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This article considers the emerging memory of the Second World War in 1945 Britain and asks whether this can help us to understand its popularity and power during the ‘Brexit’ debates of the 2010s. It examines the ways in which people writing for the British Social Survey organisation Mass Observation in 1945 negotiated the ends of the Second World War. Focusing on three key moments as the war came to its conclusion – the liberation of Bergen-Belsen in April, the end of the European war in May and Allied victory over Japan in August – the article considers the ways in which these writers attempted to draw on their recent pasts to negotiate a complex and uncertain present, and to imagine a post-war future. The article argues that while the cultural memory of the Second World War may be ubiquitous in early twenty-first century Britain, a study of its emergence and utility in 1945 reminds us that its power to help people imagine a future is contingent on contemporary circumstances.
The aim of this chapter is to discuss some of the assumptions made when selecting Norway as a case study to understand the modern history of anti-Zionism and antisemitism after 1967 and developments after 7 October. The argument is made that a small country can provide a good site for research about large questions. The chapter looks at the history of antisemitism in Norway in an attempt to explain the strong reluctance against identifying antisemitism in the political mainstream. The original constitution of Norway contained a paragraph banning Jews from entering the country. The background to this is presented. In the discourse that emerged after World War II, antisemitism was naturally seen to be a defining feature of Nazism. The broad reckoning that took place in Norway meant that antisemitism after 1945 came to be seen as something foreign, a dark force that was brought to Norway by external agents. In this way, Norwegians, like many Europeans, found an easy way to compartmentalize antisemitism as something alien.
The Australian Militia Battalions of the Second World War remain one of the most underexplored and misunderstood aspects of Australia's wartime history. Following the only Australian wartime fighting organisation of conscripted men at the time, As Good As Any: The Australian Militia Battalions, 1939–1945 brings together the political, social, and operational dimensions of the Militia with the lived experiences of its individuals. Structured chronologically, this seminal work traces the Militia's evolution throughout the war, from early years on the home front, to Port Moresby and Kokoda, the Beachheads Battles, Salamaua and the Huon Peninsula, culminating in the final campaigns in Bougainville, New Britain and Aitape-Wewak. Drawing on war diaries, personal letters, and parliamentary records, the book reveals the tensions between the Militia and the Second Australian Imperial Force (AIF). As Good As Any provides readers with fresh insights and a nuanced understanding of a force that shaped Australia's wartime identity.
Chapter 1 briefly covers the Militia during the interwar period before charting the first two years of the war. While the Militia did not conduct any fighting during this time, it was an important time in shaping (and perhaps even defining) perceptions of this organisation. Over this period, the Australian government and Army, to a lesser extent, applied a First World War attitude towards maintaining two distinct fighting organisations.
Chapter 3 is the first to look at Militia units in battle and covers those on the Kokoda Trail and Milne Bay from July to November 1942. As well as representing their initial combat experience, these battles highlighted how the prejudices of senior officers resulted in spiteful judgements on the capability of Militia units and sweeping generalisations that would never occur with the AIF. Although some senior officers such as Blamey were less critical, the self-serving nature of his views and others who praised the Militia, along with the deprecations, would recur. Among various misleading beliefs associated with the Kokoda campaign, it has come to symbolise a moment when the ‘two armies’ bonded and AIF–Militia relations improved. As will be seen, this is a specious interpretation that has been bolstered by a myth that Militia units were filled with ‘boys’.
Chapter 7 concludes with an analysis of the controversy over granting militiamen membership to the RSL, which was finally resolved in early 1945. This protracted process was a microcosm of perceptions of the Militia and the experience of militiamen throughout the war and, therefore, makes for a fitting ending. This book is not a ‘complete’ history of the Militia. Instead, it mostly uses battalions, battles and campaigns to highlight themes that allow for an integrated understanding of a collection of men and an organisation that played a vital role in the nation’s conduct of the war and rightly contributed to its ‘cherished military tradition’.
In his wartime account of the Australian Army’s operations in New Guinea, the journalist Alan Dawes insisted that the ‘volunteer fighting services … in a conscript world are Australia’s proudest boast’.Written in 1943, his account typified the importance that Australian society placed on volunteers at the time.This, and an attachment to ‘citizen’ soldiering, were the two defining attitudes towards military service before and during the Second World War. While the Australian Militia exemplified the latter trait, it was not the nation’s ‘boast’ because it partly comprised conscripted men. Among its various features, the presence of conscripts and an association with the more general notion of conscription influenced perceptions of the Militia more than anything else.
Chapters 6 and 7 examine the Militia’s operations on the Huon Peninsula (October 1943 to September 1944) and during the final campaigns (October 1944 to August 1945). More than any other aspect of its service, the Militia’s contribution to the Huon Peninsula campaign and the extent of its garrison duties have been ignored. Chapter 6 seeks to fill this gap in light of broader perceptions within the Army and public of ‘unequal sacrifice’ between the AIF and the Militia. It revisits the issue of AIF transfers and the gazetting of Militia battalions as ‘AIF’, expanding the focus to cover the entire war before briefly examining residual political interest in the reinforcement of units.
