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David Frayman, London School of Economics and Political Science,Christian Krekel, London School of Economics and Political Science,Richard Layard, London School of Economics and Political Science,Sara MacLennan, London School of Economics and Political Science,Isaac Parkes, London School of Economics and Political Science
This chapter summarises our findings, namely that there are multiple policies and interventions that offer value for money due to their high BCRs, and others that perhaps should be revised or shelved owing to their low BCRs. This may then create a happier society and more effective government spending.
The Introduction outlines the aims and structure of the book. It begins by situating the Cambridge Social Ontology (CSO) project within the Cambridge tradition and outlining its critique of mainstream economics. It then presents the two central components of CSO, Social Positioning Theory (SPT) and Critical Ethical Naturalism (CEN), as complementary accounts of the social and ethical constitution of human life. Attention is given to the ethical and political dimensions of SPT and to the way CEN provides its ontological and moral grounding. The discussion further examines CEN’s Aristotelian roots and its potential to offer a coherent alternative to dominant moral frameworks. The final section introduces the comparative focus of the book, which explores the relationship between CSO and Amartya Sen’s contributions to political economy and ethics. Together, these sections establish the theoretical and methodological basis for the analysis that follows and clarify the importance of ontological consistency for reviving political economy as a comprehensive social science.
The conclusion offers an overview of the book’s central arguments. It first reflects on the development of Critical Ethical Naturalism (CEN) within a particular interpretation of Aristotle, showing how this alignment strengthens both its ethical content and its role within Cambridge Social Ontology (CSO). Situating CEN in this way provides a richer ontological grounding for understanding human flourishing and supports the broader project of reviving political economy on realist foundations. The discussion then revisits the comparison between CSO and Amartya Sen, highlighting that while both seek to integrate ethics and economics, they rest on contrasting ontological orientations. Sen’s reluctance to engage systematically with ontology produces conceptual ambiguities that limit the coherence of his framework. The conclusion also considers how Nussbaum’s and Robeyns’s liberal presuppositions reinforce these tensions. It closes by reaffirming the necessity of ontological inquiry for conceptual clarity, ethical critique, and the revival of political economy as a comprehensive social science.
The contributions of Amartya Sen and Cambridge Social Ontology are two important streams in the Cambridge tradition of political economy. Despite significant commonalities, the nature and limits of their convergence remain largely unexamined. Ontology, Ethics and Economics provides the first comparative analysis of these two schools of economic thought. It argues that coherence across economic, social, and ethical theorising can only be achieved when grounded on a solid ontological foundation. While Sen's work has reintroduced crucial ethical dimensions to economics, his reluctance to address ontology systematically has generated tensions that account for the wide and often contradictory interpretations and applications of his work. Offering an explicit account of social reality and its moral implications within a distinctive philosophical framework, this book shows how ontological inquiry can restore political economy's emancipatory orientation and its capacity to offer a genuine alternative to contemporary mainstream economics.
England’s water system is under intensifying pressure from scarcity, flooding, pollution, biodiversity loss and climate change, yet the prevailing model of water cycle management remains fragmented, resource-intensive and too often focused on managing symptoms rather than causes. This paper outlines an approach to integrated water cycle management that aligns with the ideas set out by Kate Raworth, in her book “Doughnut economics: seven ways to think like a 21st century economist”. Raworth envisions a just and safe space for society where our economies are geared to ensuring that everyone has the essential resources required to fulfil their human rights but resource use is limited to a level that can be sustained within the limits imposed by "ecological ceilings". This aligns with the research by Johan Rockström and his colleagues at Stockholm Resilience Centre who have developed the concept of nine “Earth system boundaries”, the exceedance of which risks triggering large-scale, abrupt or irreversible environmental change. By reframing water management in England as the stewardship of social-ecological systems to deliver human wellbeing within environmental limits, this paper supports policy momentum created by the Cunliffe Review and the Government’s New Vision for Water, while pushing further towards a genuinely integrated, catchment-based and cross-sectoral approach. Its practical contribution is to translate doughnut thinking into the water context through clear operating principles, measurable outcomes and indicative targets. Doughnut economics, applied within the context of a whole water cycle approach to regulation and governance, has potential to centre human needs (affordability, reliability, amenity) and planetary limits (spills, nutrients, flows, biodiversity) within a single, practical framework. At a time when England needs both renewed public legitimacy and more effective delivery, the paper offers a strategic framework for achieving a safe and just water future that restores rivers, reduces demand, improves resilience and enables prosperity within planetary boundaries.
