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Religion made the theatre modern. Since the late nineteenth century, theatre theorists have asserted that drama's origins lie in religious ritual. In this ambitious study, Rebecca Kastleman traces the surprising effects of that claim for the modern and contemporary stage. Across lucidly written chapters, she tracks the 'modern drama of religion,' a movement rooted in both the many modern plays that engage directly with religion and the dramatic debut of new religious practices in the modern theatre. Such works serve as crucibles for catalyzing skepticism, dissolving some religious attachments and strengthening others. Modern playwrights' fascination with religion expanded the frontiers of theatrical experimentation, such that in modernity, the purported origin of theatre in religious ritual came to signify the cutting edge of artistic invention. Spanning drama, performance, modernism, and religious studies, this study powerfully reconfigures the relations between all these fields.
In 1867, Harriet Law (1831–1897) was the first woman to be elected to the General Council of the International Working Men’s Association. Until 1868, she was the General Council’s only woman. Law was already well known in Britain for her outspoken feminism and as a prominent activist within the organized Secularist or Freethought movement. She was also a socialist and supported Karl Marx against some of the more moderate members of the General Council. This article argues that, despite Marx’s impatience with organized Secularism, Harriet Law’s involvement in Freethought is crucial to understanding how she came to be an early feminist voice in the International. Secularism supported women leaders and speakers and fostered an unusually militant and unrespectable form of feminism at a time when the newly organized British women’s movement pursued a much more cautious public image. Law’s feminism combined support for women’s education and professional employment with advocating for the rights of women workers and a strong critique of the Christian institution of marriage. She saw feminism as going hand-in-hand with socialism and was an early campaigner for universal enfranchisement for both women and men. Her socialism was internationalist in its vision, and she also denounced British imperialism and antisemitism.
This introduction begins by explaining the volume’s starting point: Traditional assumptions concerning Beethoven as an “enlightened” composer rest on an overly simplistic conception of the Enlightenment emphasizing secular humanism and political liberalism. This conception has been called into question in much historical scholarship on the Enlightenment over the past few decades, which has created a more pluriform view of the Enlightenment as encompassing different outlooks on issues such as politics and religion that were often in tension with one another. The goal of the volume is thus to invite a diverse group of scholars to consider the implications of new perspectives on the Enlightenment for our understanding of Beethoven’s life and music. The introduction briefly summarizes the various contributions in each of the volume’s three sections. The first section concerns Enlightenment historiography and its impact on established narratives in Beethoven reception. The other two sections focus on Beethoven’s life in Bonn and Vienna respectively. A number of common themes connect several different chapters with each other: religion, politics, social life, and material culture. The introduction concludes by clarifying that the volume does not seek to overthrow entirely the received wisdom concerning Beethoven and the Enlightenment, but to introduce more nuance and complexity in the way this issue is treated.
The establishment of the Turkish Republic marked a sharp break from the centuries-old connection between education and Islam. Within two decades, secular reforms had nearly erased religious education from the public sphere. The subsequent rise of religious education after the 1940s is often interpreted with respect to reactionary forces challenging political actors of progressive secularization. This study offers a critique of this narrative by problematizing popular dualisms and reframing the phenomenon within broader trajectories of twentieth-century legitimacy and governance. By tracing late-Ottoman antecedents, it shows that modalities of state involvement and moral education were reorganized rather than invented. The rise of religious education was a product of statist and modern conservative synergies between dominant center-right and secular actors which shaped policy agendas through functionalist and pragmatic frameworks. This dynamic interplay was defined not only by the changing grounds of international and domestic political legitimacy, but also by a transformation of the role and meaning of religion in Turkish public life. After World War II, religious education became both an instrument and a product of negotiated consensus on moral and civic foundations of citizenship and collective identity, which was further reinforced by the expansion of mass education, populism, and anti-communism.
