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This chapter traces how networks of global connectivity came together in emporia through the changing flows of goods and ideas. With a point of departure in globalization theory, it asks to what extent the economic exchanges between strangers in emporia were able to convey economic, cultural, and political causes and effects between societies and across geographic spaces. Zooming in on the evidence of small finds, along with isotopic and biomolecular data, I show how refined chronologies and high-definition methods have altered the terms of the debate between archaeology and history. With a focus on early contacts between the Islamic world and Northern Europe from the eighth to the eleventh centuries, it demonstrates how the organization of networks could be of critical importance for their ability to link societies across geographical distances and make large worlds ‘small’ and navigable by those who were active in exchange. I propose that the organization of ‘weak ties’ between distantly related people was a key aspect of what made urban networks urban.
This chapter approaches emporia as settlements organized to afford new forms of interactions in the context of their landscapes. Such an approach reveals how their spatial patterns were manifested through social norms and institutions, which in turn governed communities and their ability to handle interactions between strangers. I show how communities in emporia used simple, effective devices such as road networks and plot systems to define social rights and obligations in ways that were both similar to and different from our concept of urban places. The physical structure of housing plots or ‘yards’ served to premediate and resolve disputes. I argue that this feature reflects legal provisions for strangers as much as it does practical concerns for space. The chapter also demonstrates the limitations of a focus on the dense waterfront neighbourhoods. Defying a traditional ‘strongbox’ concept model of urbanism, the physical structure and activities of the emporia were in fact dispersed over a much wider landscape. The arguments draw upon insights from settlement and landscape archaeology, together with theories of agency and structuration.
This chapter traces how archaeology in the early and mid twentieth century began to uncover the patterns of early medieval emporia, and how scholars struggled to come to terms with them in the face of contemporary theoretical constructs. Understanding of these sites was often impeded by the imposition models of thought that had been created to make sense of the industrialization process of the nineteenth century and the societies that had subsequently emerged in Europe and North America. I examine how modern concepts of states, urbanism, and markets have shaped research, and the problems this has created. I argue that the approaches that have been adopted thus far remain too entrenched in models of thought that were created to make sense of modern societies.
This final chapter draws together the arguments established in the book and outlines further perspectives for our understanding of the role of weak ties and strangers in human societies in both the past and present. It explores the northern emporia in the context of a global, comparative frame to understand in what ways they compare and contrast to developments elsewhere in the Early Middle Ages, and to urban networks in other periods. I review how emporia compare with other trading institutions in a broader historical framework. To this end, I point to the central but widely misconstrued role of encounters with strangers as part of human sociality. The conclusion points to a reality that lies deep within the history of social networks, which have been widely disregarded in archaeological models and social theory, but which in fact make sense of historical trajectories and the path to the present world.
The chapter explores how engagements with strangers were established in the early medieval emporia in Northern Europe, and how trust was created from the ‘weak ties’ of social networks in these meeting places. It has its foundations in the archaeological record, which is contextualized in a broader geographical and temporal framework. Focusing on themes such as maritime mobility and interaction, scale and organization of transport, modes of trade and exchange, extraction and circulation of materials, crafts and specialized urban production, and the cultural interactions of urban communities, the chapter debates how the findings of Viking-Age archaeology may hold important implications more generally for those studying the development of urbanism and the history of human societies. It also considers how emporia operated as an aspect of social networks beyond regional groups and polities in the non-state societies of early medieval Northern Europe, and how aspects of social networks can account for the development of these centres.
Although there has been considerable scholarly discussion of the relationships between the infrastructure and social and economic conditions of settlements and their estimated populations, there has been virtually no investigation of the extent to which it is possible to detect similar relationships within settlements, aside from some very preliminary work on Pompeii. The aim of this article is therefore to build on earlier work and investigate whether this is indeed the case by focusing on three other sites: Delos, Herculaneum, and Ostia. The results show that there are almost identical relationships between the numbers of rooms and the total ground floor footprints of the residential units within these settlements, despite their different social and economic contexts. This demonstrates, for the first time, that these effects are not just confined to one site and that we may be dealing with a relatively widespread phenomenon.
The site of Cuyuxquihui has long been considered a key Postclassic site in the immediate region of the Classic period capital of El Tajín. This report provides an outline of what we know of Cuyuxquihui and discusses the historical and cultural relationships between that site and El Tajín as evidenced in the archaeological record. The architectural style, the role of public sculpture, and the importance of the ballgame were considerably transformed at the later site when compared to the Late Classic capital. The more important transformations include changes to the ballgame cult, including the construction of a single masonry ball court at Cuyuxquihui, far from the ceremonial center, unlike the multiple masonry courts in the center of El Tajín. Nor is there evidence for the yoke/hacha/palma portable sculpture complex at Cuyuxquihui, a complex central to ballgame ritual at El Tajín. The Cuyuxquihui site plan owes something to the later period of El Tajín in its emphasis on terracing, while the scale of Cuyuxquihui is much smaller. This essay attempts to better define these transformations as part of an emerging Postclassic elite strategy to remake the region’s political geography after the decline of El Tajín.
