To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Describes development of European and English theory and practice of kingship, sovereignty, and clemency from early Christian period through 1788. Focuses on tension between claims of royal prerogative including pardon power and development of constitutional monarchy governed by rule-of-law principles.
At a diet in Mainz in January 1103 the German emperor Henry IV (r. 1056–1105) announced his intention to undertake a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. His public proclamation was accompanied by a celebratory mass during which the bishop of Würzburg delivered a sermon emphasising the penitential nature of Henry’s journey. The temporal proximity to the First Crusade and the public ceremonial nature of the episode suggest the bishop aimed to situate Henry’s pilgrimage in the orbit of the nascent crusading movement. A few months later Henry wrote a letter to his godfather, Abbot Hugh of Cluny, revealing a main objective in undertaking the trip. Henry planned to visit the places where Christ had lived, and he hoped this act of public penance would help reach a permanent settlement with the papacy over the Investiture Contest. Though scholars have been aware for some time of the resounding impact of the First Crusade on nearly all facets of medieval society, it is worth underscoring the significance of the German emperor – no great supporter of the reforming popes – floating the idea of associating himself with an inherently papal-centric institution as a means of achieving his political agenda.
Chapter 6 examines authority and the fragile structures that hold society together. It surveys concepts of justice and order, the roles of kings and councils, and the practice of assemblies, including debates about the ‘seeds’ of democracy. Through episodes of dispute and persuasion, it shows how Homeric communities negotiated power when coercion, charisma, and tradition competed.
The Dunhuang Khotanese manuscript Pelliot chinois 2787, erroneously described as a ‘panegyric of King Viśa’ Saṃgrāma’, is in fact a dharma-preaching text used by Khotanese Buddhist monks during the dharma assembly on the Pravāraṇa day (or Pravāraṇā day), so it should be entitled ‘Dharma-preaching text by Khotanese Buddhist monks at the dharma assembly on the night of the Pravāraṇa day’, or simply ‘Dharma-preaching text on the Pravāraṇa day’. This article demonstrates that there is another Khotanese fragment, Pelliot chinois 2834, belonging to the same manuscript. Both the dharma-preaching text and the dharma assembly are associated with the construction of a Buddhist monastery named Viṣṇavakrrārma by the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma. The dharma-preaching text foregrounding the four kinds of brahma-merit (brāhmapuṇya) accumulated by Viśa’ Saṃgrāma finds resonance with the incorporation of the Kaniṣkāvadāna (The tale of Kaniṣka). The concept of brāhmapuṇya is widely attested in Indian epigraphic sources and plays a significant role in the institution of Buddhist kingship. In sum, this article argues that, in the tenth century, the Khotanese attempted to legitimise the Khotanese kings as dharma-protecting cakravartin kings (sovereigns of the world) when the Buddhist kingdom was plagued by various crises from both within and without.
Through autoptic examination, macrophotography and comparative palaeography, this study identifies changes in sign forms, engraving techniques and associated iconography in a corpus of Urartian inscribed bronze bowls. Evolving scribal practices, and the transformation of monumental cuneiform into portable media, highlight the role of inscribed metal vessels in expressing Urartian kingship.
This article explores the Berkshire Downs as a frontier zone between Wessex and Mercia in the Early Middle Ages, arguing that royal women played a central role in negotiating political control and the ideological perception of the landscape. After establishing the Berkshire Downs as a frontier zone in the seventh and eighth centuries, this article will argue that the frontier was mediated in the second half of the ninth century by royal women such as Æthelswith of Mercia (c. 838–888), who was able to serve as an interlocutor between both kingdoms. In the tenth and eleventh centuries, the continued association of royal women with estates such as Wantage and Cholsey reflects the transformation of the Downs from a contested frontier into a royal heartland within a unified English kingdom, as female patronage and tenure helped bind the landscape to the royal dynasty.
