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Consent – the organizing principle of legal responses to sexual harms – rests on a yes-versus-no binary. Yet, ambivalence is pervasive in sexual life, often eluding binary simplicity. This article assesses the implications of ambivalence for sexual consent jurisprudence. Drawing on interviews with Israeli gay and bisexual men regarding their experiences in (semi-)public sexual venues, it examines a context in which sexual norms have historically developed outside dominant cultural scripts, where ambivalence is particularly salient. Through the men’s testimonies, the conditions under which ambivalence leaves individuals uncertain of how to name sexual harms, identify boundary violations, or assign responsibility are mapped. Grounded in these findings, alongside sociological theories of ambivalence and socio-legal theories of sexual consent, the article adopts dialectical sensibility to capture what binary consent models tend to flatten: the simultaneous presence of agency/coercion, empowerment/vulnerability, and pleasure/danger within a single sexual interaction. Ambivalence in these “gray zones” is therefore reconceptualized here as neither anomaly nor individual failure but as a structuring – and even productive – feature of sexual life, complicating theories that cast ambivalence as primarily suppressive. Finally, the analysis underscores the limitations of prevailing consent paradigms and surfaces new questions about how criminal law might respond to the indeterminate realities of sex.
Medication nonadherence directly correlates with poor patient outcomes and high avoidable healthcare expenses. Motivational interviewing (MI) was developed as a client-centered, nondirective therapeutic method aimed at helping patients overcome their ambivalence and commit to change. In the context of medication adherence, ample research has demonstrated that MI is efficacious in evoking the patient’s desires and commitment to adhere to psychiatric medications as opposed to less successful directive therapy techniques, which tend to provoke resistance. This chapter outlines an application of MI to the challenge of promoting medication adherence in the psychiatric setting.
This chapter offers a phenomenological analysis of the intentionality of desires. It argues that desires are complex intentional states that entail both axiological and conative characters in relations of founding. By explicating the intentionality of desires, the chapter demonstrates that desires are similar to emotions as well as volitions but also differ crucially from both. Whereas emotion can lack conative components, desires always posit some goals or other, and strive for their posited goals. Unlike full-fledged volitions, however, desires entail deeply affective axiological components. The first section of the chapter provides the basic conceptual tools that are needed for a phenomenological analyses of the intentionality of desires. The second section distinguishes intentional desires from pre-intentional drives, affections, and feelings. It thereby clarifies the type of object-directedness that is characteristic of desire. The third section then explicates the axiological and conative constituents of desires in the interest of distinguishing desires from both emotions and volitions. The final section throws light on the temporality of desires. It argues that the intentionality of desires provides them with a specific “temporal shape” and makes them future-orientated. At the same time, this gives them a strong interest in realities and prospects of realization.
This article analyzes Ukraine’s state decolonisation policy as a component of contemporary memory politics shaped by the full-scale Russo-Ukrainian war. While decolonial discourse extends across culture, museums, public history, and academia, the article focuses on decolonisation as a legally regulated memory policy implemented by state institutions and local authorities. In practice, this policy primarily targets toponymy and the symbolic transformation of public space through the removal of Russian imperial and Soviet heritage. Drawing on postcolonial theory, securitisation theory, and discourse analysis, the study examines how the Ukrainian state and civil society have responded to Russian aggression by making decolonisation part of a broader strategy of mnemonic security. The empirical example of Odesa demonstrates that, in local contexts, decolonization occurs within a tense interaction between the central anticolonial, Ukrainian-centric discourse and the city’s mnemonic specificities. On one hand, Odesa is actively involved in the decolonization agenda, accompanied by renamings, removals of monuments, and securitized arguments regarding the safety of public space. On the other hand, part of the local community does not equate the imperial past with colonialism and regards it as an integral part of local identity
We step inside a closed-door customs committee meeting in Brussels, following Louise and her colleagues his chapter offers a rare, immersive account of a customs committee working group, where twenty-seven member states, interpreters and Commission officials grapple with the minutiae of classifying consumer goods – from vacuum cleaner parts to decorative balloons – amidst a whirlwind of digital tools, linguistic compromises and political maneuvering.
Through vivid ethnographic detail, we reveal how EU law is crafted. Here, the classical diplomat – negotiator, mediator, generalist – confronts the realities of digital mediation. Through Louise’s eyes, and in rare ethnographic detail, we witness the labour of multilingual lawmaking: interpreters juggling languages and distractions, delegates scrolling for images to clarify a product’s classification and the relentless clicking of keyboards as twenty-seven member states haggle over every word, comma and image in a three-column Word document.
