected by the nature of the wh-phrases (simplex or complex) and the definiteness of the noun phrases contained in the declaratives, which confirms that several processes occur concurrently introducing a limit on the capability to extract conclusions on the processes based solely on behavioral measures.

Expanded vowel or tone space in IDS has traditionally been interpreted as evidence of enhanced acoustic contrasts. However, emerging evidence from various languages shows that the within-category acoustic variability of vowels and tones also increases in IDS, offsetting the benefit of space expansion and leading to non-enhanced, or reduced acoustic contrasts. This study re-analysed a corpus of Mandarin IDS and ADS, showing that, relative to ADS, vowels and tones in IDS display greater variability, resulting in non-enhanced contrasts. Thus, given increased variability, expanded vowel or tonal space in IDS may not necessarily equate to enhanced acoustic contrasts.

To communicate successfully, listeners must decode both the literal and intended meanings of a speaker’s message. This ability is especially crucial when processing indirect replies as intended meanings can differ significantly from what was said. How native and non-native speakers differ in this ability is an open question. The present study investigated differences in the time course of indirect reply processing in native and non-native Mandarin speakers. EEG signals were recorded while participants were presented with conversations that differed in their directness. For indirect replies, native speakers exhibited a larger left anterior N400 and posterior late positive component (LPC). Conversely, non-native speakers exhibited a larger left-distributed LPC and delayed LPC. Findings support that non-native speakers exhibit delayed processing of indirect replies, potentially because of cognitive resource limitations. Findings from the present study have implications for a broad range of investigations on human communication and second language processing.

The current study examines how bidialectalism influences non-native speech production. We compared monodialectal Mandarin Chinese with bidialectal Shanghai-Mandarin Chinese speakers in terms of their ability to produce easy and difficult American English vowels. The results showed a general advantage for the bidialectal group compared with the monodialectal group in the production of the vowel formants and duration of the easy English vowels [i] and [u]. However, for the English vowels [ɪ] and [ʊ] known to be difficult for Chinese learners of English, both groups experienced the same challenges in terms of accurately producing the formants of the target vowels. Nevertheless, the bidialectal Shanghai-Mandarin speakers were still better than the monodialectal Mandarin speakers in the durational aspect of the two difficult English vowels. The results are explained by the Second Language Linguistic Perception (L2LP) model and suggest that the bidialectal advantage in non-native speech acquisition is subject to the modulation of cross-linguistic difficulty of the target speech sounds.

This paper presents several new empirical observations regarding some interpretive effects and structural restrictions of modals that occur in sentence-initial positions in Chinese. It provides a new analysis of sentence-initial modal sentences in terms of the overt head-movement of a modal to the sentence periphery to value strong focus features and to focus-mark either the proposition or the subject of a sentence. This new proposal helps explain the markedness exhibited by such sentences, correctly predicts the structural and semantic restrictions of modal sentences, and directly explains the scopal interactions observed between modals and various types of focus constructions. It also shows that changes in word order in Chinese are not ascribable simply to an optional or free derivation in syntax but are related to an understudied mechanism in that language, i.e. T-to-C movement, and that the roles of information structure are represented as formal features in syntax. The results shed new light on how Chinese – though profoundly different from Germanic and Romance languages typologically – exemplifies a similarly fine structure in the sentence-internal domain, parallel associations of scope-bearing units with sentences’ left peripheries, and a neat interaction of syntax with discourse configurations.

Languages employ different means to manifest the unaccusative-unergative distinction. In Mandarin Chinese, unaccusative verbs are allowed in the inversion construction “V-le NP”, while unergative verbs are not. This grammaticality contrast brings a presence/absence contrast between the two verb classes in the inversion construction in the input. Using an eye fixation task, we investigated whether Mandarin-learning 19-month-olds were sensitive to this specific input frequency contrast. We found that infants distinguished the grammatical versus ungrammatical uses of the two verb classes in the inversion construction “V-le NP” (Experiment 1). When the verb classes were in the “NP V-le” order (Experiment 2) (i.e., the same level of grammaticality), infants showed no evidence of a looking difference. These responses indicate toddlers’ sensitivity to the distribution of the two verb classes in the inversion construction. This distributional information is likely to be one of the potential cues that facilitate their acquisition of the unaccusative-unergative distinction.

Previous research has shown language-specific features play a guiding role in how children develop expression of events with speech and gestures. This study adopts a multimodal approach and examines Mandarin Chinese, a language that features context use and verb serializations. Forty children (four-to-seven years old) and ten adults were asked to describe fourteen video stimuli depicting different types of causal events involving location/state changes. Participants’ speech was segmented into clauses and co-occurring gestures were analyzed in relation to causation. The results show that the older the children, the greater the use of contextual clauses which contribute meaning to event descriptions. It is not until the age of six that children used adult-like structures – namely, using single gestures representing causing actions and aligning them with verb serializations in single clauses. We discuss the implications of these findings for the guiding role of language specificity in multimodal language development.