In the history of Western music, no single figure has been as closely tied to the Enlightenment as Beethoven: he is regarded as the composer who embodies ideals such as freedom and humanism that many celebrate as the Enlightenment's legacy. This view, however, rests on a very narrow conception of the Enlightenment that aggressively stresses secularism and political liberalism. More recent historical research has shown that the Enlightenment's outlook on political and religious issues was more diverse and nuanced than traditional accounts have depicted it. The essays in this volume consider how new ways of thinking about the Enlightenment can alter the way we understand Beethoven and his music. By rethinking Beethoven and the Enlightenment, this book questions the Beethoven we know in both the popular and scholarly imagination and redefines the role the composer plays in the history of Western music.
This essay argues that understanding religion and the history of religion in the United States can help scholars, students, and the American public be more aware of the dynamics around war and wiser in the conclusions they reach about experiences of war and their relationship to American society. Put differently, when those who study war and society in America keep religion out of their stories, they remove from consideration not only some of the nation’s most influential institutions and voices, but also many of the ideas, stories, and symbols that help women and men find meaning and purpose in the uncertainty, the suffering, and the loss that go along with war.
A case study of a patient diagnosed with obsessive-compulsive disorder demonstrates the entanglements of phenomenology of spirituality and psychopathology, and the implications of failing to properly understand the importance of these entanglements when planning treatment. The concepts of entanglement, pragmatic atheism, spirituality and religion are introduced. Spirituality and religion are both complex and contested concepts which elude simple definition, but a person-centred holistic model of psychiatry requires giving attention to the whole person, ‘body, mind and spirit’. The biopsychosocial model does not explicitly address spirituality, but spirituality is entangled with the biological, psychological and social aspects of the matrix. The chapter discusses the secular context within which psychiatry is generally seen to be practised (at least in the Western world), the perceived tension between science and religion that it often evokes, the nature of psychiatry as concerned with the study and treatment of mental illnesses, and the way in which these illnesses affect our self-understanding and identity as human beings.
Psychiatrists have responded nationally and internationally to the growing scientific evidence on spirituality and psychiatry and to concerns about bad professional practice, by developing good practice guidelines/policies and by way of continuing professional development initiatives (special interest groups, conferences, etc.). Professional boundaries have historically been understood as keeping psychiatry, as a secular concern, separate from patients’ spiritual and religious concerns. However, as earlier chapters demonstrated, this is unrealistic in light of the entanglements of spirituality and psychiatry, and unlikely to be helpful for many patients. It does not address the importance of religion to patients worldwide or the transition in Western countries from a secular to a post-secular age. The Jungian concept of temenos is taken up as a way of understanding boundaries as protecting safe therapeutic spaces for psychological and spiritual transformation. Boundaries in clinical practice are thus created not to keep the psychological and spiritual domains separate but to protect a safe psychological and spiritual space within which positive therapeutic change may occur.
From the late nineteenth century onwards, Greek and Roman religion was increasingly characterised as ritualistic and collective, with little role for belief, while belief itself was increasingly associated with Christianity. By the 1990s, the dominant view in classical studies aligned closely with functionalist traditions in the wider study of religion, linking Greek and Roman religion with social cohesion and identity, and rejecting belief as an irrelevance. Since then, fresh arguments have emerged, some drawing on the cognitive science of religion, which reject the association of belief with Christianity and argue that a culturally neutral, purely propositional sense of believing is both possible and necessary. However, work in anthropology and early modern history, particularly on the emergence of ‘propositional religion’ during the Reformation, suggests that the concept of belief continues to carry complex cultural baggage. Despite recent developments, the debate over how best to represent the religious experience of the Greeks and Romans remains open.