Chapter 2 turns to the evidence of royal diplomas produced by the kings of Mercia and Wessex during the reigns of Æthelwulf, Berhtwulf and Burgred. With Æthelwulf’s diplomas, we find the earliest clear evidence for centralised production of diplomas for an Anglo-Saxon king. It is in this centralised West Saxon context, furthermore, that Old English boundary clauses are likely to have been established as a royal diplomatic feature. Contemporary Mercian diplomas lack evidence for comparable production processes. Novelty nevertheless is apparent: with a royal diploma in Old English, and in the literary flair of diplomas issued for the community at Breedon-on-the-Hill. Overall, the continued importance of the Latin charter tradition for both Mercian and West Saxon kings is clear, yet there was space for experimentation, innovation and reflection on the qualities and potencies that specific languages could carry. Moreover, people were increasingly interested in the performative potential of charter production, as an opportunity for ritual action that would generate and reaffirm authority for participants.
Ireland’s five provinces were ruled over by multiple over and under-kings, with headquarters at Tara, in Midhe/Meath, Cashel in Mumha (later Munster) and Emain Macha in Uladh (later Ulster). Christian settlements from the fifth century (founded by Patrick, Brigid, Columcille, Finnian, Ciarán, Brendan, Íte and many others) forged strong links with Britain and Europe. Learning Latin led to the writing of Irish from the sixth century, and scholarship flourished. Everyone – kings, monks, traders and labourers, bards and the powerful lawyer class, lived in ring fort settlements. They ate mainly the dairy produce abundant in Ireland’s mild climate, meat occasionally, fish near coasts and rivers, pulses, and grains congenial to the region – oats, barley, wheat, rye. A legal tract was devoted to beekeeping. Scandinavian invaders from the late eighth century settled in the trading ports they established – Dublin, Wexford, Waterford, Cork and Limerick – and were gradually absorbed into Irish life. A high-kingship emerged in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Religion went through several cycles of decay and reform. Dioceses were established in 1152. Conflicts between Irish kings facilitated the invasion of the Anglo-Normans under Strongbow in 1169, bringing the English crown into Irish politics.
What made a sovereign, and a messianic one at that? Such questions were repeatedly posed in the sixteenth century, when vigorous new imperialisms compelled the articulation of grand visions of universal rule across Eurasia. In the Islamic world, now bereft of a living Abbasid caliph to serve as a touchstone of sovereignty and ruled by Turkic dynasties seeking to emulate Mongol and Timurid patterns of sacred kingship, the answers to these questions were articulated in ad hoc and heterodox ways. Indeed, there is now increased appreciation of the fact that the history of Muslim sacred kingship in the lead up to the Islamic millennium (ca. 1591–92) was one of occultist experimentation, messianic fervor, and charismatic demonstrations of sacred power, almost as much as it was one of state consolidation and canonization of the law. But where recent studies have shed light on how astral conjunctions, heavenly constellations, and the cosmic letters of the Arabic alphabet constituted the theoretical desiderata of Ottoman sacral kingship, they have tended to eschew royal spectacle and performance in favor of close readings of texts of mystical-occultist political theory. This study offers a close reading of a pyrotechnical performance staged in front of Ottoman sultan Murād III in 1582. Through drawing productive comparisons and connections with a similar, near-contemporaneous pyrotechnical performance staged in early modern Europe for the Holy Roman Emperor, it will argue for courtly pyrotechnics as a means of communicating the “wholly other” nature of the sovereign’s body at times of great cosmic import.
For over a hundred years scholars have written about late medieval kingship, and a vast body of published work now exists on the subject. However, in all this rich coverage, no accessible introduction to the subject exists. The Cambridge Companion to Late Medieval Kingship addresses this need by bringing together, within a single volume, a series of themed chapters which consider key aspects of the workings of the English monarchy between 1200 and 1500. Featuring leading experts in the field, each chapter provides a concise and accessible guide, offering insights, synthesis and explanation to help readers understand not only how kings ruled, but also what made their rule more – or less – effective. By adopting a holistic approach to kingship, the contributors also consider how kingship impacted on the king's subjects, thereby illuminating the complex interplay of cooperation and conflict that shaped both the monarchy and the wider polity in late medieval England.
