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This article discusses the development of the German-speaking anti-vaccination movement from the second half of the nineteenth century to the early twentieth century as an actor-centred history of knowledge. Although the German anti-vaccination movement was a heterogeneous milieu, recurring shared narratives can be identified within the argumentation of its actors: The movement is characterised by a high affinity to conspiracy theories and an anti-science attitude. Antisemitism and völkish ideologies are also a recurring element of this radical rejection of vaccination in the German-speaking region from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards. These narratives are used to construct a knowledge system of smallpox vaccination that was an alternative to medical science and the political decisions based on it.
This article examines how the far-right political party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) mobilizes population replacement conspiracy theories, particularly the concept of Umvolkung, as a mode of political propaganda. While the genealogy of Umvolkung harks back to the Weimar Republic, and it is also tied to the racial and demographic engineering of the Nazi era, it has re-emerged in contemporary far-right discourse as a conspiracy theory of population replacement. In this article, I argue that the AfD’s deployment of population replacement conspiracy theories operates as biopolitical technologies seeking to legitimize exclusionary projects such as the “Remigration” program. Ultimately, I contend, population replacement conspiracy theories promote a biopolitical vision of protecting the national racially characterized social body from the existential threat of replacement through tightening border regimes, reconceptualizing concepts of citizenship and naturalization, and entertaining the political death of those racially characterized as non-Germans by means of exclusion-remigration imaginaries.
This chapter turns to the collapse of moral judgment Arendt saw in the early weeks of the Third Reich, and which she connects to the collapse of common sense and adherence to conspiracy theories in mass societies. The chapter draws on The Origins of Totalitarianism, coupled with contemporary “virtue epistemology” – the study of intellectual virtues and vices and their relation to knowledge. Arendt, I argue, is an exceptionally insightful virtue epistemologist. The chapter analyzes Arendt’s account of how European social conditions in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries led to the collapse of common sense in the face of a barrage of political lies. She warns that “if everyone always lies to you, the consequence is not that you believe the lies, but that no one believes anything at all anymore.” The result is a dangerous mix of gullibility and cynicism, what in the chapter I label culpable credulousness.
Why do so many people believe the 2020 U.S. election was rigged or that vaccines might cause autism, despite a lack of credible evidence? Chapter 3 explores this question through four key concepts: (1) psychological needs and goals, (2) cognitive heuristics and biases, (3) motivated reasoning, and (4) the viral spread of memes and misinformation. I argue that these false beliefs persist because they satisfy deep psychological needs—for identity, meaning, control, status, or affiliation. The beliefs obtained credibility through social referencing and conformity to ingroup opinions, as well as from constant repetition. Cognitive biases—including availability, stereotyping, confirmation bias, and myside bias—further entrench these views. Another cause of the problem was the sharing of memes and conspiracy theories over the Internet, which reinforces a sense of affiliation and indirect control.¶ Together with identity politics, the selective exposure to information, and weakened trust in epistemic institutions, these forces have accelerated political polarization, endangered public health, and contributed to the “pollution” of the epistemic environment.
This book is about conscience and moral clarity. It asks how some people keep their judgment steadfast even when many around them are swept away by conspiracy theories, moral panics, and murderous ideologies-or, on a smaller scale, by immersion in a corrupt and corrupting workplace culture. It asks about the surprising fragility of common sense, including moral common sense, and it asks where morality fits into a meaningful human life. Beyond this, the book asks about legal accountability for crimes committed when moral judgment fails on a vast and deadly scale. Hannah Arendt addressed all these questions in a profound and original way. Drawing on her published works, letters, diaries, and notes, David Luban offers clear accounts of Arendt's contributions to moral philosophy and international law, showing how her ideas about judgment and accountability remain crucially important to the moral and legal life of our century.
Having established the basics of a Pascalian, “cordate” epistemology, this chapter explores the implications for how the world works and applications to some pressing problems today. The way the world looks, and so the reasons your experience gives you, depends on the state of your heart. But the fact that the world can be seen in these ways, according to the different states of heart, is a significant fact about it. Pascal infers much from this built-in ambiguity in the world when it comes to religion. That the world can be seen as both a Godless mechanism and mediating a loving relationship with God confirms one theology (the Augustinian Fall), and disconfirms the rest. A similar situation arises for us today, where the facts about the world can seem equally obvious to both sides of our polarized society, even though they are looking at the same world, albeit from their own “echo chambers.” This chapter explores the relevance of Pascal’s views on ambiguity to the deep disagreements we encounter in society today, applying insights about how the heart influences the way things appear as well as how to communicate with those who profoundly disagree with us.
