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Conservation agriculture (CA), based on minimum soil disturbance, crop residue retention, and crop diversification, is promoted as a climate-smart approach to improve smallholder farmers’ resilience amid increasing climate change-related shocks and soil degradation in sub-Saharan Africa. However, CA adoption remains low, and literature on CA profit efficiency is scanty. This study assesses the profitability and profit efficiency of conventional tillage-based agriculture (CT) and CA practices in Zambia. Using a three-wave annual panel dataset of 1,938 household-level observations across contrasting farmer typologies, we apply panel stochastic frontier analysis and a panel tobit model to analyze profit efficiency and identify determinants of efficiency levels. Results show that CA practices, especially minimum tillage with crop rotation, had higher gross margins but lower profit efficiency, with inefficiencies of up to 27.78% for minimum tillage with crop rotation compared to 18.70% for CT. Principal component analysis identified three farmer typologies: asset- and income-poor, asset- and income-rich, and asset- and income-moderate. Notably, asset- and income-rich farmers achieved the highest profit efficiency under CT and full CA (minimum tillage with crop rotation and mulching), while asset- and income-poor farmers achieved the highest efficiency under minimum tillage, minimum tillage with crop rotation, and minimum tillage with mulching. Input costs (notably fertilizer and labor), maize prices, and farmer characteristics such as education, household size, and cooperative membership significantly influenced profit efficiency. The findings underscore the need for context-specific CA promotion, tailored to farmer typologies.
Small-quantity lipid-based nutrient supplements (SQ-LNS) have been shown to improve growth, development and survival among young children in low-resource settings. One hypothesised pathway is through improvements in intestinal health, including modulation of the gut microbiome and reductions in environmental enteric dysfunction (EED). This study examined the effects of SQ-LNS on the gut microbiome and markers of EED and systemic inflammation among young children in Lusaka, Zambia. We conducted intention-to-treat analyses of 302 children aged 27–35 months in a 2 × 2 cluster-randomised trial. Serum biomarkers of EED (soluble CD14, intestinal fatty acid-binding protein) and inflammation (α-1-acid glycoprotein and C-reactive protein) were assessed in 240 children via the Micronutrient and Environmental Enteric Dysfunction Assessment Tool. Differences by SQ-LNS assignment were assessed using unadjusted and adjusted ordinary least squares regression models. Rectal swab samples from 299 children underwent 16S rRNA gene sequencing. Taxonomic profiles were visualised using stacked bar plots, alpha diversity was quantified using Shannon diversity indices and beta diversity was assessed using non-metric multidimensional scaling based on Bray–Curtis dissimilarity matrices. We found that SQ-LNS had no significant effect on EED or inflammation biomarkers and was not associated with differences in gut microbiome α diversity, beta diversity or overall microbial community composition. In exploratory analyses, Enterococcus abundance was lower among children receiving SQ-LNS. Overall, 18 months of SQ-LNS supplementation was not associated with broad changes in intestinal health among young Lusakan children. These findings suggest that the benefits of SQ-LNS operate through pathways other than intestinal health, such as improved nutrient availability.
The concluding chapter synthesizes the book’s core findings and situates them within debates on foreign aid and economic development, the political economy of development in Africa, and China’s global economic strategy. Overall, the allocation of finance in all three country case studies, Ethiopia, Zambia, and Ghana, serves to secure political support and sustain incumbents in power. However, the strategies employed to achieve these goals differ based on each country’s unique political history and ethnic dynamics. In Ethiopia’s authoritarian context, the central challenge is maintaining loyalty and support from non-coethnics within the state. The EPRDF established ethnic federalism and justified centralized control through economic growth. In Zambia, the focus is on allocating finance to maintain the support of coethnics, prioritizing loyalty within the ethnic group. In Ghana, on the other hand, preserving power involves attracting swing voters through nonethnic coalitions, resulting in the distribution of finance aimed at broad-based support. The chapter concludes by drawing policy implications for financiers and governments, emphasizing designs that account for political incentives and strengthen transparency and oversight.
