Public participation in artificial intelligence (AI) development by public administrations is increasingly proposed as a potential silver bullet for mitigating the risks associated with the use of AI in the public sector. This paper examines whether public participation can serve as a viable solution from a doctrinal and practical perspective by analyzing the availability of legal avenues for natural and legal persons to participate in AI development procedures by the EU and member states’ public entities. While the idea is appealing, there are significant obstacles. Notably, EU law currently lacks specific legal frameworks to enable public involvement in the design and development of AI systems by public entities. Neither traditional European administrative law nor the new Artificial Intelligence Act provides effective legal avenues for involving the broader public in AI development in the public sector, posing challenges to implementing meaningful participation. Furthermore, drawing an analogy from environmental law, where public participation often ends up being formalistic and ineffective, suggests that similar outcomes might arise in the context of Public-Sector AI development. Therefore, despite the theoretical advantages of involving the public, this paper argues that, without robust legal structures and meaningful procedural designs, public participation in Public-Sector AI development may ultimately fall short of achieving its promises, proving to be a dead end.

The Constitution of Uganda does not expressly provide for citizens’ right to participate in law-making processes. However, it can be inferred from the National Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy and Article 38(1) of the Constitution. The drafting history of Article 38 shows that Ugandans are expected to participate in all affairs of government. In Male Mabirizi and Others v Attorney-General and Others, Supreme Court judges invoked foreign case law to interpret Article 38 as requiring meaningful public participation in the law-making process; however, in Hon. Fox Odoi and Others v Attorney-General and Others, it was held that those criteria were not applicable. I argue that the Constitutional Court erred in this, and that the process followed to pass the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (Amendment) Act (2025) did not meet the criteria of meaningful participation. It was also contrary to the practice adopted by Parliament in processing other bills.

The public local inquiry in the planning system is expected to facilitate public participation in environmental decision-making. Public participation in environmental decision-making has the aim of enhancing environmental democracy, making better decisions and improving environmental protection. This paper argues that, despite the long history of participation in the planning system, public local inquiries in their present state are limited in their capacity to facilitate public participation. It contends that the public participation responsibilities of the public local inquiry are hampered by its adversarial procedures. Planning scholars have argued that the formal, adversarial nature of the public local inquiry makes it difficult for people with little legal experience to participate, thus acting as an obstacle to public participation and good decision-making. Drawing on inquiry case law and scholarship, this paper investigates the multiple purposes of the inquiry and how tensions between these purposes have been interpreted by the courts. In exploring the reasons for these conflicts, the paper provides an opportunity to refine the system to facilitate public participation and to ensure that the public local inquiry is fair to its participants and serves the democratic purpose it is expected to meet.

CONTEXTperts (Context and Topic Experts) bring real-world experience in the context of the study topic and setting to enhance research team expertise, capacity, and creativity. They complement but do not replace authentic patient and community engagement, professional consultants, or formal advisory boards. Individual CONTEXTpert consultations or group meetings can help improve research questions, study designs, implementation plans, dissemination, and application of findings. They have added value to a variety of projects with varied research methods and study designs, including research with and without patient or community involvement. CONTEXTperts can bring vision, challenge, and reality checks to a variety of research teams with a practical, affordable model.

Poor air quality has been affecting the Chinese people for many years due to the country’s speedy industrialization and urbanization. However, very few initiatives had been taken by civil society until 2011. The air pollution campaign between October 2011 and March 2012 initiated on a Chinese microblogging website, mobilized millions of citizens and effected policy change. It is often seen as a milestone in the chronology of public participation in China. Using process tracing, participant observations, framing analysis and in-depth interviews, the article analyses this campaign by revealing its major actors and frames mobilizing issue entrepreneurs and environmental publics. Our analysis generates two findings: first, microblogging platforms can greatly expand the networks of Chinese environmental activists by involving public figures and governmental agencies; second, the frame which links air pollution to health and appreciates governmental efforts is critical to the success of civic participation in China’s environmental governance.