This chapter reveals how digital technologies, while promising efficiency and speed, also fragment attention and introduce new layers of complexity. The negotiation room becomes a microcosm of the EU’s ‘Brussels effect’ – its power to set global standards – where the mundane (classifying vacuum cleaner parts or decorative balloons) intersects with the monumental (shaping trade, safety, and environmental rules for 500 million citizens). As interpreters and diplomats alike rely on digital tools to bridge linguistic and political divides, the chapter asks: How is the craft of diplomacy transformed when screens and algorithms mediate human judgement? And what does this mean for the future of EU governance, as AI begins to reshape the invisible labor that keeps the Union running?
Ireland’s Jewish population experiences a hyphenated identity. At once insiders andoutsiders, and part of an ever-shrinking population, Irish Jews express a sense ofisolation and vulnerability, of being reduced to media stereotypes or expected toperform an essentialized Jewishness. Parallels between the Irish and the Jews arefamously drawn in Ulysses, echoing a trope found elsewhere in Irish writing,whereby the two peoples find a shared history of oppression, migration, and exile. Such affinity on the page does not necessarily translate to lived experience on theground, however. Today, Irish Jews express an awareness of being othered, afeeling of conditional acceptance within an official Irish narrative of tolerance, whichthey connect with Irish perceptions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The voices ofthe Jewish community in Ireland tell us something about the problematics (andpossibilities) of an ambivalent identity, the site of ongoing formation and negotiation.
This article examines how partnership between social organizations and popular protests is affected by the state in the field of environmental activism. Drawing upon content analysis and in-depth interviews, we study non-governmental organization (NGO) engagement with 22 grassroots environmental protests in China, 2007–2016. We find that NGOs and grassroots protesters were mostly distant from each other to avoid state repression and retribution, but NGOs occasionally collaborated with protesters in an ambivalent manner because state control was contradictory, fragmented, and varying. NGOs either used institutional means to support the protesters or were informally and invisibly involved in those protests. Our research contributes to studies of the triangular relationship between the state, NGOs, and social movements. Specifically, we find that when NGOs lack the institutional access to policy making but are not fully controlled by the state, they have both incentives and spaces to make joint actions with grassroots activists.
Public ambivalence towards democracy has come under increasing scrutiny. It is a mood registered perhaps most clearly in the fact populist figures, from Trump to Orbàn to Duterte, appear to carry strong appeal despite the fact, or perhaps because of the fact, they pose a threat to democratic institutions and processes of governance. Are ambivalent citizens the grave threat to democracy they are often portrayed to be in media and academic discourse on populism? In this article, I contend that citizens’ ambivalence about democracy is a more complex, spirited and volitional idea than is acknowledged in the current discussion of populism. Drawing on psychoanalysis and critical social thought, I embrace a conception of citizens’ ambivalence in a democracy as both immanent and desirable. I argue ambivalence can be a form of participation in democracy that is crucial to safeguarding its future.
This article examines attitudes to the law in Menander. It argues that the law is given a specifically Athenian context and that it can give us an insight into the concerns and values of the playwright and his society. By analysing the ways in which characters perceive issues of legality, the article stresses the importance of humanity and personal character in the plays’ dramatization of the interface between private lives and public institutions in early Hellenistic Athens. The article highlights how the ambivalence and the multivocality which are inherent in Menander’s dramatic technique allow for varying responses and for the presentation of radical views.
European Union (EU) public opinion research is a rich field of study. However, as citizens often have little knowledge of the EU it remains the question to what extent their attitudes are grounded in coherent, ideologically informed belief systems. As survey research is not well equipped to study this question, this paper explores the value of the method of cognitive mapping (CM) for public opinion research by studying the cognitive maps of 504 Dutch citizens regarding the Eurozone crisis. The paper shows that respondents perceive the Eurozone crisis predominantly as a governmental debt crisis. Moreover, the concept bureaucracy unexpectedly plays a key role in their belief systems exerting an ambiguous but overall negative effect on the Eurozone and trust in the EU. In contrast to expectation, the attitudes of the respondents are more solidly grounded in (ordoliberal) ideology than that of the Dutch elite. Finally, the paper introduces new ways to measure ambivalence prompting a reevaluation of the significance of different forms of ambivalence and their impact on political behavior. Overall, the results of this study suggest that CM forms a promising addition to the toolbox of public opinion research.
