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Character evidence rules regulate the admission of a person’s character or relevant trait solely to prove they acted consistently with that character or trait in a specific instance. Simply put, the rules intend to exclude general, predictive character evidence to prove an individual’s specific behavior. Outside the courtroom, however, law and culture frequently use disability as a form of predictive propensity evidence to regulate access to employment, benefits, and civic life. Although evidence of disability is relevant and admissible in myriad cases central to the adjudication of rights and responsibilities, its strong cultural meaning allows legal actors to fuse concepts like “character” and “fitness,” often unknowingly, causing this practice to evade consistent judicial regulation. Indeed, disability’s profound ties to disqualification make it an extremely effective character chameleon, shifting form to operate as shorthand for a host of undesirable traits and serving as unregulated, circumstantial evidence of non-normativity.
Our current system of dispute resolution presumes that lay fact finders enter the courtroom with a common base of knowledge and experience to adjudicate facts fairly and apply the law as instructed by the court. What happens when this assumption is incorrect or incomplete?
Debates about a “post-truth” society, the nature of expertise, and the malleability of facts that are unfolding in public spaces outside of legal institutions raise two related questions about the administration of justice.
Cognitive function is a significant predictor of daily functioning in the population, yet the extent to which common mental health symptoms account for this relationship remains unclear.
Aims
This study aimed to examine the relationship between cognition, mental health and functioning across two cohorts.
Method
Participants were recruited from an online population cohort, HealthWise Wales (N = 3679), and a psychiatric cohort, the National Centre for Mental Health (NCMH, N = 1036), to complete a cognitive battery and the World Health Organization Disability Assessment Schedule (WHODAS). We assessed the associations between cognitive performance and the WHODAS, as well as two measures of life functioning: current employment and cohabitation with a partner. We examined the role of current mood, psychiatric and neurodevelopmental history and lifestyle factors using linear and logistic regression.
Results
Higher cognitive performance was associated with fewer functional difficulties on the WHODAS (HealthWise Wales: B = −0.12, 95% CI (−0.15,−0.09), P < 0.001; NCMH: B = −0.1, 95% CI (−0.13,−0.08), P < 0.001), being in employment or education (HealthWise Wales: odds ratio 1.22, 95% CI (1.11,1.34), P < 0.001; NCMH: odds ratio 1.31, 95% CI (1.19,1.46), P < 0.001) and living with a partner (HealthWise Wales only: odds ratio 1.19, 95% CI (1.06,1.32), P = 0.003). Higher levels of depression and anxiety symptoms were consistently associated with reduced functioning across all analyses. The relationship between cognition and functioning remained significant but attenuated after accounting for these symptoms.
Conclusions
Cognitive function was associated with functioning in both clinical and population-derived samples. Current symptoms of depression and anxiety play a key role in this relationship. Both cognitive function and common mental health problems may be potential intervention targets to alleviate daily difficulties.
Voters’ perceptions of election candidates are known to be shaped by stereotypes about candidates’ characteristics and social identities, including gender and disability. More recently, scholars have started paying attention to how the intersection of politicians’ identities shapes citizens’ perceptions of them, recognizing that identities do not simply “add up” but give rise to distinct stereotypes and expectations. This paper explores how candidate gender and disability affect voter perceptions through a survey experiment with a conjoint design in the UK and the US. The findings reveal a complex picture in which candidate gender and disability interact in shaping some, but not the majority, of voters’ perceptions of candidates’ traits, competences, beliefs, as well as voter support. The study underlines that intersectional approaches are fundamental to advancing our understanding of voter attitudes and behavior, candidate competition, and the representation of social groups.
Teresa de Cartagena (ca. 1425 – after 1478) was a disabled nun who faced a tripartite predicament as an author: deafness, gender, and her lineage within a Jewish convert family in medieval Spain. Regrettably, scholarship has tended to encapsulate her in a three-walled box (literature, affectivity, mysticism) in which medieval women’s spiritual writings in the vernacular are siloed. Against the prevailing interpretative model of her writing, which is based on enclosure and spatiality, I advocate for a paradigm shift toward a dialectic of absence/presence that underscores the pervasive nature of Teresa’s intellectual concerns and aligns more faithfully with the actual experience of deaf people. Within this perspective, this article seeks to retrieve the depths of Teresa’s intellectual aspirations, recognizing her not merely as a literary figure but also as a theologian and a Bible scholar. I also argue that Teresa is a mystic, and an intellectual one, whose mysticism has more affinity with the revelation of the rational and the enlightenment of the understanding than with the darkening of the mind before the inexpressible. Taking her intellectual vocation with the utmost seriousness, the present account aspires to reposition Teresa not simply as a marginalized writer but as a theologian of the marginalized: the first Spanish woman exegete and theologian, and the first proponent of a theology of disability.
