Chapter 2 examines several groups of persecuted and émigré jurists in concentration camps and exile. There are a few general themes of exile that shaped the postwar constitutional structures of West Germany. Primarily, political and interdenominational coalition-building was crucial in Western exile. In the United States, Social Democratic Party (SPD) members were sponsored by the Jewish Labor Delegation; Jewish émigrés formed alliances with Christian apologists in interdenominational anti-Nazi coalitions. In Switzerland, Wilhelm Hoegner, a Bavarian particularist, founded a group with Prussian civil servants. The divisions of German society were weakened in exile, with the notable exception of the divisions between the communist and non-communist left. The strengthening of anticommunism in exile made the postwar SPD more willing to work in coalition with the Christian Democrats.

The Sound of Music (1959), with a book not by Hammerstein but rather by Howard Lindsay and Russel Crouse, is perhaps Rodgers and Hammerstein’s best-known musical, largely because of its 1965 film version starring Julie Andrews. This chapter analyses the musical in terms of places (including nature and the German concept of Heimat), mobilities (within characters and spatially) and identities (specifically families and connections to Salzburg and Austria).

Retrieving the forgotten evidence of the relationship between the Girondins, the sans-culottes and the short-lived sans-culotte ministry that took France to war on 20 April 1792 makes it possible to throw new light on the revolution of 10 August 1792. This was the revolution that led to the fall of the French monarchy, the end of the constitutional regime established in 1791 and the proclamation of the first French republic on 5 September 1792. It was also, as in 1789, a mixture of what was expected, but did not happen, and what was unexpected, but really did happen. The part that was expected, but did not happen, was encapsulated by Pétion’s muted ultimatum to the Legislative Assembly on 3 August 1792 with its evocation of Britain’s Glorious Revolution of 1688 and its none-too-hidden message about how a determined legislature could dismiss a discredited king.

This chapter explores the legacies of indenture for international law in Asia through a survey of the existing scholarship and points to new directions for research. Focusing on indentured labor from India, which comprised the majority of labourers recruited under this system in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, it shows how indenture shifted definitions of emigrants and foreigners, shaped discourses on welfare in migration, and left its mark on international relations as they emerged in the aftermath of the two world wars. The chapter also discusses how questions of nationality and citizenship in the postcolonial period often overlooked the plight of the descendents of indenture in Asia, and concludes with speculations on what the new form of indenture is and the limits of drawing these historical analogies.

In 1967 Pablo Neruda wrote his only play, Fulgor y muerte de Joaquín Murieta, which recreated the popular legend of the Chilean emigrant in “gold rush” California, who ended up becoming a bandit, pursued, and killed by the rangers. With the data collected during his trip to the United States, Neruda wrote his piece with the collaboration of the director Pedro Orthous, a member of the Chilean National Theater and one of the best representatives of political theater in Latin America. Both in the staging and in the text, the influence of Bertolt Brecht, whose work began to be known throughout the world, is discernible, but also that of the political theater written in Spain before and during the Civil War, especially of Fermín Galán, the drama of another communist poet friend of Neruda, Rafael Alberti.

In independent Ireland, civil war threat receded in 1927 when Eamon de Valera led his anti-Treaty party, Fianna Fáil, into the Dáil, the lower, elected house of the Free State’s bicameral parliament. The pro-Treaty parties were Fine Gael and the Labour Party. Various short-lived parties challenged the supremacy of the Big Three over the decades. There was investment in infrastructure (electricity, transport, agriculture, food processing) and native industry flourished from the 1930s to the 1950s behind high tariff walls, but unemployment and emigration persisted. Health care was improved from the mid-1940s. The Catholic Church exercised huge power.

In Northern Ireland unionists’ majority led to systematic discrimination against Catholics (assumed nationalist) in elections, employment and housing. Economically, apart from the Second World War, Northern Ireland experienced decline but it shared in the social benefits of postwar Britain.