In 1949 Isaiah Berlin published a notice in the Atlantic Monthly of Their Finest Hour. Berlin’s essay was subsequently reissued as a standalone publication, entitled ‘Mr Churchill in 1940’, in 1964 It is Berlin’s paean of praise to Churchill as ‘the saviour of his country’. The seventy-fifth anniversary of the publication of Berlin’s original text is an opportune time to take another look at it. With the longer perspective of hindsight, it has become clear how uncritically Berlin accepted Churchill’s version of events in Their Finest Hour and of the part he had played in them. Throughout 1940, Churchill was less ‘sure he would not fail’ than he retrospectively alleged. Nor were his relations with Roosevelt as close as he suggested. And notwithstanding his claims to the contrary, Churchill did discuss the possibility of reaching a peace deal with Hitler in the summer of 1940. There is a further point. For despite the boundless admiration that Berlin lavished on Churchill, he did not ‘really like the company of great men’, Churchill included. Yet he also admitted that ‘if there is to be public life, it cannot be conducted by such as us’.
During World War II, the Japanese Kwantung Army’s Unit 731 secretly conducted large-scale, inhumane, and unethical human experimentation in China, culminating in one of the most heinous medical atrocities, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in the Asia-Pacific theatre of the war. Despite the gravity of the subject matter and its historical significance, research on Unit 731 has, for a long time, been rather limited, but has gradually increased in recent decades. In this article, we identify several important characteristics and trends in research activities related to Unit 731, with a view to providing a general overview of the existing scholarship and to providing recommendations for future research.
From the 1950s to the 1970s, academic research started to accumulate. The second stage was one of rapid development from the 1980s to the 1990s. During this period, research efforts in Japan had a far-reaching influence and began to spread to China, Europe, and the U.S. Scholars from scientific, medical, and educational communities began participating in Unit 731 research successively. The third stage of multi-dimensional development began at the onset of the twenty-first century. Research expanded into comparative inquiries of Japanese medical atrocities and their Nazi counterpart; at the same time, research on many topics in diverse disciplines was also deepened and intensified. In addition to focusing on pragmatic issues such as reflections and actions of modern society and reconciliation, researchers have also been concerned with historical writing and collective memory.
This introduction reflects on the conceptual benefits, challenges, and limits of putting into conversation military history and global history. It regards the two world wars as times of both disruption and heightened connectedness. Severed trade, breaches in diplomatic relations, enforced immobility, and economic sanctions were paired with new connections, contacts, networks, emulations, and reroutings. Four key perspectives define the volume’s approach. First, decentering the study of the world wars widens the geographic, chronological, and social scope of historians’ outlook, introducing a more diverse historical narrative. Second, focusing on the mobility of people, ideas, and goods, which the world wars both engendered and deepened, raises important questions about what was absorbed, adapted, and rejected as part of these circulations. Third, emphasizing encounters helps to show the impact of global warfare at the local level, highlights the transformation of individual and collective identities, and forces a reflection on the lives of those who remained untouched, at least apparently, by faraway events. Finally, this volume explores global languages: the shared systems of conceptualization and communication – including commemorative practices and international and humanitarian law – which developed on account of the world wars’ extreme violence.
This conclusion reflects on the importance of studying the two world wars as moments of interconnectedness, when societies, economies, and cultures interacted with one another across national boundaries. It insists on the importance of moving beyond solely diplomatic, military, and political histories to instead prioritize transnational and transimperial perspectives, acknowledging groups and individuals above and below the level of states. Several categories are particularly useful in this endeavor: home fronts, colonial mobilization, captivity, occupations, and neutrality. Taking stock of these helps to highlight new frameworks of experience spread across the world. Finally, there is the important question of the relationship between the world wars and globalization. By their nature and by the reactions they prompted, these two global conflicts were ultimately the agents as much as the opponents of that process.
This introduction situates the Allied occupation of Italy as a distinctive yet comparatively underexplored case within the broader history of mid-twentieth-century military occupations. It traces the origins, peculiarities, and contradictions of Allied rule, foregrounding the tension between liberation and occupation that shaped both contemporary experiences and subsequent historiography. After outlining the fragmented development of the field and the long predominance of liberation-centred narratives, it calls for recontextualising the occupation of Italy within wider transnational and comparative frameworks. Rather than examining the Italian case solely through an exploration of its domestic impact, the article proposes treating it as an early laboratory for Allied ruling practices that were later applied elsewhere. In addition, it suggests exploring the Italian case through a set of research themes that have emerged from the new comparative field of Occupation Studies. The special issue advances this agenda by combining attention to hitherto marginalised aspects of the era with critical reflection on established subjects, thereby contributing to a reassessment of Italy’s place within the history of Allied rule in mid-twentieth-century Europe.