This chapter is about the dominant intellectual framework of International Relations (IR) scholarship on religion, as illustrated by the tensions between multiculturalism and genealogy within the secularism debate. It shows how the critique of liberal secularism fundamentally restructured the knowledge basis for religion in IR and opened up space to engage with religion in new ways. The chapter continues to show how that space became filled with a particular kind of scholarship seeking to rehabilitate the concept and argues that, despite claims to the contrary, this scholarship has narrowed rather than broadened the scope of available perspectives, epistemes, and ontologies of religion. It is necessary to explore this legacy in order to understand the foundational problems currently embedded within IR scholarship on religion as well as enable an assessment of the damage done to IR theorizing and the lost potential of current scholarship on religion in other disciplines. This connects to the main argument as it forecasts the inherent issues and costs entailed in efforts to recognize and engage with religion in IR more broadly.
Spirituality in Mind offers a unique, personal, and critical perspective on the complex entanglements between psychiatry, spirituality, religion, and theology. Drawing on over four decades of experience, the author explores how spirituality, despite often being overlooked or undervalued, is central to holistic, patient-centred psychiatric care. Through compelling case studies and interdisciplinary insights, the book challenges conventional symptom-focused models and advocates for a shift toward meaningful recovery. It engages with the concept of “clinical theology,” highlighting the ordinary theological concerns of patients and the need for psychiatry to be more spiritually attentive. By integrating perspectives from the critical medical humanities, this book demonstrates that spirituality is not an optional extra but a core concern of psychiatry, psychiatrists, and patients alike. Spirituality in Mind raises vital questions about the nature and purpose of psychiatric practice, offering a new vision for mental health care.
In this book, Mikael Stenmark identifies and explores several prominent religious and secular worldviews that people in contemporary society hold. Three nonreligious worldviews are highlighted: scientism, secular humanism, and transhumanism. These are contrasted with four religious worldviews: Abrahamic theism, Buddhism, the new spirituality (the so-called 'spiritual but not religious' individuals, SBNR), and religious naturalism. Some challenges facing each of these worldviews are discussed toward the end of each chapter. The book offers a unique study of several key secular outlooks on life that go far beyond previous studies of atheism, nonreligion, and religious 'nones.' It also provides a rare insight into the beliefs, values, and attitudes that secular and religious thinkers consider essential to our identity and place in the world, as well as what we should deeply care about in life.
While there were some aspects of Nuer ‘tradition’ or ‘culture’ that Messianics in Gambella proudly endorsed and celebrated as biblically authentic, others were rejected as ‘pagan’ or satanic. In this chapter, I turn to the relationship between Messianic Judaism and ‘Nuer customary law’, to explain these dynamics. The chapter traces the process through which the spiritual significance of cattle declined, under the influence of the secular state, and instead, under born-again Christian doctrines, the individual human (body and soul) emerged as the prime means of communicating with God. Cattle in its desacralised form, however, was still used by Messianics for bridewealth payments, and they insisted that their marriage practices were not only the most loyal to Nuer ‘tradition’ but also biblically authentic. The chapter offers new insights on the endurance of pre-Christian practices among African born-again Christians, showing how old ‘customs’ may be deemed relevant and meaningful even under a radically new regime of spiritual mediation.
Staging the cultural consequences of a new metropolitan modernity, the 1920s were shaped around two massive fields of experience: on the one hand, the passage from utopian expectancies of the immediate postwar period (1918–1923) to peacetime socio-cultural normalizing (1923–1929); on the other hand, the new urban sensibility, with all of its exuberance and anxieties. Darkly shadowing each was the long-lasting trauma of the Great War: the pall of the war-dead and the war-disabled; the management of human catastrophe and personal loss. Each also produced extraordinary creativity across the arts and intellectual life. Across Europe, the brashness of big-city life underscored the urban–rural divides, creating a new topography of the imagination. Resulting debates pitted the religious against the secular, the traditional against the modern. This chapter maps the European variations in organized religion; in churchgoing and vernacular faith-related practices; and in the growing separation of belief and belonging. In notably spectacular form, Bolshevik Russia in the 1920s exemplified each of these themes.
