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This chapter goes beyond a descriptive view of crime hot spots to explore how hot spots and non-hot spots vary within and across communities. Using the characteristics we focused on in Chapter 2, we ask whether the extent to which hot spots and non-hot spots differ depends on the type of community they are nested within. We also examine to what extent hot spot streets have similar characteristics across the city, or whether hot spots look different depending on the community they are nested within. We find that hot spots differ on most characteristics from streets with little crime regardless of the type of community they are nested in (as indicated by levels of concentrated disadvantage). At the same time, community context does matter in terms of understanding characteristics such as structural measures of social disorganization and disorder. Even so, we find that hot spots of crime have similarly low levels of informal social control irrespective of the communities in which they are nested.”
This chapter directly examines whether social context influences crime on street segments by building statistical models that examine the relationship between social context and crime, while taking into account key elements of opportunities for crime at place. Our findings reinforce the importance of including social context and informal social control in understanding crime rates at micro geographic places, while also confirming that opportunities for crime are important underlying causes of crime at the micro geographic level.
This chapter brings social context and social structure into the story of crime hot spots. We begin by examining why criminologists have, for the most part, ignored micro geographic study of crime until the late twentieth century. This was, in part, the result of not having data available at the micro geographic level, but also related to the overriding interests of sociologists in the study of spatial criminology with micro geographic units, such as neighborhoods and communities. We then turn to the importance of new theoretical innovations that focused interest on hot spots of crime, but led criminologists to largely ignore the social context of these places. Having placed the study of crime hot spots in historical perspective, we bring social context into the study of crime and place by examining variability of measures of social disadvantage and social disorganization across hot spots and non-hot spot streets in our study. We pay particular attention to informal social control as measured by collective efficacy in communities (Sampson et al., 1997). We also examine characteristics of hot spots that are often seen as tightly linked to crime, such as social and physical disorder and fear of crime.
This chapter focuses directly on explaining low levels of informal social control at crime hot spots. In previous chapters, informal social control was found to vary greatly across the hot spot and non-hot spot streets in our study. In this chapter, we seek to explain that variability. We find that crime and social disorder are key factors in explaining low informal social control at crime hot spots. Contrary to broken windows theory, we find that physical disorder has little impact on informal or community social control.
In this concluding chapter, we begin by reviewing what we have learned about the social structure and social context of crime hot spots, and how that leads us to reconsider both our understanding of the crime problem and of hot spots of crime themselves. We then turn to the policy implications of our work. Focusing on the social context of crime hot spots opens up a new array of potential approaches to do something about the crime problem. In turn, it brings us to recognize that other problems concentrate at crime hot spots, and addressing those problems may be important to control crime, and to ameliorate the disadvantages that people who live in crime hot spots experience.
The psychopathy literature on predictive validity tends to focus on a very narrow set of outcomes, namely, criminal behaviour. In this chapter, I examine the relationship between psychopathy and different social and health outcomes. In particular, I investigate whether psychopathy traits in adolescence reduce the likelihood of forming positive social bonds and engaging in social roles in adulthood. I also examine social outcomes in prison by focusing on the relationship between psychopathy traits in adulthood and criminogenic social networks in adulthood, including conflict in prison and elevated levels of criminal social capital. Finally, I also examine the relationship between psychopathy traits in adolescence and adult substance use issues and early mortality. In general, PCL:YV test scores increased the likelihood of negative social and health outcomes in adulthood. The findings highlight the potentially complex relationship between psychopathy, social/health outcomes, and continued offending. Framing psychopathy as a public health issue and not just a criminal legal system issue may be helpful for developing more proactive approaches to addressing psychopathy traits.
Jane Jacobs coined the phrase 'eyes on the street' to depict those who maintain order in cities. Most criminologists assume these eyes belong to residents. In this Element we show that most of the eyes she described belonged to shopkeepers and property owners. They, along with governments, wield immense power through property ownership and regulation. From her work, we propose a Neo-Jacobian perspective to reframe how crime is connected to neighborhood function through deliberate decision-making at places. It advances three major turning points for criminology. This includes turns from: 1. residents to place managers as the primary source of informal social control; 2. ecological processes to outsiders' deliberate actions that create crime opportunities; and 3. a top-down macro- to bottom-up micro-spatial explanation of crime patterns. This perspective demonstrates the need for criminology to integrate further into economics, political science, urban planning, and history to improve crime control policies.
Prior work has robustly suggested that social processes in the neighborhood (i.e. informal social control, social cohesion, norms) influence child conduct problems (CP) and related outcomes, but has yet to consider how these community-level influences interact with individual-level genetic risk for CP. The current study sought to do just this, evaluating neighborhood-level social processes as etiologic moderators of child CP for the first time.
Methods
We made use of two nested samples of child and adolescent twins within the Michigan State University Twin Registry (MSUTR): 5649 families who participated in in the Michigan Twins Project (MTP) and 1013 families who participated in the Twin Study of Behavioral and Emotional Development (TBED-C). The neighborhood social processes of informal social control, social cohesion, and norms were assessed using neighborhood sampling techniques, in which residents of each twin family's neighborhood reported on the social processes in their neighborhood. Standard biometric GxE analyses evaluated the extent to which they moderated the etiology of CP.
Results
The ‘no moderation’ model provided the best fit to the data in nearly all cases, arguing against neighborhood social processes as etiologic moderators of youth CP.
Conclusions
The neighborhood social processes evaluated here do not appear to exert their effects on child CP via etiologic moderation. The documented links between neighborhood social processes and child CP are thus likely to reflect a different etiologic process. Possibilities include environmental main effects of neighborhood social processes on child CP, or genotype-environment correlations.
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