Despite its record among early twentieth-century explorers and being one of the first sites excavated in southwestern Petén, Guatemala, Altar de Sacrificios has eluded Maya scholarship for much of the last half-century. This article aims to redefine Altar’s position on the ancient Maya geopolitical landscape and reconsider its role in socioeconomic exchange during the Classic period (ca. AD 200–900). We report new findings from a unmanned aerial system survey of the Upper Usumacinta Confluence Zone, contextualizing our results with other remote sensing surveys across the Maya lowlands. By examining the size, form, and distribution of settlement across this fluvial landscape, we characterize variable patterns of settlement density and organization in relation to shifting river channels and potential land use practices associated with Altar’s Classic period occupation. Synthesizing these patterns and population estimates with data from other well-documented settlements across the Maya lowlands, this study highlights the diversity of this ancient urban tradition and contributes to broader discussions on Maya urbanization—especially the connections between cities and more rural zones of human habitation.
Neighborhood centers at Teotihuacan provide important information about the city’s urban organization and systems of governance beyond central administrative complexes. They served multiple social functions, with evidence from some spaces consistent with ritual activities and others with residences for district elites. Yet precise uses can be difficult to discern because architecture and associated materials often present evidence of both, along with possible civic or administrative functions. Interdisciplinary investigations are necessary to probe expected patterns for more domestic activities versus civic-ceremonial ones. After first investigating apartment compounds, the Proyecto Arqueológico Tlajinga Teotihuacan (PATT) turned to understanding the construction history and uses of elevated platform complexes in the district’s neighborhood center. In comparison with nearby apartments, these complexes were elaborately made and decorated. Their larger courtyards and patios could accommodate group ceremonial activities, but portions of complexes may have also served as residences for intermediate elites, evidence of which is stronger for the earliest construction phase. We combine excavation and artifact analysis with geophysical prospection and floor and artifact chemistry to compare platform complexes with a baseline residential pattern from excavated apartments in order to elucidate what spaces served more community versus domestic functions.
Trading emporia emerged in Northern Europe in the Early Middle Ages and were the first coin-based markets and urban settlements in this region. In this study, Søren Michael Sindbæk proposes a new account of the origins of these trading centres by tracing their role in hosting strangers. Sindbæk proposes that 'weak' social ties are a widely overlooked middle ground in pre-modern societies that bridge the gap between 'strong' family ties and formal institutions. By adapting cultural norms, networks, and institutions, it was possible to combine a high level of trust within an open form of society. Emporia developed when the ancient conventions of hosting and guest-friendship became insufficient to accommodate the growing connections between peoples brought together through seafaring. Sindbæk demonstrates that the history of emporia is closely linked to the expansion of maritime trade, colonization, piracy, and warfare – the basis for what we know today as the Viking Age.
This analysis of the relationships between the Late Nuragic communities of Iron Age Sardinia and Phoenicians focuses on their contributions to the formation of urban centres. Both the near-absence of colonial settlements in the eighth century BCE and the evidence of recurrent Phoenician coexistence with Indigenous communities suggest that the emergence of a small number of urban centres in the following century owed much to these cultural interactions. The role of central places in Nuragic society was instead fulfilled by a small number of major regional sanctuaries that flourished in precisely these centuries.
Such are the idiosyncrasies and ambiguities of Los Angeles’s sociospatial conditions that they have birthed a body of nonfiction writing dedicated to understanding them. This chapter presents such works as a distinct literary tradition. Dimendberg identifies the 1930s, when Los Angeles matured into a metropolis, as the period in which a range of now-familiar (and mostly negative) tropes about the city solidified, while the German geographer Anton Wagner marveled at how rapidly LA’s urban fabric was changing. In the 1940s Carey McWilliams offered a clear-eyed portrait of Southern California that remained alive to its flaws and inequalities, but his assessment was far fonder than those of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer. In the 1970s and 1990s respectively, Reyner Banham and Mike Davis offered contrasting images of the city. Banham was among the first theorists to champion LA’s uniquely spatialized mode of city living as for the most part a success. Davis, meanwhile, embodying the critical urbanism of the LA School of Geography, excoriated its violent underpinnings and enduring carcerality.
Mexico City was America's largest city in the seventeenth century – a genuine metropolis. In this deeply researched book, Tatiana Seijas reveals a rich tapestry of stories about essential workers who remade and transformed the city during this period. Her narrative style carries readers to a unique place and time with residents from around the world who sold food, facilitated transportation, provided care, and valued the city's silver. Free and enslaved people from Africa and Asia, immigrants, and Native Americans pursued opportunities in a wealthy, yet deeply unequal environment, where working people claimed parts of the city for themselves. They carved out spaces to create new businesses and protect their livelihoods, altering the cityscape itself in the process. American Metropolis brings Mexico City to life from the perspective of the working people who transformed this early modern metropolis.