This article introduces the Comparative Conspiracy Research Survey (CCRS) dataset, an individual-level cross-sectional dataset on conspiracy beliefs in eight countries: Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Lebanon, Morocco, South Africa, and the USA. The dataset contains general conspiracy belief scales, as well as country specific data on dominant conspiracy theories. In addition, the questionnaire contains validated scales of social trust, populist attitudes, authoritarianism, self-esteem as well as items measuring political interest, ideology, and socioeconomic class. In this research note, we present the methodology of the survey and provide an example of how researchers can use the dataset. This example tackles the difference in the relationship between conspiracy beliefs and activism intentions across countries. We highlight that activism is related to conspiracy beliefs in consolidated democracies, but not necessarily in developing democracies or more authoritarian regimes. Lastly, we conclude by laying out several possibilities for research using the CCRS dataset.
This chapter focuses on the historical relationship between nationalism and conspiracy theories in times of pandemic. It argues that premodern conspiratorial narratives were mostly focused on eschatological and theological images, aiming to blame and delegitimise the religious Other. In these imaginary plots, the spread of disease was interpreted as an attack on one’s religious beliefs. With the rise of nation-states and the decline of empires and patrimonial kingdoms, periodic outbursts of epidemics gradually attained more nationalist interpretations. In these narratives, the threatening Other was usually nationalised, and even traditional religious groups became reinterpreted as a threat to one’s national security
Previous research on the underpinnings of support for conspiracy theories has explored the role of both generalized trust and political trust, but scholars have yet to explore whether both generalized and political anxiety are related to support for conspiracy theories. While studies have shown that general measures of anxiety predict support for conspiracy theories, researchers have not yet devoted much attention to understanding whether feelings of political anxiety are also related to conspiracy theory endorsement. Using data from an original survey fielded in 2023 that includes a measure of generalized anxiety and an eight-item measure that specifically captures political anxiety, we find that political anxiety is not related to conspiracy theory support, and that generalized anxiety is weakly related to conspiracy theory support. Thus, although there are good reasons to be concerned about the ill effects of political anxiety, it does not appear to be strongly related to conspiracy theory endorsement.
We offer a novel analysis of conspiracy theorizing, according to which conspiracy theory communities are engaged in collective projects of storytelling. Other recent accounts start by analyzing individual conspiracy theorists’ psychologies. We argue that a more explanatorily unifying account emerges when we start by analyzing conspiracy theorizing as a social practice. This helps us better account for conspiracy theorists’ psychological heterogeneity. Some individual theorists care about uncovering the truth, while others incorporate truth into their theorizing in subtler ways; viewed as a social phenomenon, though, the function of conspiracy theorizing is not to discover the truth, but to tell good stories.
The epilogue muses on the complications underlying the popularity of Turkish TV series in Iran and the secret gold-for-oil deals made in defiance of US sanctions as touchpoints in a vision beyond triangulation and comparativism.
Sanseitō is a fringe Japanese political party founded during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic that has won several seats in the National Diet since 2022. Initially coming to prominence as a promoter of anti-vaccine narratives, the party has since promoted a conspiracist worldview that connects to more conventional right-wing nationalism and addresses a much broader range of issues and beliefs. In this article we outline the core tenets of this worldview and examine how attention to its construction as a participative political ideology sheds light on the party’s political actions and motivations.
Historical records and recent events suggest that conspiracy theories and violent extremism are closely associated. However, empirical research examining this link has only recently gained momentum. The present chapter provides an overview of this fast-growing research field. We first discuss theoretical explanations of the link between conspiracy theories and violent extremism, as well as the hypothetical mechanisms underpinning it. Next, we summarize the empirical evidence so far along three main research lines: (a) evidence from radicalized groups and individuals; (b) evidence from general population studies focusing on support for, and intentions to engage in, violent extremism; (c) evidence from the general population focusing on extreme political attitudes. We conclude by formulating recommendations for policy and practice.
Among occultists, Hermetic writers, modern Templar groups, and conspiracy theorists, Michael Psellos has been imagined as a guardian of occult Hermetic knowledge, the secret founder of the Knights Templar, and a key figure in global conspiracy narratives. This article traces the development of this alternative reception in the West and explores its adoption by Turkish conspiracy theorists who, despite their anti-Western stance, have integrated it into their narratives about the New World Order. The dramatic reconstruction of Psellos’ scholarly pursuits in this modern underground reception has created a ‘double reality’ that diverges radically from academic interpretations of Psellos.
