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Several species of parasitoids associated with the fall armyworm, Spodoptera frugiperda, have been identified in Burkina Faso, among which Chelonus bifoveolatus, an egg-larval parasitoid, is the most abundant. This study was conducted in the region of Bobo-Dioulasso, Western Burkina Faso, from April 2023 to February 2024 under ambient laboratory conditions. The objective was to investigate the biological parameters of C. bifoveolatus reared on S. frugiperda on different host plants and at different periods of the year. Egg masses laid on maize, millet, and sorghum leaves were exposed daily to female parasitoids. The parameters studied included parasitism rate, cocoon formation rate, adult emergence rate, post-embryonic and cocoon development duration, sex-ratio, and lifespan. Parasitism rates varied between 48% and 80%, the pupation rate between 48.00% and 99.43% and the emergence rate between 27.60% and 84.91%. Post-embryonic development lasted between 14.18 ± 2.05 and 28.52 ± 2.87 days, while cocoon development ranged from 9.23 ± 1.18 to 21.29 ± 1.63 days. The sex ratio favoured males, with at least two males for every female. The adult lifespan ranged from 10.22 ± 3.74 to 13.34 ± 4.60 days. In general, performances did not vary much with host plants but were better during the rainy season than during the dry season. This study provides important information about C. bifoveolatus with a view to its use as a biological control agent of the fall armyworm.
This study aimed to determine the prevalence of mother–child double burden of malnutrition (DBM) based on anthropometric indices and its associated factors in Burkina Faso.
Design:
This cross-sectional study used nationally representative data from the 2021 Burkina Faso Demographic and Health Survey (BFDHS-V). DBM was defined as follows: overweight mother with stunted child (OM/SC); overweight mother with wasted child (OM/WC); overweight mother with underweight child (OM/UC); overweight mother with stunted or wasted or underweight child (OM/SC-WC-UC). Generalised linear model of regression using R programming was performed to identify factors associated with DBM.
Setting:
Burkina Faso
Participants:
5286 mother–child dyads living in the same household.
Results:
The prevalence of DBM in mother–child dyads was 4·9 % for OM/SC-WC-UC. Urban residence was inversely associated with 3 forms of dyads DBM. OM/SC-WC-UC: aOR = 0·60, 95 % CI (0·37, 0·96), OM/WC: aOR = 0·23, 95 % CI (0·11, 0·45), and OM/UC: aOR = 0·51, 95 % CI (0·29, 0·89). Higher child birth order was associated with increased odds of OM/WC: aOR = 3·82, 95 % CI (1·21, 12·10) and OM/UC: aOR = 4·75, 95 % CI (1·65–13·62). Older maternal age was associated with OM/SC: aOR = 3·17, 95 % CI (1·44, 7·00) and belonging to a wealthier household was associated with OM/SC-WC-UC: aOR = 3·43, 95 % CI (1·61, 7·30).
Conclusions:
The finding suggests that household-level DBM is an emerging problem in Burkina Faso. The most prevalent form of DBM includes an overweight mother with a stunted child, and common associated factors include urban residence and high socio-economic status. Urgent strategies and actions need to be put in place in order to avert this trend.
This chapter explores a genre of activist theatre that has developed in play texts written in the French language in countries of West Africa since 2000. This theatre in Benin, Burkina Faso, and Togo builds on the legacies of performance traditions and picks up the momentum of theatre from the post-independence era starting in the 1960s, and then the activist theatre of the 1990s. This theatre has transitioned from what it was in the twentieth century theatre as it reacts to new realities in Africa and to the redefining of global relations. West African theatermakers have rejected the European models in a literary decolonization effort. By maintaining connections to earlier African forms, contemporary playwrights in Francophone West Africa keep traditional means of storytelling alive and use these influences to write new theatre genres that diverge from those of European theatre. The chapter examines examples of plays from Francophone West Africa to highlight three components of activist playwriting: how it is political, how it is universal, and how it relates to other forms of African theatre. Finally, it approaches theatre as an activist artform in performance, considering who is engaged, and where and when this happens.
This study examines the impact of climate change, defined as long-term changes in temperature and precipitation patterns due to natural and human factors, on women's employment in Burkina Faso, highlighting labour market participation and gender disparities. Using a static computable general equilibrium model calibrated with a gender-specific social accounting matrix, it evaluates two climate scenarios: a 2.4°C temperature increase and a 7.5 per cent decrease in precipitation by 2050. The results indicate that these climate shocks significantly reduce women's employment opportunities. The supply of paid labour for women may decrease by 3.9 per cent, with skilled women experiencing greater job losses than their unskilled counterparts. In rural areas, the domestic workload could increase by up to 0.28 per cent, further limiting women's labour market participation. These changes reinforce gender inequalities and contribute to a decline in real GDP. To counter these effects, investments in climate-resilient agriculture, water and energy infrastructure, and women's entrepreneurship are essential. Gender-responsive policies are needed to promote inclusive economic growth and reduce employment disparities.