Alternative forms of political participation that place little emphasis on traditional representative forms of democracy are becoming more prevalent. Typifying the shift from government to governance, forest certification provides important opportunities for political participation with local, national, and global influence. Using Pippa Norris's three dimensions of political participation—agencies, repertoires, and targets—this article explores political participation within the practice of forest certification. The article highlights how traditional and alternative forms of political participation do not act as a dualism and instead occur simultaneously in practice due to historical, spatial, and practical influences.

This study examines the anti-incinerator protest in Guangzhou in China. It uses the advocacy coalition framework to analyze the dynamics between Guangzhou Municipal Government and the protesters. The research covers the establishment of a Public Consultative and Supervision Committee for Urban Waste Management in Guangzhou, a public consultative mechanism for waste management, which is a new development in the policy-making process in socialist China. The ultimate plan will be to demonstrate how policy adjustment is not determined solely by the outcome of protests but is also affected by both a decentralized political structure and the socio-cultural foundation. Consequently, the discussion also explores the gradual transformation of public participation in China’s environmental policy.

This article explores a continuum of environmental participation, from formalized participation in decision-making processes, protected by law, at one end, to protest on the streets, criminalized by law, at the other. Participation across this continuum is partially constituted, but also constrained, by law. We share and extend Brian Wynne’s evocative language of ‘uninvited’ participation to describe the contributions that fall outside institutionalized participation, so that our continuum is composed of ‘invited participation’, ‘uninvited participation’, and ‘forbidden participation’. Focusing especially on those states where liberal democracy is thought to be most secure, this article looks across the interconnections between different categories of environmental participation, highlighting the breadth and intensity of the shrinking of civic space in Europe, and the role of law in that.

The Citizen Initiative (CI) in the context of the legislative process is now a common mechanism in different parts of Europe and Latin America. However, it is rarely used as a participatory formula in constitution-making processes. This article documents the case of the CI (Iniciativas Populares de Norma) in Chile’s two failed constitution-making processes between 2021 and 2023, during which more than a million people actively participated in its formulation. The Chilean case matters for comparative constitutional studies due to its innovative use of technology to advance forms of digital democracy and the demonstrable impact of the CI standards on both constitutional proposals, which were ultimately rejected in the final national referendums. We argue that despite these rejections, the CI as a participatory mechanism is likely to endure over time and in future constitution-making processes. The article provides a detailed study of the Chilean experience and seeks to draw lessons for other countries’ attempts at participatory constitutional reform.

This article seeks to understand the evolving democratic legitimacy demands of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) by reflecting on the challenges of catering to a globally affected public and enhanced participation opportunities given to some highly affected groups. It argues that the principle of democratic equality at a global scale fails to take account of inequities in affectedness and power within the demos and, instead, an approach that strives towards a principle of proportionality based on degrees of affectedness could enhance the UNFCCC’s democratic legitimacy. This builds on existing scholarship identifying a turn to an affectedness paradigm in international institutions more generally and the emerging influence of affected peoples organisations, characterised by the more direct forms of representation they facilitate and emphasis placed on the affectedness of their constituents to claim recognition and influence. The normative appeal of giving enhanced participatory opportunities to those most affected by climate governance is weighed against its challenges and risks. It is concluded that, despite conceptual and practical difficulties connected to the subjective nature of affectedness, a pragmatic approach that treats such a proportionality principle as a democratic ideal to be strived towards could have a legitimising effect on the UNFCCC.

This article examines the interplay between traditional leaders, democratically elected leaders and succession in Makapanstad Village, North West Province, South Africa. The article stems from community-based participatory action research conducted in Makapanstad in 2018. The article uses research data, in the form of community dialogue, together with desktop literature on the same subject. The article analyses the significance and role of traditional leadership in a democratic South Africa. It considers traditional leadership and democratically elected leadership in conjunction with succession and the demarcation of roles and responsibilities. The article analyses participants’ views to explore the form of leadership preferred by the residents of Makapanstad. It argues that, despite the recognition of traditional leadership in South Africa's Constitution, the roles and responsibilities of traditional leaders in local and provincial arms of government are limited, in contrast to those of democratically elected leaders.