Accelerating transformation to net-zero emissions will limit global warming and the widespread and inequitable harms it causes, alongside bringing other benefits, but new harms may also be created. Recently, it has been argued that accelerating transformation is unjust, particularly because of concerns about critical mineral mining, including for electric vehicles (EVs). However, this ignores the unjust harms from climate change that accelerating transformation alleviates. Here I argue that a faster transition is a more just one, because the harms it avoids – both globally and for the least advantaged people – far outweigh any harms it causes.
Technical Summary
Any transformative change has losers as well as winners, hence the call for a ‘just transition’ to avoid creating new harms. Recently, accelerating transformation has been challenged on the grounds that it compromises justice. Following a climate justice framework, I argue that the justice of climate impacts avoided cannot be ignored when considering the justice of mitigation actions, as this leads to unjust outcomes – in both utilitarian and prioritarian theories of justice. Taking, as a case study, EV adoption and its association with artisanal mining of cobalt in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), I show that heat-related and air pollution-related deaths avoided globally by replacing internal combustion engine vehicles with EVs are both three orders of magnitude greater than deaths caused in artisanal mining accidents in DRC. Heat-related deaths avoided in DRC exceed artisanal mining deaths. Deaths avoided globally are mostly among the least advantaged people. More generally, accelerating transformation avoids far more harm from climate change and air pollution than any harms it creates, and maximises other benefits, including for the least advantaged people. Thus, while governance should strive to avoid deaths to artisanal miners in DRC, it should also accelerate transformation as the just thing to do.
Social Media Summary
Being anti-net zero is unjust. Slowing transition greatly increases heat-related deaths among the world’s poorest people.
We are living through a period of growing global disorder. There are various causes, but one is the declining unity and efficacy of the political ‘West’ – the coalition of countries, including the UK and led by the United States, that came together after the Second World War to defend and promote liberal democracy at home and open markets abroad. For countries like ours, in a changed and changing geopolitical landscape, the challenge is not to build a single new world order, but instead to contribute to what the historian Adam Tooze calls ‘world ordering’. This means coalitions of the willing, on a range of issues, to meet the challenges that people and nations need to face together. This imperative makes Britain’s relationship with other European countries, and the EU, more important, not less. These countries, and the EU, have shared values and interests with the UK. We face a common threat from an increasingly anarchic form of ‘might makes right’ globalisation. So we need to renew our cooperation that was sabotaged by Brexit.
Brexit was an act of gross economic vandalism. Many leavers understood that at the time. Most were indifferent. When push came to shove, an economic hit seemed, to those who thought about it at all, to be a price worth paying for autonomy. ‘Take Back Control’ proved to be a winning formula. Ten years on, we are in a better position to decide how much control we have really gained, and how much it has been worth to us. Control and autonomy are legal and constitutional concepts, but their value depends on political realities. In a world of huge nations like the United States and China, it is in the interest of smaller nations to join together in powerful multinational blocs like the European Union. Its members have more control and more global power collectively than they can ever hope to have individually. Britain’s own ability to exercise ‘control’ over its own fate is inevitably more limited outside the European Union.
Focusing on the 1961 UNESCO Conference of African States on the Development of Education, this chapter shows how and why public schooling became the defining development project of West African independence. At the highpoint of African decolonization, two radically new propositions intersected, each shaping the other: the rise of new economic tools, including human capital theory and manpower planning, and the triumph of anticolonial and antiracist demands that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights indeed be universally applicable.
Economists have provided multiple pictures of how human beings’ aims work. Some have claimed that preferences are identical between all human beings. Others propose desires are in some measure under the desirer’s own control. I propose that the contemporary moral theory of exemplarism provides a way to combine the advantages of these views while allowing economists to have empirical input into moral discourse. Furthermore, the previous views imply their own particular defenses of free societies, and I argue exemplarism does as well. I articulate an argument that out of tradition-based, planning-based, and market-based societies, market-based societies best permit the freedom necessary for moral exemplars to arise. In the process of exploring this argument, I flesh out some of the details of how human beings change themselves that are left out of earlier accounts.