Chapter 4 explores Zambia’s transition to multiparty democracy and the consequent rise in political competition and regional favoritism, revealing a trend of diminishing accountability. Initially, under the United National Independence Party’s one-party rule led by Kaunda, favoritism was constrained by balanced leadership. However, the emergence of ethnic-based opposition post-1991 heightened pressures for patronage, leading to increased favoritism under subsequent regimes. Regional favoritism escalated under President Banda and peaked during the populist Patriotic Front (PF) government (2011–2021), which eroded checks and balances, appointed an ethnically imbalanced cabinet favoring Bembas and Nyanjas, and concentrated borrowed funds in strongholds. Legislative and judiciary institutions were also weakened, along with civil society organizations. Traditional financiers provided some constraints through conditionalities, while Chinese lenders aligned with elite interests, exacerbating the situation. Zambia demonstrates a case of democratization exacerbating ethnic patronage without sufficient accountability mechanisms.
Studies on Chinese cultural and religious engagement abroad are often framed through the lens of state-driven soft power. Drawing on the case study of the Zambia Shaolin Cultural Center (ZSSC), I challenge this state-centric interpretation, emphasizing the collaborative, relational, and fluid nature of China–Africa cultural and religious encounters. Inspired by “assemblage thinking” and based on fieldwork observation and interviews, I examine the heterogeneity, fluidity, and adaptability of Shaolin’s operations in Zambia. I argue that ZSCC should be viewed as an evolving assemblage where diverse actors and elements interact and co-create meaning through adaptation and negotiation.
Huntington's third wave of democracy was no such thing. It neither ushered in a democratic era nor was it a wave in any acceptable historical sense. What it did do was to highlight a contrast and competition among norms and values, so that what we automatically regard as undemocratic practice that is norm-free is no such thing. They might perhaps, and with a freight of contingencies, be bad norms—but they are still norms.
This paper outlines the experience of establishing a partnership for clinical services and academic training across two very different countries: Zambia and Ireland. Drawing upon the experience of setting up other similar international partnerships, the process of understanding the two very different cultural and clinical contexts has developed collaboratively over the course of the past 2 years, and has resulted in valuable insights and joint working. In line with local priorities, the Zambian colleagues in the partnership have prioritised the support for postgraduate training in psychiatry to enable the expansion of services, and allow greater population access. In particular, there is evidence of unmet need in the areas of substance use psychiatry, and child and adolescent psychiatry.
The collaboration will increase cultural awareness among psychiatrists and trainees in Ireland and deepen their knowledge and understanding of international psychiatry. This programme is mutually beneficial and has the potential to greatly improve relationships between the mental health service providers of the two nations.
Africa faces a $1.3 trillion annual funding gap to achieve the SDGs and build climate resilience, yet private investors hesitate due to perceived high risks. Despite contributing less than 4% of global carbon emissions, Africa bears disproportionate climate impacts, with over 110 million people already affected by extreme weather events.
This chapter explores how philanthropy is emerging as the most powerful de-risking tool for both sustainable development and climate finance. By absorbing early-stage risks, providing patient capital, and unlocking private investment, philanthropy is catalysing solutions in renewable energy, climate adaptation, and nature-based carbon sequestration. Through real world case studies, it reveals how blended finance, impact investing, and catalytic capital can accelerate Africa’s green transition and economic transformation.
This section draws on previous chapters to compare Zimbabwe to other resource-wealthy states in Southern Africa, particularly Botswana, Namibia, South Africa, and Zambia. In all these states, resource sector policy has been essential to these states’ historical and institutional development. However, this chapter looks at how, even given many advantages and a level of development that was once ahead of these states regarding state capacity and democratization, Zimbabwe has fallen distinctly behind these other states. An overview of the resource sector shows that timing matters as other resource sectors are far more institutionalized than Zimbabwe and, while often leaving much to be desired, have not led to the same level of institutional and political decline. While these other states have had many of the same challenges and have had extreme difficulties, Zimbabwe has nonetheless been at the far end of the bell curve when it comes to resource curse dynamics.