The 1960s brought more questioning of authority of all kinds, all over the island. In independent Ireland, new-found prosperity removed the safety-valve of emigration and free secondary education improved opportunities. Living standards rose. In the North, Catholic dissatisfaction was expressed in civil rights demonstrations which outraged unionists, and the British army was called in to maintain order.

The essay reviews the ebb and flow of Jewish conversions to Catholicism, as well as the ambiguous process of categorizing religious identity. It examines the types of accusations launched against conversos, as well as the motivations for such accusals and their gendered nature. The essays discusses the truthfulness of surviving Inquisition records. It compares trials from the Spanish Inquisition’s first decades to those of later years, with particular attention to the presence of Jewish converts from Portugal. These trials demonstrate the complicated, ongoing interactions among Jews, New Christians, and so-called “Old Christians” throughout the Spanish Empire and around the world. The end of the chapter notes the decline of trials for Judaizing in the eighteenth century.

During the era of détente, Soviet and US leaders pursued common interests in controlling the spread of nuclear weapons, limiting the cost of the arms race, and expanding trade. Summit meetings brought agreements on nuclear non-proliferation, arms limitation, and space exploration. Yet, after a high point of friendly negotiation in the early 1970s, friction and competition overshadowed cooperation. While the unraveling of détente has often been blamed on Soviet adventurism in the “Third World,” this chapter presents a more balanced explanation. It notes that the United States too intervened around the world, argues that geopolitical competition was not the sole cause of tension, and highlights how domestic political dynamics disrupted relations between the superpowers. After the divisive and destructive US war in Vietnam, many Americans yearned to recover faith in their moral superiority. Denunciations of Soviet human rights violations, including restrictions on Jewish emigration and repression of dissidents, contributed to a revival of confidence in American virtues while irritating Soviet leaders. Long before the USSR invaded Afghanistan in 1979, acrimony eclipsed partnership.

The roster of industrial cities includes not only single-industry towns but also ports, capitals, suburban factory districts and regional clusters of manufacturing centres. Over time, technological changes turned all modern cities into industrialised cities. This chapter follows the spread of urban industrial production across Europe and into overseas empires and examines its impact on local environments. It then traces the planning efforts of state governments and architects to combat pollution and to redesign manufacturing towns. De-industrialisation in the second half of the twentieth century added unemployment and emigration to the challenges of industrial cities, which had to substitute new functions for manufacturing jobs. Multi-functional cities with well-educated workforces have found this transition easier than smaller, more specialised manufacturing towns.

Social networks are a valuable object of investigation in historical sociolinguistics, as they can contribute both to the onset of change and to the maintenance of linguistic norms. However, their characteristics make them complex to analyse, as their intrinsic variability may hinder the identification of phenomena that span different networks across time and space. This chapter is focused on Late Modern English materials, to present new resources through which network contiguities can be studied; this is the case, for instance, with the exchanges of emigrants, political activists, scholars and business correspondents. After addressing a few methodological issues, the chapter presents an overview of the materials at hand and outlines how networks and coalitions have had an impact, not only on the usage of participants (as shown in recent studies) but also on how language has been perceived, described and codified.

Chapter 8 discusses how the Russian regime’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 concretely enacted Russian hawks’ conception of Russia as an imperial great power that should rely on its technological and military might to assert its civilizational distinction from the West. The chapter argues that the Russian regime has restored elements reminiscent of the Soviet-style “vertical,” facilitating the propagation of norms and principles through a bureaucratic chain of command. However, it has not completely reconstructed a cohesive institutionalized state apparatus. Its doctrinal framework remains adaptable. In addition to official state-led initiatives, the regime continued to oversee ideology formation through interactions and transactions with a variety of nonstate ideological entrepreneurs. This involvement of diverse actors across state and nonstate realms fostered a certain degree of polarization within policy circles. Moreover, the hawks’ production of narratives justifying Russia’s imperialism and war violence encountered resistance from recent intellectual emigrants who have established organizations in exile dedicated to fostering critical thinking and dissent in intellectual circles.