This article proposes a novel way to understand the oppression of ableism through the modal device of counterfactual bodies. I begin with an overview of counterfactual bodies, defined here as the reimagining of disabled individuals without their disability. Some counterfactual bodies become vehicles of oppression when distorted by the imperative of cure, under which striving to actualize a counterfactual body becomes a morally laden aim for disabled bodies. Next, I outline some of the material, psychological and physical costs of striving to actualize a counterfactual body, which includes the disproportionate distribution of resources, suspended body grief, and pain and suffering. Finally, I consider the conditions under which a counterfactual body becomes a manifestation of ableism.
The Mental Capacity Act 2005 was not designed to, and is not fit to, provide safeguards for assisted dying. The impairment requirement puts interpersonal pressure beyond the scope of the Act. The criteria included in the Act struggle to deal with the effects of affect and motivation on decision-making even for its intended purposes and within its intended scope. The use of the Act in the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill presents an opportunity for reform.
This chapter systematically moves through the key questions of critique as a mode of building and improving knowledge in the humanities. It surveys key works in the conversation in relation to a variety of critical conversations and traditions, relating the questions of critique to major projects and goals in the field.
This Element argues that early modern witchcraft (discourse, visual imagery and trials) in Scotland, England, Ireland and America demonised, devalued and disqualified non-normative bodies and minds. Using interpretative frameworks of monstrosity and deformity, while working within wider religious and medical understandings of disability, physical, cognitive, and sensory difference was read as inner corruption, sin or divine punishment or medicalised and pathologised as something to be fixed. The witch's body became monstrous through association with demonic creatures and physical transformation, while visible physical difference offered sought-after physical evidence of witchcraft. Intersecting with social status, reputation, and gender, disability therefore explains why some individuals were accused of witchcraft. Disability could also hamper a suspects' ability to defend themselves during interrogation and trial. Their victims, the bewitched, however, used witchcraft accusations to navigate discriminatory narratives and treatment of disabling conditions and to find ways to cure or mitigate them.
This article aims to showcase how existing IHL provisions governing detention can be interpreted and applied in a manner that offers adequate, equal protection to detained women with disabilities. In doing so, it will examine both fundamental and more specific guarantees, taking into account the compounding disadvantages that result from an interplay between gender and disability in detention settings, and will offer practical recommendations on how these could be addressed.
This Introduction sets out the book’s central aim, and it also provides an overview of the main arguments with summaries of subsequent chapters. The starting point for this book is that there is a need to test a common assumption about the widespread use of techniques and procedures used to prevent the birth of a disabled child: that in a modern liberal state this practice is mainly or solely a matter of individual choice, and that the state itself is neutral. Further, it might be assumed that this neutral stance would allow the modern liberal state to maintain its stated commitment to equality, and that it provides a shield against any charge of eugenics. The Introduction begins to explain how this common assumption will be tested, by reference to interpretations of a neutral state intention. It also emphasises the book’s original contribution: while there is already extensive literature on the ethics of selecting against disability, this book is distinctively centred on an analysis of the state’s position.
This chapter examines how state neutrality can be assessed by reference to the provision of certain information, with a particular focus on information provided through prenatal testing programmes. The information that parents receive about prenatal tests and procedures, and about disability, can be powerfully influential, and can shape the choices that are made. The chapter reviews a number of reasons why the provision of information might not reflect a neutral position: the information might be overly negative about disability, for example, and there is a risk that women will be blamed for any choice that they make. Although it must be acknowledged that it is not possible to have an entirely neutral framework, the chapter compares and evaluates different options that are thought to support autonomy. The chapter also considers nudge theory in order to critically assess both the state’s intention and some limits to individual choice. Although many of these limits are ones that the state cannot entirely avoid, it is important to consider how they put the parents in a particularly vulnerable position, where there is a risk of manipulation.
This Conclusion sums up the main arguments in the book, addresses some final questions, and suggests some future directions of travel. In particular, it returns to the eugenics question, and examines whether current practices in modern liberal states might be in line with a type of eugenics that does not involve state coercion, but that rather involves manipulation, and chiefly the manipulation of women. It also emphasises how an analysis of individual choice should be a secondary concern in our approach to the ethics of selecting against disability, and that the position of the state should be our starting point. The last part of the chapter offers additional reflections on the topic of starting points, and on the importance of thinking further about the nature of pregnancy.
This chapter examines some further difficulties in interpreting the meaning of state neutrality in the context of prenatal selection practices, and that are tied to the state’s approach to disability. A first set of difficulties relates to the challenging or impossible task of identifying a value-neutral definition or concept of disability. If such a definition cannot be found, it is certainly hard to see how the liberal and neutral state can act, although a review of liberal commitments can indicate that certain approaches are more neutral than others. A second set of difficulties is associated with the fact that many parents of disabled children feel that some of their most important values change after their child is born, though they could not have anticipated or understood this change in advance. This common experience, which could be a type of transformative experience, suggests that prospective parents might not be able to make an entirely rational and informed choice, and that the state’s supposed support for autonomy might need some qualification.
