This article explores internal and external forces shaping the coproduction of knowledge and risk in Yemen, particularly under current conditions of conflict. It documents the targeting of public and independent research institutions by conflict actors. Significant research on Yemen is currently produced outside of the academy. We must consider the broader intellectual freedom of those who currently conduct research without access to the advocacy networks of academic associations like the Middle East Studies Association’s Committee on Academic Freedom. Such research entails risk to its producers, while helping to expand what we know and how we know it. This is illustrated by a counterintuitive example from recent policy research on displacement.

There is increased public attention directed to the topic of weapons trade and this is a positive development because enhanced scrutiny holds a promise of bringing more accountability to the field that has long been obscure. This article reviews the possibility of criminal prosecutions of corporate officials for supplying weapons to Gaza, Yemen and Ukraine at the International Criminal Court (ICC) or a similar forum. The Nuremberg Trials planted seeds for such an endeavour by holding several industrialists criminally liable. Yet, modern international criminal law has so far largely stayed away from defining the scope of individual criminal responsibility for corporate officials. The case studies in this paper reveal that the moment is not ripe for commencing actual investigations at the ICC. Nonetheless, a future consensus is slowly building through (often failed) attempts to use legal or policy avenues to define the standards of conduct in the weapons trade.

This study examines the role of Sheikh NGOs as financial gatekeepers in Yemen’s NGO sector, showing how their control over aid distribution reinforces dependency and limits local NGOs' autonomy. Through interviews with 45 stakeholders, the research reveals the challenges that local NGOs face in achieving financial sustainability amid economic instability, political turmoil, and dwindling donor support. The findings indicate a significant asymmetry in funding, with Sheikh NGOs monopolizing resources, which constrains the flexibility and innovation of smaller NGOs. Integrating dependency theory, the study illustrates how reliance on intermediaries reinforces power imbalances, while collective impact theory highlights the potential for transformative partnerships. Successful collaborations, like those between the Youth Leadership Development Foundation and local NGOs, underscore the need for Sheikh NGOs to adopt more supportive roles, empowering smaller organizations. This study calls for a reconfiguration of roles within Yemen's NGO sector, advocating a shift from dependency to partnership. In fostering collaboration and supporting local NGO autonomy, stakeholders can build a more equitable and resilient framework, ultimately enhancing humanitarian efforts in Yemen.

Drone strikes are a fixture of US counter-terrorism policy, often advertised as ‘surgical’ alternatives to ground operations. Drone strikes’ effects, however, are less precise than proponents suggest. Using data from over 12 billion call detail records from Yemen between 2010 and 2012, we show that the US drone campaign significantly disrupted civilian lives in previously-unmeasured ways. Strikes cause large increases in civilian mobility away from affected areas and create immediate, durable displacement: mobility among nearby individuals increases 24 percent on strike days, and average distance from the strike region increases steadily for over a month afterward, signifying prolonged displacement for thousands of individuals. Strikes are disruptive regardless of whether they kill civilians, though effects are larger after civilian casualties. Our findings suggest that even carefully targeted drone campaigns generate collateral disruption that has not been weighed in public debate or policy decisions about the costs and benefits of drone warfare.

This article draws a comparison between US border policies in the 2020s and the policies implemented by the British colonial regime in 1940s ‘Aden to dissuade Jewish immigration. It makes an original argument, based on documents from the British colonial archives and Jewish philanthropic sources, that the plunder of Jewish migrants was a consequence of British policy, and not, as scholars have sometimes assumed, a vaguely-defined “anarchy” in the Aden Protectorate sultanates (today, southern, and eastern Yemen). The history of British immigration policy – and the unofficial incorporation of both environmental and human forces into the project of dissuading Jewish migration – bears a striking resemblance to American policies in recent years. The perils of the Darién Gap and other deadly routes and the concentration of migrants in dangerous conditions on the US–Mexico border de facto incorporate the jungle, the desert, and criminal syndicates into the border regime’s efforts to disincentivize migration. A look at the archival record of a parallel story in 1940s Yemen/‘Aden allows us to glimpse the construction of policies that utilize unofficial actors and factors (from bandits to the hot desert sun) in a border regime’s campaign of terror against (potential) migrants. The article demonstrates the value of historical comparative cases for understanding the policies of governments today. Scholars of current events lack access to the intelligence reports, correspondence, and other once-classified documents available to historians, which allow for a fuller understanding of the ways in which similar policies have been developed and implemented.