This chapter examines the policy influence of churches under autocratic and democratic regimes. The main analysis focuses on Zambia and Ghana, both of which have undergone numerous periods of democratization and autocratization. The chapter shows how liberal democratic institutions improve the ability of churches to accomplish their educational policy goals in these two countries and, suggestively, across sub-Saharan Africa more generally by giving churches greater influence over policymaking and protecting their agreements with the state.
This chapter considers whether church education itself makes a difference to citizens’ democratic attitudes. Drawing on evidence from the handover of Catholic primary schools to the Zambian government in the early 1970s, it finds limited effects of the handover on students’ political attitudes except that Catholic schools foster more conservative gender norms. In Tanzania in the period before 1970, Protestant school attendance improves women’s citizenship on many dimensions compared to secular school attendance, but Catholic school attendance does not.
This chapter considers the political effects of church activism in support of liberal democracy, contrasting the effects of church activism in Zambia and Tanzania between 2016 and 2021. Drawing on interviews, survey data, and combined endorsement/conjoint candidate experiments in both countries, I show how churches in Zambia have galvanized international actors, domestic elites, and public opinion in support of democratic institutions, while churches in Tanzania have had more limited success.
Michael Sata’s presidency in Zambia (2011–14) marked a notable attempt to revive statist development ideas rooted in the country’s postindependence era. While the preceding MMD government had begun reintroducing limited state intervention, its commitment remained constrained. Sata, by contrast, articulated a more assertive vision of state-led development, echoing the UNIP-era model under Kenneth Kaunda. Drawing on policy documents, speeches, and survey data, this article situates Sata’s politics and policies within broader public dissatisfaction with neoliberal reforms and highlights enduring tensions in Africa’s poststructural adjustment era between market-oriented policies and demands for greater state involvement.
This contribution explores the non-aligned era labor migration of Yugoslav men to postcolonial Zambia. Based on oral history and archival research conducted in Lusaka and Belgrade, it seeks to provide a gendered account of Yugoslavs negotiating their role as white Europeans in a postcolonial milieu and the ways in which Zambian colleagues understood Yugoslavs to have positioned themselves. Drawing upon contemporary social anthropological research from post-Yugoslav space, I argue that two modes of masculinities were in simultaneous operation and can help to make sense of the tensions inherent in the role of Yugoslav male workers in Zambia. An adventuring young Yugoslav man (frajer) might have driven fast, drunk heavily, and boasted about sexual conquests, but according to the motif of the “father,” the same person would also understand himself as a provider, whose responsible, serious, and protective characteristics would be used in assisting Zambians to develop as industrial workers.
This article offers the first gendered history of African radio audiences. It uses a comparative approach to demonstrate that colonial development projects in Ghana and Zambia successfully created mass African audiences for radio between the 1930s and 1950s, at a time when most radio sets on the continent were owned by white settlers. However the gendered impact of the projects was uneven. In Zambia the promotion of battery-operated wirelesses inadvertently created a male-dominated audience, while the construction of a wired rediffusion system in Ghana attracted equal numbers of male and female listeners. Ghana’s radio project offers new perspectives on the history of colonial development as a very rare example of a scheme that benefitted women as much as men. Differences in the voice of Ghanaian and Zambian radio also reveal that these early radio schemes had a lasting influence on broadcast content and listening culture in both countries beyond the 1950s.
China, as one of the world’s largest creditors, has recently faced numerous defaults on its loans by recipient states, bringing the issue of Chinese debt restructuring to the forefront. This case study unpacks this process, with a particular focus on Zambia, a country emblematic of the broader dynamics at play. The primary aim is to elucidate the mechanisms and negotiations employed by China, a major global creditor, in debt restructuring agreements with low-income countries, with an emphasis on its engagements in Africa. The case study starts with an analysis of the Zambia case, highlighting the negotiation tactics and terms of agreements between Zambia and China. This serves not only as a snapshot of China’s dealings with a specific country but also as a springboard for broader discussions. Subsequently, the case study broadens its scope to encompass China’s lending dynamics in the African continent. Furthermore, the case study establishes a global context by acknowledging China as the world’s largest official creditor. It critically questions China’s choice to remain outside the Paris Club and considers China’s inclination or aversion toward coordinated debt restructuring.