The servants in Elizabeth Bowen’s fiction, increasingly complex, allow her to represent, variously, Irishness (Donovan and his daughters in The Heat of the Day), the paid companion’s difficulties in living intimately with an employer (in several short stories), a housekeeper who maintains family memories with its furniture (Matchett in The Death of the Heart), and even a murderer who resents his position as a flunkey (Prothero in ‘The Disinherited’). These portrayals allow explorations of class loyalties, predicaments, and resentments, as well as subtleties of Irishness and Irish neutrality during the Second World War. This chapter examines paid companions, Irish help and their informal relationships with their employers, and morally forceful servants who contribute to the advancement of plot. Bowen’s servants often prompt their employers’ confrontation with the reality of their moral, social, or historical circumstances; by doing so, they can expose or puncture their employers’ illusions about their respective worlds.
Beginning in the 1930s, Elizabeth Bowen wrote literary criticism, book reviews, essays, and other non-fiction works for various media at a remarkably steady pace. Much of this writing centered on the novel – whether on contemporary novels that she reviewed, on classic works of English fiction for which she wrote introductions, or on the novel as a genre with an important history and an uncertain, yet vital, future. This essay traces the development of Bowen’s thinking about the novel and her gradual honing of an idiosyncratic descriptive vocabulary for the genre. It concentrates on a key set of writings that Bowen produced towards the end of, and just after, the Second World War, when she was at the height of her own fame as a novelist and when the history of what she regarded as the ‘free form’ of the novel, especially the recent history of the modernist novel, was a matter of urgent cultural discussion.
This article examines the Italian translations and reception of Winston S. Churchill’s The Second World War, using British and Italian archival materials and press sources. It shows how the Italian editions and serialisations introduced constant modifications – abridgements, omissions, textual cuts, and paratextual framing – in order to adapt the memoirs for a national audience. These interventions softened Churchill’s judgments on Italy, emphasised the ideological character of the war, and strengthened anti-Soviet themes, thus aligning the text with dominant cultural and political discourses of the postwar years. Analysis of contemporary reviews and newspaper debates highlights a polarised reception: critical distance or silence in intellectual journals contrasted with enthusiastic praise in mainstream dailies, where the memoirs were hailed as both literary achievement and democratic statement. The article argues that these editorial and translational strategies played a crucial role in integrating Churchill’s narrative into Italian collective memory, supporting a symbolic redefinition of Italy’s place from defeated nation to one of the victors.
The trajectory of Allied control in occupied Italy was characterised by the easing of pressure on local institutions in its progression from military government to institutional supervision. The structure of control was imagined as following three institutional steps, according to which the Allied Military Government would be succeeded – upon the re-establishment of a functioning Italian government – by an Allied Control Commission tasked with maintaining a supervisory role. A lesser-known institution, the Advisory Council for Italy, was established with the external contribution of Russian, French and subsequently Greek and Yugoslav representatives. This third body contributed to the political management of Italian affairs through a series of recommendations which helped shape the direction of the Allied occupation. By analysing the Council’s documentation, this article outlines its political objectives, institutional practices and internal tensions, while highlighting the development of a more widely co-ordinated Allied control policy for Italy.
This article tackles head-on a question that is often thought to defeat pacifism: ‘How then would you react against a Nazi invasion?’ That multiple wars are still recurrently justified as necessary to confront yet another ‘Hitler’ makes tackling this question critically relevant far beyond pacifist circles. On the Nazi context specifically: the question comes too late if pitched in 1939; militarism did not deter Hitler; there were actually many examples of nonviolent resistance against Nazis; even Hitler was mindful of public opinion; and the fight ‘against Nazis’ claimed many non-Nazi German victims too. More generally, and adding theoretical depth: pacifism need not entail a single absolute rejection of violence in all scenarios; nonviolent resistance has been proved to be effective; war-readiness has a corrosive constitutive impact; the Nazi question tends to assume that the application of retaliatory violence is controllable; and to presume that violence is the only option is absolutist and idealistic. Far from delivering a conclusive victory, the Nazi question, carefully considered and discussed, exposes cracks in conventional thinking about violence and war and provides opportunities to unpack and clarify multiple arguments advanced by pacifism.
During World War II, condom consumption increased in both belligerent and non-belligerent countries, including Sweden. Yet the relationship between state-led initiatives and commercial marketing in driving this trend has received little scholarly attention. The main sources in this article consist of wartime public health campaigns and condom advertisements. Applying the concepts of social and consumer engineering, the article examines how government interventions, specifically through public health measures, influenced condom marketing practices. The findings show that wartime campaigns sought to engineer citizens’ sexual behavior and that businesses strategically aligned their messaging with government propaganda. This convergence was instrumental in positioning condoms as essential tools for public health and facilitated a more permissive attitude toward condoms as prophylactics, bridging state-led public health efforts with commercial objectives. By examining this dynamic, the article contributes to understanding how wartime policies shaped consumer behavior and forged enduring connections between public health and market strategies.