In the target article, Thomas proposes that human beings possess an innate relational knowledge from early infancy, which enables them to recognize, categorize, and evaluate the strength of social relationships based on shared cognitive models, such as those outlined by the Relational Models Theory (Fiske, Reference Fiske1992). This hypothesis is grounded in experimental evidence from developmental psychology, which suggests that even infants are capable of distinguishing between communal sharing, authority, and equality relations, displaying expectations consistent with these structures and differential reactions to interactions that either violate or confirm such patterns (Hamlin, Wynn, & Bloom, Reference Hamlin, Wynn and Bloom2007; Spelke & Kinzler, Reference Spelke and Kinzler2007). The central thesis suggests that the ability to understand and evaluate social relationships emerges early and without the need for significant experiential input, relying instead on innate cognitive mechanisms that allow individuals to recognize the nature of interactions and predict their course.
However, although this perspective is supported by some empirical data, we argue that Thomas’s innatist hypothesis overlooks the crucial role of cultural learning, sociocultural variability, and interindividual differences in the development of social understanding. A more nuanced account should consider the dynamic interaction between general cognitive predispositions and specific environmental influences, avoiding the interpretation of infants’ early social sensitivity as unequivocal evidence of innate conceptual structures. Indeed, many of the infant responses observed – such as preference for synchronized agents, responsiveness to eye contact, or the distinction between cooperative and non-cooperative individuals – may reflect basic perceptual and attentional mechanisms, associated with biases toward coherence and regularity, rather than conceptual categorization of social relationships (Heyes, Reference Heyes2018; Tomasello, Reference Tomasello2019). In support of a less essentialist approach, it is important to highlight the significant cultural variability in the conception and practice of social relationships. Cross-cultural research shows that the ways in which individuals experience and represent relationships of authority, reciprocity, or equality vary widely depending on the sociocultural context (Meristo & Zeidler, Reference Meristo and Zeidler2022; Gächter & Herrmann, Reference Gächter and Herrmann2009). For example, cultures that emphasize hierarchy and respect for authority foster relational expectations that differ from those in cultures that prioritize autonomy and equality. This evidence suggests that the categorization of social relationships cannot be regarded as a universal and innate process, but rather as the result of progressive cultural learning, mediated by mechanisms of socialization and natural pedagogy (Gergely & Csibra, Reference Gergely and Csibra2020).
In this framework, statistical learning emerges as a plausible alternative explanation for early social sensitivity. Infants appear capable of detecting behavioral regularities and social contingencies through repeated observation of interactions between individuals, forming expectations based on the frequency and consistency of observed events. General cognitive mechanisms such as selective attention, sensitivity to temporal contingency, and associative memory may support the development of relational inferences without requiring the presence of innate conceptual schemas (Csibra & Gergely, Reference Csibra and Gergely2009). Furthermore, recent studies show that infants’ social preferences can be rapidly shaped by experience: exposure to novel social contexts alters behavioral expectations, suggesting a crucial role for direct interaction and early learning in the processing of social relationships (Decety, Steinbeis, & Cowell, Reference Decety, Steinbeis and Cowell2021; Thiele et al., Reference Thiele, Hepach, Michel, Gredebäck and Haun2021). Early interactions with caregivers and community members also play a decisive role in the development of social cognition. The concept of cultural scaffolding refers to the intentional actions of adults in facilitating the acquisition of social norms, roles, and categories by directing the infant’s attention and structuring learning experiences that reinforce the understanding of relational dynamics (Williams, Mastergeorge, & Ontai, Reference Williams, Mastergeorge and Ontai2010; Kärtner, Schuhmacher, & Torréns, Reference Kärtner, Schuhmacher and Torréns2020). Overlooking these dimensions risks misattributing to innate competencies what is, in fact, the result of a shared construction of knowledge within social practices.
Considering these considerations, we propose an interactionist model of relational development, in which social cognition emerges from the interplay between general cognitive predispositions and culturally specific environmental input. Within this framework, representations of social relationships are formed gradually through the observation of others’ interactions, participation in social practices, and exposure to behavioral regularities. This approach allows for the integration of the data reported by Thomas with a more nuanced and realistic understanding of the role of culture in the development of social competencies, avoiding reductionist explanations based solely on innatism.
Finally, to further clarify the relative contributions of biological predispositions and social learning, it may be useful to adopt computational models capable of simulating the acquisition of social knowledge based on empirical data. Longitudinal and comparative studies conducted with infants exposed to different cultural contexts could provide additional insights into the role of the environment in shaping social expectations. In conclusion, we argue that a more comprehensive account of the development of social cognition in early life must necessarily rely on an integrated perspective, one that combines cognitive predispositions with cultural learning in shaping the understanding of human relationships.