Godwin Mbikusita-Lewanika, the founding president of Zambia’s first nationalist organisation, is now remembered as a staunch supporter of colonial rule. Such figures are not uncommon and are often termed “loyalists,” a term that is usually understood in the literature as a fixed category that either dwindled in the face of racial oppression or was a choice shaped and hardened by conflict. Lewanika, however, moved easily between different sides, reinventing himself as an anticolonial nationalist, trade unionist, colonial loyalist, and Lozi traditional monarchist as circumstances warranted. The tumult of the mid-twentieth century opened up new opportunities and Lewanika seized roles that were not previously available. Biographies of anticolonial nationalists often argue they turned to political action when their education and ambitions clashed with the highly-circumscribed roles available under colonialism. Lewanika’s life was the opposite. He carved out a prominent place for himself in the colonial order and then in independent Zambia.
Communities living in African animal trypanosomiasis (AAT) endemic areas of Zambia use several control strategies to protect their livestock from the devastating effects of trypanosomiasis. Several studies have reported the effectiveness of trypanosomiasis control strategies based on retrospective data. In this study, we assessed incidence rates of AAT in cattle (n = 227) using a prospective cohort study comprising 4 treatment groups, i.e., Diminazene aceturate, Isometamidium chloride, Cyfluthrin pour-on and Cypermethrin treated targets. The study was conducted in Mambwe district in Eastern Zambia between February 2019 and March 2020. The endemic prevalence of AAT for each group was determined using ITS-PCR prior to application of treatments. High endemic trypanosome pre-treatment rates were found in all Groups (Diminazene aceturate (61%), Isometamidium chloride (48%), Cyfluthrin pour-on (87%) and Cypermethrin targets (72%)). The overall apparent prevalence for the Mambwe district was 67% (152/227) and true prevalence at 95%CI was 63–71%. Once treatments were implemented, 12 monthly follow-ups were conducted. The average monthly incidence rates without standardization recorded: Diminazene aceturate (67%) Isometamidium chloride (35%), Cyfluthrin pour-on (55%) and Cypermethrin targets (61%). Incidence rates were standardized considering the endemic level of disease for each Group and the average standardized monthly incidence rate in the Diminazene aceturate Group was 7%; the Isometamidium chloride Group −13%; the Cyfluthrin Group −26%; and the Cypermethrin target Group, −17%. All Groups showed a decrease in incidence of AAT over the period of the study with the Cyfluthrin group showing to be the most effective in reducing AAT incidence in cattle.
Zambia experienced its third electoral turnover in the 2021 election. While the ruling Patriotic Front (PF) lost votes across the territory, the electoral collapse in urban Zambia was particularly remarkable. This paper argues that economic performance voting can explain urban party switching in Zambia. The argument is supported by a unique panel survey of Zambian voters in the period 2019–2022. We show that urban voters were more likely to desert the PF, even when we control for ethnicity. We also show that they were more likely to evaluate the economy poorly and more likely to change their electoral preferences in view of such poor economic evaluation. Our results stress that African elections should not be understood as static expressions of stable political cleavages but may function as real opportunities for political accountability. However, the extent to which voters are willing to re-evaluate their vote choice varies across space.
This chapter considers the structure of territorial cleavage from a national perspective. It focuses on patterns of polarization between regional electoral blocs, or “territorial oppositions,” in national politics. Axes of territorial cleavage arising between predominantly rural regions tend to take canonical forms associated with core–periphery politics in countries that are undergoing national economic integration and the growth of the central state. Stable axes of sectional competition, whereby leading regions square off against each other or against those on the periphery, are visible in the electoral data and in persistent policy cleavages in countries in this study. In broad outlines, these conform to models of territorial opposition in national politics advanced by earlier scholars (Lipset & Rokkan 1967; Gourevitch 1979; Bayart 2013). The analysis is built around four countries – Kenya, Zambia, Malawi, and Uganda – that serve as archetypes of different patterns of territorial opposition and core–periphery politics. Tanzania is a shadow case.