Democracy faces growing threats from authoritarian ideologies, especially in terrorism-affected regions. We test whether citizen-targeted democracy-promotion intervention can bolster democratic support and resist authoritarian appeals. A randomized online experiment in Burkina Faso exposed participants to educational videos focusing on: (1) introduction of civic rights democracies offer, (2) general discussion of democracy’s advantages in combating terrorism, (3) Burkina Faso–specific discussion of democracy’s advantages in combating terrorism, (4) space exploration (placebo). Democracy-promotion videos increased democratic support. The general terrorism-advantage message produced the largest gains, whereas the country-specific message had little effect. Effects are not contingent on respondents’ proximity to attacks or direct experience. These findings highlight how democratic resilience can be strengthened in conflict-affected societies and inform future efforts to promote democracy.
from
Part I
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Modes of Minding Social Action: Bodily Indices of Unity, Dimensional Icons of Rank, Concrete Matching Operations of Equality, Arbitrary Symbols of Proportions
This chapter considers Moosé forms of the four conformation systems: iconic dimensions and magnitudes, indexical consubstantial assimilation, concrete operations of one-to-one correspondence, and purely conventional symbolism. It discusses the ineffability of Moosé sacrifices: they have no explanation for sacrifices, and are not comfortable even describing them. But they are eager to discuss prices paid in the local market.
Using a dynamic computable general equilibrium model that differentiates cropping activities and labour by sex and includes household home production, this study examines the effects of rainfall variability in Burkina Faso from both a macroeconomic perspective and a gender lens. The simulation of the annual rainfall pattern observed in the country over the past decade highlights its broad economic effects and confirms the greater sensitivity of female-led cropping activities. It also underscores the differential impacts on female and male workers in the labour market and within households, revealing the interactions between the non-market and market spheres of the economy when a rainfall shock occurs. Nevertheless, additional simulations suggest that promoting water management systems or more water-stress-resistant crop varieties could help mitigate the effects of rainfall variability and that targeted measures to support female farmers could effectively reduce their specific vulnerability.
Spermophagus niger L. is a well-known pest of roselle (Hibiscus sabdariffa L.) seeds in West Africa and responsible of mostly damage. This study first reported the presence of S. niger Motschulsky in kenaf (Hibiscus cannabinus L.) seeds stored. Samples of kenaf seeds collected at four locations in Burkina Faso. In the laboratory, the seeds were incubated until adults’ insects emerged. The emerged insects were first identified morphologically and their biodemographic parameters studied under controlled conditions (32°C ± 0.1, 43% ± 1 r.h.). The results showed that S. niger (Coleoptera: Chrysomelidae) was the only pest encountered on H. cannabinus seeds in storage and was able to complete its development cycle there. Over the course of its life, which lasts an average of 7 days, the female laid around 40 eggs, resulting in 24 individuals dominated by females. The embryonic and total development time were average 5 and 26 days, respectively. Spermophagus niger population doubled in 6 days, with an intrinsic rate of natural increase of 0.105. The finite rate of increase and the generation time averaged 1.11 and 31.86 days, respectively. This study pointed out for the first time that S. niger is able to evolve successfully on H. cannabinus seeds in storage conditions and therefore, could be a serious pest of this important crop. The data from this study could therefore be used as a basis for the post-harvest management of H. cannabinus seeds.
Revolutionary movements operated underground before and after national independence in many African countries. A communist party in Burkina Faso, the Parti communiste révolutionnaire voltaïque (PCRV), continued its underground political practice, despite democratic breakthrough. On the basis of long-term research engagement on popular struggle and the fight against impunity, the author used participant observation in street marches, meetings, sit-ins, and so on, and text analysis of pamphlets, declarations, and tracts to analyze how the PCRV is present in anti-imperialist struggles, while being absent in the public sphere.
The formalisation of informal security-providers has important consequences for citizenship, the rule of law, and human rights. We examine these policies in Burkina Faso, where formalisation has led to concerns about vigilante justice and ethnic targeting. Although African governments' reliance on informal security provision is well-documented, less is known about the origins of formalisation policies. To advance theory-building in this domain, this paper examines the political logic of empowering self-defence groups through the study of Burkina Faso's 2022 junta government, with comparisons to two prior regimes. We argue that formalisation is not only a mechanism for overcoming vexing security challenges, but is a tool used by leaders to build legitimacy and strengthen the regime's grip on power. In doing so, the article contributes insights into the origins of governmental policies towards self-defence groups, with implications for the study of political legitimacy, security provision and citizen–state relations.