This chapter analyses the law in two areas that relate to prenatal selection, with the aim of critically evaluating what ‘messages’ the law might express about disabled lives, and about the state’s position: first, the law on abortion on the grounds of disability under the Abortion Act 1967, and second the law in the United Kingdom on preimplantation genetic testing (PGT). In the first case, it is argued that the disability ground in the law on abortion is not primarily protecting reproductive autonomy, but rather reflects a negative view about the value of disabled lives. In the second case, it is argued that the identification of approved conditions for PGT does not reflect a neutral approach to the definition of disability, and that the legal regime includes elements of state coercion. The chapter also examines a third area which does not relate to prenatal selection, but which might shed light on the state’s position about the latter: court decisions about the treatment of very ill infants. Here, there are reasons to think that interpretations of the best interests of the child do not, in fact, necessarily only take into account the interests of the child.
This chapter examines the central role of Christianity in shaping early modern understandings of deafness. It demonstrates that while the Church was responsible for promoting deaf inclusion, it was also a powerful source of enduring prejudice about deafness. Across England and Europe, clerics routinely enabled deaf people to marry, make confession, and receive the Eucharist using sign language. This acceptance of sign language as a legitimate alternative to speech had significant legal implications, enabling people to demonstrate their rational capacity. Ecclesiastical acceptance promoted the idea that deaf people were legally capable, able to consent, testify, and participate fully in early modern society. Yet the Church also generated some of the most damaging and long-lived ideas about deafness. The association of hearing with spiritual growth meant that deaf people continued to face prejudice throughout the period. The chapter argues that this tension between inclusion and suspicion defined the early modern religious experience of deaf people: it also suggests that encounters with deaf people changed contemporary perceptions about the sensory nature of salvation.
This chapter examines how the records of the poor law, including petitions to magistrates, reveal everyday attitudes towards deafness in early modern England. These records show that deafness was rarely treated as a disabling condition in itself; deaf men and women were generally expected to work, contribute to their households, and support themselves. When deaf people did seek relief, their petitions almost always combined deafness with another factor – old age or illness for example – indicating that deafness alone was not considered sufficient grounds for charitable support. Yet the material also shows how deafness increased vulnerability to life cycle poverty, heightening the risks of unemployment. The language of care, seen in these petitions and in private family trusts for deaf relatives, was sometimes protective but could also function as a mechanism of control, framing deaf petitioners as dependent or incapable. The chapter argues that tensions between expectation of independence and protective oversight shaped the lived experience of many deaf people within early modern systems of welfare or justice
This chapter explores how early modern understandings of deafness were shaped by the interaction of new anatomical knowledge with older medical theories. Advances in the study of the ear helped to establish deafness as a primarily physical condition rather than a marker of impaired intellect. The speechlessness of deaf people was seen as the consequence of deafness, rather than a cognitive disability. Humoural medicine influenced the interpretation of these discoveries, and suggested that all forms of deafness existed along a single continuum. This fluidity may have softened the legal implications traditionally attached to prelingual deafness. At the same time, because age-related deafness was the most common form of deafness, this was the lens through which most people imagined prelingual deafness. The chapter argues that this combination of medical theory and social experience profoundly influenced how deafness was conceptualised in early modern England.
This chapter offers a rare glimpse into the lives of deaf children in their own words, using letters and pedagogical exercises that record their experiences directly. These sources show that deaf children were expected to meet the social and behavioural demands of their class and status much like their hearing peers, even when such expectations conflicted with their deafness. They also reveal evidence of a signing community in London earlier than previously recognised, indicating sustained contact between deaf children and adults who used signed communication. The chapter traces a distinctly British tradition of deaf education, from the experiments of John Wallis and William Holder to the teaching methods of Henry Baker and, later, Thomas Braidwood. Across this period, the strong emphasis on vocal speech reflected wider cultural concerns with bodily discipline, eloquent expression and polite society. Within this framework, signing was cast as ‘savage’, while speech was a mark of civility – a distinction that shaped attitudes towards deaf people well into later centuries.
This chapter sets out the book’s central claim, namely that deafness offers a new perspective on early modern England. It does this by revealing both the diversity of deaf experiences and the cultural weight attached to speech and hearing. Drawing on extensive archival research, it recovers the lives of deaf and deafened people across the social spectrum, showing how prelingually deaf individuals using sign language to work, marry and participate in religious life. Their stories challenge long-standing assumptions that a primarily oral society excluded them. Instead, deaf people were more integrated than printed sources or legal guides suggest, even as prejudice about speech and rationality persisted. The chapter also introduces the methodological challenges of writing deaf history, foregrounding the rarity of first-person accounts and the importance of interpreters, family networks and teachers. By combining insights from medical, theological, legal and cultural models of disability, the chapter reframes deafness as a historically situated experience that illuminates broader questions of knowledge, communication and what it meant to be human in early modern England.