Taking into account archaeological and written sources, Egypt's urban past is remarkably evident throughout the pharaonic period, as can be demonstrated by a selection of relevant examples. There is also evidence of some unusual forms of towns and cities that do not readily fit into the common categories associated with urbanism. This Element aims to introduce ancient Egyptian urban society and form based on a theoretical framework that uses urban dimensions and attributes. This multi-faceted approach offers a degree of flexibility that is helpful for such an investigation because it can be adapted to the incomplete nature of the available evidence, which theories based on modern urbanism often lack. Additionally, it is important to highlight both commonalities and culture-specific traits of urban manifestations during the pharaonic period, which encompasses almost 3000 years. This longevity provides an exceptional opportunity to follow long-term trajectories and changes.
Mohenjo-daro was a major city of the Indus Civilisation (c. 2600–1900 BC), with excavations revealing evidence for public infrastructure, civic amenities and hundreds of residences. Archaeologists traditionally assume that urbanism is accompanied by economic stratification, but, at Mohenjo-daro, qualitative evidence of inequality is absent. Drawing on early excavation data, the authors here calculate Gini coefficients of residence area, providing a quantitative proxy of economic inequality. Their results indicate that Gini coefficients, and thus inequality, declined over time, coinciding with increased prosperity and the development of the city’s street plan, indicating that governance likely helped limit economic inequality.
Whether one is looking at the planet Earth or at the United States or at Texas, it is clear that the population is far from being equally distributed. Most of the people in China and the United States live in the eastern sections, but the distribution in China is far more concentrated in the eastern half of the country, where 90 percent of the population resides. In the United States, considerably more than 10 percent of the population resides in the western half of the country, unlike the situation in China. In some countries, people are more likely to be rural than urban dwellers. Generally, however, there is an urbanization movement throughout the world. This chapter is especially concerned with examining how the inhabitants of the world are distributed, and how most of them have become city dwellers rather than cave dwellers, as was the case thousands of years ago.
In the fifteenth century, Portuguese economic migrants frequented the African coasts to trade in gold and captives. From the seventeenth century onwards, African trade attracted other French, English, and Dutch migrants, who, individually or grouped together in trading companies, settled on African coasts as part of a global trading economy based on the circulation of goods, ideas, knowledge, know-how, and techniques. These exchanges fostered a cultural and racial melting pot in the trading cities of Gorée and Saint-Louis. Indeed, the union between Europeans and the women of Senegambia fostered the birth of a new Afro-European social class that served as an intermediary for commercial activities and technological dialogue. In the second half of the eighteenth century, thanks to their wealth from the slave economy, Afro-Europeans contributed to the urban transformation of the towns of Gorée and Saint-Louis, replicating Provençal houses built using European and local techniques and materials. Following the prohibition of the slave trade by the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the royal French administration embarked on a slow process of urban transformation in Saint-Louis, the first French city in West Africa, attempting to construct public and military buildings and impose a European-style urban planning.
While modern scholarship defines Etruscan Veii as a symbol of success, it interprets its later transformation into a small Roman town as a failure. Yet both written and archaeological records reveal that Veii’s Roman community invested in urban life, albeit on a smaller scale. This article argues that such developments are better understood through the lens of resilience than through binary categories of ‘success’ and ‘failure’. It invites broader reconsideration of how archaeologists apply these labels—often reflecting modern biases more than past realities—when studying historical settlements.
This article presents an analysis of the relationship between urbanization as an ongoing process and economic development in medieval (c.AD 1250–1400) southern and midland England. It is proposed that understanding the distribution of pottery through network analysis provides a means of comprehending the role played by affective material relations in these processes. Rather than seeing pottery distributions as reflecting an overarching economic context, the author investigates how relations with pottery, and between pottery and other commodities, generated distinctive and situated modes of urban life. He proposes that the medieval economy was a patchwork rather than a coherent system. The study draws on Deleuze’s concept of the ‘virtual’ to examine how economic emergence and urbanization are open-ended and difference-making processes.
Despite contemporary relevance in understanding how cities historically overcame demographic, social and economic constraints imposed by the lack of clean, fresh water, the value of estimating aqueduct delivery rates and their potential relationship with population size in the Roman Empire remains uncertain. Here, the authors use settlement scaling theory to examine recent statistics for city size and aqueduct capacity, revealing a systematic but sublinear relationship between these variables, whereby water supply increased at a slower rate than population size. Far from merely ostentatious displays of power, aqueducts were carefully planned to ensure an adequate supply of clean and fresh water.