The concept of leadership has not received much attention in Assyriology as it was overshadowed by the concept of kingship and its omnipresence in ancient Mesopotamia. As the available sources mostly are written from the perspective of the leader – in the case of ancient Mesopotamia this is the king or the city ruler – also Assyriologists mostly took this standpoint and wrote ‘history from above’. Much scholarly effort was invested in the study of various aspects of kingship. Because of the scarceness of sources discussing the experience of the ruler’s leadership and the abundance of royal inscriptions, we usually do not take the perspective – to use a widespread political metaphor – of the sheep, but only that of the shepherd. Nevertheless, there are some texts that critic the leadership of kings. These texts are mostly of literary nature but they allow us at least a partial ‘view from below’, as they describe the problems of people living under a powerful king.
In this book, Jonathan Valk asks a deceptively simple question: What did it mean to be Assyrian in the second millennium bce? Extraordinary evidence from Assyrian society across this millennium enables an answer to this question. The evidence includes tens of thousands of letters and legal texts from an Assyrian merchant diaspora in what is now modern Turkey, as well as thousands of administrative documents and bombastic royal inscriptions associated with the Assyrian state. Valk develops a new theory of social categories that facilitates an understanding of how collective identities work. Applying this theoretical framework to the so-called Old and Middle Assyrian periods, he pieces together the contours of Assyrian society in each period, as revealed in the abundance of primary evidence, and explores the evolving construction of Assyrian identity as well. Valk's study demonstrates how changing historical circumstances condition identity and society, and that the meaning we assign to identities is ever in flux.
This chapter focuses on the role of the Argead dynasts of Macedon and the Qin rulers, who transitioned in title from Gong to Wang to Huang Di. Despite both of these figures being “sole rulers” which initially operate along very similar lines, the resulting final forms of those rulership modes – Philip and Alexander in Macedon, versus the First Emperor in Qin, are evidence of dramatically different dynamics at work on these rulership traditions. This chapter focuses on the differing roles of ruler legitimation, the limitations of power
This essay considers the “great” status of Shah ‘Abbās I, the most consequential Safavid ruler, by comparing European descriptions to his portrayal in the Persian-language sources. While both depict him as energetic, resolute, and unadorned in attire and demeanor, European sources present him primarily as an empire builder while Persian-language works focus on his role as a warrior on horseback, fighting external enemies and putting down domestic revolts. Neither accounts ignore the violence that came with absolute power, but while Europeans viewed such violence as an unfortunate byproduct of power, Persian chronicles celebrate ‘Abbās as a ghāzi warrior, merciless in his efforts to root out heretics and unbelievers. The surviving image of the shah as a “great” ruler was first reported by European visitors and is primarily a composite of the way they depicted him – as a Renaissance prince and determined empire builder who remained close to his subjects and their concerns.
On the basis of recently discovered sources and original research, this book identifies and analyses three story-patterns associated with human kingship in early Greek and ancient Near Eastern myth. The first of these, the 'Myth of the Servant', was used to explain how an individual of non-royal lineage rose to power from obscure origins. The second myth, on the 'Goddess and the Herdsman', made the fundamental claim that the ruler engaged in a sexual relationship with a powerful female deity. Third, although kings are often central to the ancient literary evidence, the texts themselves were usually authored by others, such as poets, priests, prophets or scholars; like kings, these characters similarly tended to base their authority on their ability to articulate and enact the divine will. The stage was thus set for narratives of conflict between kings and other intermediaries of the gods.
This chapter is a reading of the second rock-water episode (Numbers 20) and the manna episode (Exodus 16). It also addresses the question of why Moses dies in the wilderness. The two episodes are part of a new version of the wilderness narrative that is emplotted like an Assyrian annal as a vision for the Israelites’ triumphant return from exile, a story parallel to the one told in poetic form in Second Isaiah. The second rock-water episode blames exile on royal disobedience and writes human kingship out of the story. Moses dies in the wilderness because kingship is dead, and God is now depicted as Israel’s only king. The manna episode reinvents human leadership as Moses is reimagined as a priest who mediates divine blessing by teaching torah.
Antigone is the only character in Sophocles who explicitly purports to value philia above hatred. She does so in the course of a short dialogue, central to the play, which turns on the nature of philia and enmity.