An extreme overvalued belief is shared by others in a person’s cultural, religious, or subcultural group. The belief is often relished, amplified, and defended by the possessor of the belief and should be differentiated from a delusion or obsession. Over time, the belief grows more dominant, more refined, and more resistant to challenge. The individual has an intense emotional commitment to the belief and may carry out violent behavior in its service. This chapter discusses the historical foundations of overvalued idea as first described by neuropsychiatrist Carl Wernicke. Case examples of phenomenology in forensic psychiatry are described, as well as implications for the diagnosis of folie a deux. Case examples of Jacob Chansley (U.S. Capitol attack), Anders Breivik, and Malik Hassan are discussed in detail. Finally, a discussion of Gestalt psychology, moral schemas, as well as binary bias and emotional tagging is presented as important to understanding how extreme overvalued beliefs develop.
This chapter explores patterns of misinformation in online conspiracy theory information worlds such as QAnon, as seen in publicly accessible Facebook pages. In particular, it examines issues related to expertise, authority, and gatekeeping; overt acts of misreading; the concept of connecting the dots, or seeing patterns and interconnections between often widely disparate phenomena; and interpretations of the symbolism in everyday life phenomena such as gestures, corporate logos, and celebrity photographs. It argues that, through its ubiquity and persistence, conspiracy theory misinformation functions as a persistent yet de-centered everyday activity, melding deeply serious interpretive acts with elements of gaming and sense-making.
This Element leverages a comparative approach to understand how conspiracy theories and their believers differ within and across countries. Using original survey data from eight varied cases (Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Lebanon, Morocco, South Africa, and the United States) the authors present specific contemporary conspiracy theories, illustrate how these theories appeal in their national context, and determine whether the characteristics of the typical conspiracy theory believer vary across setting. They first demonstrate that there is a wide range of conspiracy theories, some of which have worldwide reach, whereas others are more context specific. Then, they show that the determinants of individual conspiracism are very similar in the Western world and Brazil, but do not necessarily travel to Lebanon, Morocco and South Africa. Lastly, they summarize the main conclusions of this Element and discuss the need for greater comparative research on conspiracy theories and propose clear areas for future research.
This chapter explores the concept of democratic political causality in different political regimes. It distinguishes between top-down hierarchical causality in religious, traditional, and authoritarian regimes and the bottom-up and horizontal causality found in democracies. Democracy rejects the vertical hierarchical causality since it attributes political actions to human agency rather than transcendental or superhuman forces. Real-world examples, such as the messianic movement in Israel, highlight the tensions when divine attributions clash with democratic ideals. The chapter thoroughly examines the influence of Thomas Hobbes and his social contract theory on modern political thought, particularly his emphasis on bottom-up causality in the formation of the state. Furthermore, the chapter examines the challenges faced by democratic causality, including issues of trust in power holders, understanding others’ motives, and the emergence of conspiracy theories. It discusses self-regulation as an alternative to voluntary political interaction and the tension between individualism and collective action in democratic governance. Finally, the chapter highlights that despite the obstacles and complexities, democratic causality remains a fundamental measure of legitimate political action and authority. It introduces the concept of the “public fact” as a critical element in the epistemological framework of modern democracy.
This chapter explores the erosion of trust in public facts and the crisis within commonsense conceptions of reality. It traces the evolution of scientific practices, emphasizing the role of early experimental scientists like Robert Boyle in grounding them. Ezrahi argues that the contemporary breakdown of epistemological norms, which previously upheld facts as sociopolitical currency, inevitably undermines the foundations of contemporary democracy. The citizens' diminished confidence in understanding why political actors behave in specific ways, coupled with the disparities between motives and visible effects, fosters the proliferation of conspiracy theories. The current breakdown of epistemological norms manifests itself in the “post truth” era and the ascent of “alternative facts.” Ezrahi scrutinizes the challenges of discerning facts from opinions in journalism and underscores the perils of exposure to fake news. The chapter investigates the erosion of a shared commonsense perception of reality through the lens of the Brexit campaign and the Trump presidency. Ezrahi highlights that the blurring of the cosmological dichotomy between Nature and humans has made it increasingly challenging for the public to differentiate between facts and fiction. Finally, he advocates for an awareness of the public’s role in defining political causes and facts.