Large European arms companies increasingly own and control subsidiaries in other parts of the world. These subsidiaries operate hundreds of production sites used to manufacture and export weapons for the benefit of the parent company. Yet, they are bound by the legal framework in host countries. An important case study of this phenomenon is South Africa, which is now the site for numerous subsidiaries of large European arms manufacturers, including Rheinmetall and Hensoldt. Between 2018 and 2021, a Rheinmetall subsidiary in South Africa continued to export weapons to Saudi Arabia despite a German prohibition. This article uses South Africa as a case study to examine the potential consequences of the practice of offshoring in the context of weaknesses in South Africa’s arms export control framework and provides recommendations on how to improve scrutiny and reporting in South Africa’s system to better guard against this type of conduct.

After publishing a new Qatabanic inscription that mentions the term kʿbt for the first time, this paper provides a South Arabian etymology for the pre-Islamic Meccan sanctuary of the Kaʿbah, which is derived traditionally from the Arabic word kaʿb “cube”. The paper suggests that the name of the Meccan Kaʿbah, and the Kaʿbah of Najrān, both derived from the ancient South Arabian term kʿbt, supposedly as a variant of the term kʾbt, which designates a high structure, probably with a protective function against water, a term which was later assigned to a sanctuary name for the deity dhu-Samāwī in Najrān; and not derived from Arabic kaʿb “cube”. The paper argues that the Arabic word “kaʿb” meaning “cube” was borrowed from Greek κύβος at a later time after the Meccan Kaʿbah had already established the cubic form that we know today.

Neutrality, a foundational principle in humanitarian efforts and peace mediation, encounters significant practical challenges in the modern landscape of armed conflicts, particularly in the intermediary role of humanitarian organizations. This study examines the role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) as a neutral intermediary in Yemen, focusing on the release and repatriation of detainees during the 2016–20 peace efforts. Drawing on the ICRC's experience, the analysis highlights the evolving understanding of neutrality from a rigid concept to a more flexible, context-sensitive approach. The findings emphasize the importance of neutrality in fostering trust and facilitating dialogue while acknowledging the operational complexities and strategic considerations involved. This study provides insights into enhancing the contributions of neutral intermediaries to sustainable peace processes.

Before World War I, the Ottoman Empire ruled the southwestern region of the Arabian Peninsula. However, unlike other Ottoman territories in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, the fate of this region was not decided during the Paris Peace Conference. This created a vacuum of power that allowed the local elites of Arabia to engage in a lengthy process of conflict, negotiations, peace talks, and the exchange of ideas to resolve issues of legitimacy, sovereignty, borders, and cultural differences. This article argues that these local elites of Arabia developed an alternative model of statehood and sovereignty that persisted until the outbreak of the Gulf War in 1990. The immediate result of this new model was the separation of al-Mikhlāf al-Sulaimānī region and the transformation of the people of the Najrān region into a sectarian group.

This article explores the challenges of drafting a post-conflict constitution for Yemen, with a focus on balancing the rule of law with emerging political forces, particularly in the context of the country’s ongoing civil war. It highlights the importance of inclusivity, adaptability, and public participation in creating a constitution that promotes peace and stability. Drawing on lessons from Yemen’s recent history and the broader Middle East, the study emphasizes the role of conflict dynamics, particularly those involving the Houthi movement and the Southern Transitional Council, and the implications of separatist aspirations for a unified Yemen. The analysis offers pathways for addressing transitional justice, reconciliation, and the failures of Yemen’s previous constitutional transition, and for laying a foundation for long-term peace and prosperity.

Concurrent wasting and stunting (WaSt) is a serious form of malnutrition among young children, particularly vulnerable groups affected by the conflict. Understanding the prevalence and risk factors of WaSt among vulnerable children is important to develop effective intervention measures to reduce the burden of WaSt. The present study aimed to identify the prevalence of and risk factors for WaSt among marginalised children aged 6–59 months in Sana’a city, Yemen. A community-based cross-sectional design was conducted on a total sample size of 450 marginalised children aged 6–59 months who lived at home with their mothers. Multivariable logistic regression analysis was performed and the prevalence of WaSt was found to be 10⋅7 %. Children aged 24–59 months were protected from WaSt (adjusted odds ratio (AOR) 0⋅40, 95 % confidence interval (CI) 0⋅21, 0⋅75). A higher prevalence of WaSt was associated with male sex (AOR 2⋅31, 95 % CI 1⋅13, 4⋅71), no history of being breastfed (AOR 3⋅57, 95 % CI 1⋅23, 10⋅39), acute diarrhoea (AOR 2⋅12, 95 % CI 1⋅12, 4⋅02) and family income sources of assistance from others (AOR 2⋅74, 95 % CI 1⋅08, 6⋅93) or salary work (AOR 2⋅22, 95 % CI 1⋅10, 4⋅47). Continued breast- and bottle-feeding were not associated with WaSt in children aged 6–23 months. Mothers’ age, education and work status, family size and drinking water source were not associated with WaSt. Overall, we found that the prevalence of WaSt among marginalised children remained high. Interventions to improve household income, hygienic conditions and child feeding practices are necessary to promote child growth.