The question of how to deal with religion is a central problem of the modern state. However, state effects on religious lifeworlds are rarely the object of critical theoretical inquiry. This paper seeks to remedy this lacuna by combining neo-Marxist, Foucauldian, and anthropological theories of the state with critical secularism studies to introduce the framework of state projects. Advocating for more bridge-building between political theory and anthropology, the paper draws on fieldwork in two highly diverse neighborhoods in Munich and London to identify three conflicting state projects organized around the imperatives of security, identity, and diversity. The paper argues that state interventions can sanitize politics from local democratic contestations and fracture the demos by imposing on citizens conflicting demands emanating from different grids of legibility.
In contrast to the ‘benign’ and ‘hostile’ forms of secularism found globally, many European states exhibit a distinctive model we term ‘discriminatory secularism’. In this arrangement, the state discriminates against certain minority religions while privileging religious majorities, creating an uneven religious playing field. Discriminatory secularism is justified not on the basis of religious ideology but on the basis of secularist principles. We argue that discriminatory secularism fosters a culture of hostility toward minority faith communities, increasing the likelihood of physical violence against them. Using cross-national data from European states between 2003 and 2017, we find that higher levels of discriminatory secularism are strongly associated with greater violence against religious minorities. These results remain robust across multiple model specifications and statistical techniques.
If, following Hannah Arendt, we understand Canada’s public sphere as constituted by the basic human condition of plurality, then our public sphere must do more than follow the liberal strategy of containing potentially fractious religious differences. What might a more robust recognition of religious voices in Canada’s public sphere look like, especially considering the destructive historic role that Canada’s mainline Christian churches played in supporting Canada’s genocidal policy of cultural assimilation of Indigenous peoples? How might Canada’s religious voices become more publicly salient while also supporting the basic human condition of plurality?
Debates about the legitimacy of democratic decision-making often treat religion as a central category. In contrast, I propose an institutional account of democratic legitimacy that does not rely on the secular–religious distinction. On this view, religion is not politically special. It is socially special, though not uniquely so. Like science, the arts, or the family, religious practices merit appropriate treatment based on their distinctive characteristics. Thus, rejecting the idea that religion is uniquely special does not preclude democratic states from granting it special treatment. I examine Eisgruber and Sager’s egalitarian account of religious exemptions and argue that the institutional account provides a more compelling explanation of their legitimacy.
The Epilogue tells the story of how a 2024 proposal to amend the Iraqi family law (Personal Status Law (PSL)) came to pass in early 2025 and outlines the objections to it in the context of this book’s main thesis about how and why state consolidation matters. The Epilogue highlights the main objections to the amendment, coming from Iraqi critics, which are focused on the social justice implications of introducing a legal structure wherein an authority is granted decision-making power over an aspect of public life that is parallel to, and outside of, the state’s authority. Critics see this as a canonization of state fragmentation and the underlying ethno-sectarian power-sharing arrangement on which it rests. The epilogue illustrates through this political and legal contestation the connections that run through sites of state fragmentation, attempts to consolidate a political order, historical legacies of state consolidation, and social justice. What the PSL story suggests is that who decides on public life is consequential to the political possibilities of justice.
Edited by
Latika Chaudhary, Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California,Tirthankar Roy, London School of Economics and Political Science,Anand V. Swamy, Williams College, Massachusetts
It has been a remarkable journey for India from the nation’s independence in 1947 to now. Economic performance has been mixed, with growth remaining sluggish during the first three decades, and picking up only after the mid-1990s. On the political front, with free media, secularism and a vibrant democracy, India was an outlier in the developing world; it resembled some of the most advanced economies in the world. This chapter is a study of this unusual growth path, over the last seventy years, with a focus on how the economy and politics impacted each other. It is argued that, while early political choices may have slowed growth during the early decades, they played a vital role in India rising to be among the world’s fastest-growing nations in the first decade of the twenty-first century.