Oil has seriously impacted the institutional development of the state in the Arabian Peninsula. More specifically, the sudden and unprecedented acquisition of massive oil revenues resulted in the freezing of the state’s formal and informal institutions, at the point at which petrodollars were injected into the state’s coffers. From then on, state leaders were able to deploy the state’s wealth to dictate the pace and direction of institutional change. Over time, any institutional change has been directed towards enhancing regime security, and the pace of change has been calculated and deliberately slow. Any political opening has been dictated by the logic of state power maximization (in relation to society). At the same time, partly to ensure its popular legitimacy and partly through the vision of its leaders, the state has deployed its massive wealth both to foster rapid economic and infrastructural development, and to enhance the living standards of its citizens. In other words, whereas oil may have stunted institutional development –– i.e., an institution’s curse –– it has been an economic blessing.
Scholars of the politics of consumption in the United States have argued that the early twentieth century marked the emergence of a new kind of “economic” or “consumer citizenship” which linked Americans’ political identity with their ability to access and afford mass-produced goods.1 A fuller examination of the participation of immigrants in these economistic visions of citizenship remains to be established. The years surrounding World War I and the 1918 flu pandemic, Max Ehrenfreund has recently suggested, constituted a critical moment when consumption and citizenship became more tightly linked not only through the choice to consume but also to refrain from consumption.2 In this piece, I explore “financial citizenship,” a term I used to describe an alternative form of civic belonging linking affinities for markets and politics.3 Financial citizenship—namely, the public outcry for a more responsive economic system that could provide cash for everyday transactions, efficient access to credit, and a variety of financial instruments for other purposes—was a vision raised by a broad range of demographic groups, from northeastern ironworkers to midwestern farmers to Black wage workers in the urban New South.4
The ecological paradigm in stormwater management mimics natural hydrology by diverting stormwater into well-designed green stormwater infrastructure (GSI) practices that also enhance biodiversity and community resilience. The challenge for municipalities is to devise institutions to encourage the adoption of GSI. Detroit, Michigan, imposed a drainage charge on all city property owners based on the extent of impervious areas. Property owners can reduce the drainage charge by using GSI. This analysis situates an economic model within the Governing Knowledge Commons (GKC) framework. The team evaluated fourteen properties where the owner installed GSI. Properties with positive net present values for their GSI tended to be less complicated and offered more cobenefits. Information gathered from broader conversations suggests that many property owners did not know how to reduce their drainage charges with GSI practices. Therefore, the drainage charge’s price signal may not work as intended. The GKC institutional analysis showed that noneconomic factors, such as prosocial values or corporate policy, also influence GSI adoption. Sharing information may encourage others to adopt GSI practices. Nongovernmental organizations can act as information brokers to share knowledge that might otherwise be proprietary or hard to find. Highly visible projects may educate property owners about GSI practices.
Addressing environmental problems like climate change urgently requires the acceleration of sustainability transitions. This Intelligence Briefing explains why this is starting to happen for technical innovations like renewable energy technologies and electric vehicles. Drawing on socio-technical transitions theory, it discusses five acceleration mechanisms that reduce cost, improve performance, change actor orientations, mobilise finance, and increase socio-political support. While not denying their potential relevance, the Briefing also shows that these acceleration mechanisms are not (yet) being activated for social innovations and deep lifestyle change. The Briefing, therefore, also criticises wishful thinking tendencies in some sustainability transformation research strands.
Technical summary
Sustainability transitions should accelerate to address environmental problems like climate change and biodiversity loss. This Intelligence Briefing aims to explain the empirical phenomenon that rapid transitions are starting to happen with regard to several low-carbon technologies (like solar-PV, wind, and electric vehicles), but not with regard to transformative social innovations or lifestyle changes. It identifies and discusses five reasons that help explain this difference: increasing-returns-to-adoption mechanisms; socio-technical feedbacks between technology, actors, and institutions; financial reorientation; issue linkage to wider political goals; and societal acceptance. It further suggests that technical innovations can act as a flywheel or catalyst for subsequent social innovations. And it makes critical comparisons between the socio-technical transitions literature and some approaches in the transformations literature, finding the former more theoretically developed, empirically validated, and policy relevant than the latter for the topic of acceleration.