In the target article, Thomas proposes that human beings possess an innate relational knowledge from early infancy, which enables them to recognize, categorize, and evaluate the strength of social relationships based on shared cognitive models, such as those outlined by the Relational Models Theory (Fiske, Reference Fiske1992). This hypothesis is grounded in experimental evidence from developmental psychology, which suggests that even infants are capable of distinguishing between communal sharing, authority, and equality relations, displaying expectations consistent with these structures and differential reactions to interactions that either violate or confirm such patterns (Hamlin, Wynn, & Bloom, Reference Hamlin, Wynn and Bloom2007; Spelke & Kinzler, Reference Spelke and Kinzler2007). The central thesis suggests that the ability to understand and evaluate social relationships emerges early and without the need for significant experiential input, relying instead on innate cognitive mechanisms that allow individuals to recognize the nature of interactions and predict their course.
However, although this perspective is supported by some empirical data, we argue that Thomas’s innatist hypothesis overlooks the crucial role of cultural learning, sociocultural variability, and interindividual differences in the development of social understanding. A more nuanced account should consider the dynamic interaction between general cognitive predispositions and specific environmental influences, avoiding the interpretation of infants’ early social sensitivity as unequivocal evidence of innate conceptual structures. Indeed, many of the infant responses observed – such as preference for synchronized agents, responsiveness to eye contact, or the distinction between cooperative and non-cooperative individuals – may reflect basic perceptual and attentional mechanisms, associated with biases toward coherence and regularity, rather than conceptual categorization of social relationships (Heyes, Reference Heyes2018; Tomasello, Reference Tomasello2019). In support of a less essentialist approach, it is important to highlight the significant cultural variability in the conception and practice of social relationships. Cross-cultural research shows that the ways in which individuals experience and represent relationships of authority, reciprocity, or equality vary widely depending on the sociocultural context (Meristo & Zeidler, Reference Meristo and Zeidler2022; Gächter & Herrmann, Reference Gächter and Herrmann2009). For example, cultures that emphasize hierarchy and respect for authority foster relational expectations that differ from those in cultures that prioritize autonomy and equality. This evidence suggests that the categorization of social relationships cannot be regarded as a universal and innate process, but rather as the result of progressive cultural learning, mediated by mechanisms of socialization and natural pedagogy (Gergely & Csibra, Reference Gergely and Csibra2020).
In this framework, statistical learning emerges as a plausible alternative explanation for early social sensitivity. Infants appear capable of detecting behavioral regularities and social contingencies through repeated observation of interactions between individuals, forming expectations based on the frequency and consistency of observed events. General cognitive mechanisms such as selective attention, sensitivity to temporal contingency, and associative memory may support the development of relational inferences without requiring the presence of innate conceptual schemas (Csibra & Gergely, Reference Csibra and Gergely2009). Furthermore, recent studies show that infants’ social preferences can be rapidly shaped by experience: exposure to novel social contexts alters behavioral expectations, suggesting a crucial role for direct interaction and early learning in the processing of social relationships (Decety, Steinbeis, & Cowell, Reference Decety, Steinbeis and Cowell2021; Thiele et al., Reference Thiele, Hepach, Michel, Gredebäck and Haun2021). Early interactions with caregivers and community members also play a decisive role in the development of social cognition. The concept of cultural scaffolding refers to the intentional actions of adults in facilitating the acquisition of social norms, roles, and categories by directing the infant’s attention and structuring learning experiences that reinforce the understanding of relational dynamics (Williams, Mastergeorge, & Ontai, Reference Williams, Mastergeorge and Ontai2010; Kärtner, Schuhmacher, & Torréns, Reference Kärtner, Schuhmacher and Torréns2020). Overlooking these dimensions risks misattributing to innate competencies what is, in fact, the result of a shared construction of knowledge within social practices.
Considering these considerations, we propose an interactionist model of relational development, in which social cognition emerges from the interplay between general cognitive predispositions and culturally specific environmental input. Within this framework, representations of social relationships are formed gradually through the observation of others’ interactions, participation in social practices, and exposure to behavioral regularities. This approach allows for the integration of the data reported by Thomas with a more nuanced and realistic understanding of the role of culture in the development of social competencies, avoiding reductionist explanations based solely on innatism.
Finally, to further clarify the relative contributions of biological predispositions and social learning, it may be useful to adopt computational models capable of simulating the acquisition of social knowledge based on empirical data. Longitudinal and comparative studies conducted with infants exposed to different cultural contexts could provide additional insights into the role of the environment in shaping social expectations. In conclusion, we argue that a more comprehensive account of the development of social cognition in early life must necessarily rely on an integrated perspective, one that combines cognitive predispositions with cultural learning in shaping the understanding of human relationships.
Financial support
The authors declare no funding for the present commentary.
Competing interests
None.