This chapter explores the prehistory of ambivalence as an embodied emotion related to human survival by examining the ambivalent reactions to plague law in Daniel Defoe’s Journal of the Plague Year (1722). Long before the word “ambivalence” appeared in English, Defoe depicts actions and thoughts that we now think of as “ambivalent.” In the face of a deadly plague that resulted in legal regulation enabling government surveillance, Defoe’s narrator shifts loyalties as restlessly as he shifts positions, ambivalently pivoting between loyalty to the larger community as represented by the law and pursuit of his own concerns. The chapter suggests that Defoe presents ambivalence as a mode of resistance to state surveillance and control that avoids the most extreme expression of resistance, that of suicide, or as eighteenth-century law construed it, “self-murder.” Ambivalence, often thought of as a self-defeating emotion, is represented as serving a protective function, creating space for individuals to resist legal authority, neither capitulating to state control nor exercising a fatal form of resistance.
This study explores the relationship between alter centrality in various social domains and the perception of linguistic similarity within personal networks. Linguistic similarity perception is defined as the extent to which individuals perceive others to speak similarly to themselves. A survey of 126 college students and their social connections (n = 1035) from the French-speaking region of Switzerland was conducted. We applied logistic multilevel regressions to account for the hierarchical structure of dyadic ties. The results show that alters holding central positions in supportive networks are positively associated with perceived linguistic similarity, while those who are central in conflict networks show a negative association. The role of ambivalence yielded mixed results, with a positive and significant association emerging when ambivalence was linked to family members.
Blander’s epilogue contextualizes Ezrahi’s current work within his previous research corpus as well as interweaving new concepts: depth skepticism, modest democracy, and the right to dream. Blander describes three spheres of democratic backsliding and the rise of populism: legal-institutional, social, and intellectual freedom. She suggests that Ezrahi introduces a deep explanation of these troubling trends. Blander introduces the concept of “Depth Skepticism,” which applies to philosophers, among them Ezrahi, who searched for deeper layers of the human experience in order to identify the causes of sociopolitical phenomena. The epilogue follows Ezrahi’s intellectual journey, identifying a connecting thread from his early work “The Descent of Icarus,” revealing the interaction between science, enlightenment, and democracy through “Imagined Democracies,” portraying the role of science in creating the epistemological foundations of modern democracy, to the current volume introducing the cosmological shift from Nature/Culture to a blurred “HumaNature” cosmology and how it affects democratic foundations. This shift calls for a “modest democracy” that accommodates reason, emotions, and ambivalence. It views democracy as a constructive utopia, allowing individuals and groups the “right to dream” within nonviolent pursuits. This democracy fosters compromise, balances power, and tolerates contradictions, embodying a constant state of becoming.
Commentators on the younger Pliny’s obituary of Silius Italicus (Ep. 3.7) have often remarked its chilly and emotionally distant tone. This article argues that Pliny’s stance towards Silius is more subtly antagonistic than has generally been realised. To that end, it explores various stratagems whereby Pliny strives to diminish Silius’ standing as politician and man of letters. Most important, Pliny problematises Silius’ suicide. He does so in two ways. The first is the terminological nebulousness of the clauus which, we are informed by Pliny, was the cause of Silius’ suicide. Perusal of Greek and Roman medical texts establishes that clauus can refer to a whole range of afflictions, some serious, others not, so that, in the absence of further clinical detail, it is difficult to determine whether the suicide was justified or not – especially since Pliny also lists a number of contingent circumstances which might have acted as a brake on Silius’ intention of killing himself. The second is to cast doubt on the philosophical, civic and familial validity of Silius’ suicide. All this stands in profound contrast to the expansive and highly apologist account of the suicide of Corellius Rufus (Ep. 1.12) which, in the article’s conclusion, is mined for the political implications to be drawn from it in relation both to Corellius and to Pliny himself.