Social media summary
Low-carbon technologies are starting to accelerate sustainability transitions, while purely social innovations linger.
Why Gothic sensibility and aesthetics matters for Ruskin as he prevails against the broken world warranted by laissez-faire economics. Ruskin, in his concept of ‘plague clouds’, is one of the first to locate what has become known as the Anthropocene. The chapter details the characteristics of Gothic, which will then frame the inquiry into craft work.
In the winter of 2021, the Swedish Nobel Foundation organized a Nobel symposium 'One Hundred Years of Game Theory' to commemorate the publication of famous mathematician Emile Borel's 'La théorie du jeu et les équations intégrales à noyau symétrique'. The symposium gathered roughly forty of the world's most prominent scholars ranging from mathematical foundations to applications in economics, political science, computer science, biology, sociology, and other fields. One Hundred Years of Game Theory brings together their writings to summarize and put in perspective the main achievements of game theory in the last one hundred years. They address past achievements, taking stock of what has been accomplished and contemplating potential future developments and challenges. Offering cross-disciplinary discussions between eminent researchers including five Nobel laureates, one Fields medalist and two Gödel prize winners, the contributors provide a fascinating landscape of game theory and its wide range of applications.
Ensuring easy access to clean and safe drinking water using low-cost technology is essential to mitigate the rising water scarcity in emerging economies. Commercial large-scale desalination technologies need significant investment, making them unsuitable for off-grid and small-scale applications. However, this operation can be carried out using a low-cost desalination technology based on renewable energy, known as the solar still. In this research work, a modified basin solar still (basin solar still + internal mirrors + 8 kg gravel + black ink (400 ppm per litre)) was developed and experimentally tested in Visakhapatnam (17.68°N, 83.22°E), India, to determine its appropriateness for sustainable seawater desalination. It produced 14% to 23% more desalinated water than a conventional basin solar still. In addition, its thermal efficiency was between 41% and 42%, which was significantly greater than other basin solar stills reported in literature. In addition, high-quality desalinated water was generated at a cost that was around three times less than the drinking water offered at Indian Railways kiosks. Moreover, the ability to mitigate significant CO2 emissions while also addressing water scarcity demonstrated that the modified basin solar still continues to contribute effectively to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 6 (Clean Water and Sanitation).
One relatively recent development related to the growth of practical market design is the need to deal with big strategy sets that may involve parts of the economic environment beyond the boundaries of the individual marketplaces. A related matter is that in naturally occurring environments, strategies may be discovered in the course of play. Discovering new strategies is very much like inventing new technology, or new game theory: all of these things can change the game in important ways. These issues blur the borders of what historically were regarded as separate domains of game theory, namely the theories of cooperative and non-cooperative games.
The literature on learning in games interprets equilibrium strategy profiles as the long-run average behavior of agents who are selected at random to play the game. As suggested by Nash, in normal-form games we expect that as the agents accumulate evidence about play of the game they will develop accurate beliefs, so that the stationary points of the process correspond to the Nash equilibria. The definition of Nash equilibrium applies unchanged to games in extensive form, but the learning foundation for it does change, because in games with a nontrivial extensive form simply playing the game repeatedly may not lead agents to know how their opponents would respond to deviations that the agents have not tried. Thus there is no reason to expect learning by myopic agents to lead to Nash equilibrium in general games, as agents may not experiment enough to learn the consequences of deviating from the equilibrium path. Instead, learning is consistent with self-confirming equilibrium, introduced by Fudenberg and Levine in the early 1990s. The focus here is on settings where the agents are patient, so they do have an incentive to experiment. In this case, Nash’s mass action interpretation of equilibrium is again valid. But extensive-form games typically have many equilibria, and not all of them seem equally plausible. An advantage of the learning approach is that some actions that are off-path according to the limiting equilibrium distribution are not counterfactual, but will actually be played by young agents as “experiments,” so that equilibrium refinements can be derived from properties of optimal experimentation.