How does one speak of “African” state traditions, when they have been so deeply marked by outside intervention? Colonial traditions informed virtually all independent African states’ language policies. This chapter expands the STLR framework to postcolonial Africa, suggesting that continent-wide traditions include states oriented outwardly, with minimal accountability to citizens, whose populations are treated as possessing fixed linguistic identities. Beneath these macro traditions are more divergent paths deriving from historical and institutional differences, namely experiences with varying types of colonial rule and construction as either federal or unitary states. This chapter explores the case of Burkina Faso, which displays both the continent-wide traditions as well as a francophone, unitary path, situating it within an analysis of language regimes across Africa. It juxtaposes the constraints of tradition with the critical juncture and policy feedback that produced change across Africa in the last few decades. Finally, it argues that Africa’s language regimes will likely not fit comfortably into existing monolingual or fixed multilingual templates, since they are interacting with precolonial traditions. Rather, the policies that emerge will reflect people’s evolving language use, particularly relating to African lingua francas.
Much of West Africa (and particularly the Sahel) may be once falling again under military government. This essay asks what, if anything, historians of Africa can contribute to an understanding of this phenomenon. I argue that writing the history and understanding the memory of military government will entail a renewed approach to political history and social theory. It will also entail confronting — just as so many citizens are currently doing — the peculiar failures of democracy in Africa's neoliberal era.
This article sheds light on the effects that the unrest created by early twentieth-century colonial wars had on the increasing power of African colonial intermediaries in the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast. By managing interpretation processes as well as developing a monopoly on the use of violence, interpreters, soldiers, clerks, and chiefs created what the officers called an ‘impenetrable hedge’. Analyzing how these different figures deployed their power, the article argues that there was historical continuity in the formation of the intermediaries and the methods employed by them between the years of the colonial wars and the later British administration. Despite their institutional role, however, precariousness remained a central facet of these agents’ experiences. The article shows that they were continually challenged at a grassroots level, and suggests that it was only through the use of coercion that they were able to maintain their position.
This study examines the impact of land tenure rights on the adoption of short- and long-term agricultural practices and the impact of these practices on the income and food insecurity for rural households in Burkina Faso. The bivariate probit model and propensity score matching are used to analyze data collected from 4,398 rural households. The results show that ownership of permanent land rights only increases the likelihood of adopting long-term agricultural practices. In addition, adoption of short-term practices increases household income and reduces food insecurity, while adoption of long-term practices only increases household income.
This study examines the factors influencing women farmers’ choice of adaptation strategies to reduce the negative impacts of climate change and the effects of these strategies on household income and food insecurity. A field survey was conducted among 426 women farmers in the Center-North region, which covers 7% of Burkina Faso territory. Descriptive statistics, a multinomial logit model, and a propensity score matching model were used to analyze the data collected. The results of the econometric analysis show that high domestic tasks, type of climate shocks experienced, membership in women’s group, and financial constraints are important determinants of adaptation decisions. Adaptation strategies are also found to have a positive impact on income and a negative impact on household food insecurity. These different findings highlight the need to prioritize flexible adaptation options to improve women farmers’ resilience to climate change, rather than generic solutions.
Edited by
Marie Roué, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), Paris,Douglas Nakashima, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), France,Igor Krupnik, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC
As an Indigenous herder and President of the Association of Traditional Herders of the Sahel, the author describes the difficulties experienced by herders due to the series of severe droughts that they have endured in recent decades due to climatic change. Having suffered huge losses of animals, some have drastically changed their way of life, becoming increasingly nomadic, migrating far beyond traditional teritories or taking up agriculture to help feed their herds.
Recent efforts to improve attitudes toward outgroups and reduce support for extremists in violent settings report mixed results. Donors and aid organizations have spent millions of dollars to amplify the voices of moderate religious figures to counter violent extremism in West Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. Despite this investment, we know little about whether such messaging persuades the primary recruits of violent extremist organizations: at-risk youth in fragile settings. In this paper, we consider whether pro-peace religious messaging can promote social cohesion among school-age respondents in Burkina Faso. Using a survey experiment, we find little evidence that such messages affect reported attitudes or behaviors toward religious extremism and find instead that it can have the unintended effect of increasing intolerance toward ethnic others. Our findings carry lessons about the inadvertent priming of ethnic identities that can result in a backlash effect among certain societal segments.
Rather than exploring peacekeeping as a largely external phenomenon, the chapter examines how it has become, in some African states, a core mechanism for the consolidation and maintenance of political power. Peacekeeping operations, often funded by international actors and linked to increased salaries, training and status, provide an opportunity for African governments to prefer or circulate elites, enhance and augment the discipline and capacity of security forces, and socialise the cost of an expanding security state. The authors examine a number of states, including Uganda and Burundi, where peacekeeping has become a semi-permanent element of – largely illiberal - statebuilding in recent decades. They also highlight the delicate balance African governments must strike in building peacekeeping into the management of domestic political and military actors without sowing the seeds of resentment and rebellion, examining the cases of Burkina Faso and Gambia in particular.