Once Christian Europe’s most paradigmatic internal Other, Jews are now mostly seen as a well-integrated and successful religious minority group. For centuries, Jews faced political, social, and legal exclusion. Now, politicians proudly invoke the West’s shared ‘Judeo-Christian’ heritage. Compared to the past, public expressions of antisemitism have become increasingly taboo. Jews have seemingly moved from being paradigmatic outsiders to accepted insiders. Despite this undoubted success, there are still moments when this position can become suddenly unsettled. There are not only the terrible attacks on Jewish life, such as the synagogue shootings in Halle in 2019 and a year earlier in Pittsburgh, the still alarming rates of antisemitic violence, the groups of white supremacists chanting in the streets that Jews will not replace them, or the flourishing antisemitic conspiracy theories in the online and offline worlds. Uneasiness with Jews and Judaism also still manifests in less extreme and less overtly hostile ways in the midst of society on the terrain of liberal law.
By way of conclusion, this final chapter briefly discusses the Flemish ban on religious slaughter without prior stunning, which was confirmed by the Court of Justice of the European Union in 2020, and restates the main arguments of the book. Moreover, I take the Flemish case to briefly outline three further questions that have emerged from the story this book has told. These questions relate to the relationship between Christian ambivalence and legal progress, the role of Jewish engagements with secular law, and the entanglement of Jewish and Muslim questions in the contemporary politics of religious difference.
After centuries of persecution and discrimination, Jews are today often seen as a successful and well-integrated religious minority group in a 'Judeo-Christian West'. This book qualifies this narrative by exploring the legacy of Christian ambivalence towards Jews in contemporary secular law. By placing disputes over Jewish practices, such as infant male circumcision and the construction of eruvin, within a longer historical context, the book traces how Christian ambivalence towards Jews and Christianity's narrative of supersession became secularised into a cultural repertoire that has shaped central ideas and knowledge underpinning secular law. Christian ambivalence, this book argues, continues to circumscribe not only the rights and equality of Jews but of other non-Christians too. In considering the interaction between law and Christian ambivalence towards Jews, the book engages with broader questions about the cultural foundations of Western secular law, the politics of religious freedom, the racialisation of religion, and the ambivalent nature of legal progress.
Does postcolonial studies present a theoretical framework appropriate to Romanization studies? Does Romanization studies have evidence appropriate for postcolonial theories? Even though postcolonial theories did not stem from ancient Roman imperialism per se, they provide a heuristical tool to destabilize the discourse that has sustained imperial systems through history. They help Roman historians and archaeologists to reach a deeper understanding of the dynamic process of imperial discourses and to deconstruct the imperial discourses built through the complex layers of histories. This chapter does not deliver an exhaustive analysis or a landscape overview of postcolonial studies according to a certain order of significance or thematic categorization as is the common practice in the discipline, for example, along the triad of Said-Bhabha-Spivak or along the axis of theoretical and materialist approaches. Instead, here I explore postcolonial ideas which have influenced and reoriented Romanization studies.
Much of today’s academic scholarship of international cultural heritage law circles around cultural heritage’s protection for the benefit of future generations. Despite this, the efforts to systematically examine the concept in more detail are scarcer. This paper seeks to fill this gap by taking a closer look at the ways in which the notion of future generations features in the body of international cultural heritage law. This contribution firstly illustrates how central the idea of protecting cultural heritage for the benefit of future generations is in international cultural heritage law. Despite this centrality, evidenced by an extensive analysis of international and regional hard and soft law, national law, case law, and policy options, its precisely contours the second argument of this paper, is that they remain elusive. Finally, skepticism is voiced over the concept’s potential ambivalent use with respect to the protection of cultural heritage.
This chapter describes both the centrality of Morris’s work as a public lecturer and his feelings of ambivalence about speaking out in this way. It moves from Raymond Williams’s characterisation of the lectures as where Morris spoke as a ‘whole man’ to Thomas Carlyle’s mixed feelings about the form, poised as it was between conflicting ideas about preaching, about political life and about celebrity. It examines how Morris’s career as a lecturer was an aspect of his deepening engagement with public controversy from 1877, and was imagined as a duty that Morris was obliged to take up. It considers Morris’s resistance to rhetoric, which he connected to the deceiving modes of contemporary conventional politics. It argues that Morris’s own rhetoric was more compelling when he spoke at dramatic occasions, such as his Oxford lecture on ‘Art and Democracy’, rather than when he considered the lecture to be part of the grind of socialist agitation, where Morris sometimes worried about the capacities of his working-class audiences to understand his central message. The chapter ends by considering Morris’s speaking in Northumberland in 1887, as a temporary utopian moment when public speaking and the condition of the people were integrated and not separated.