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Using archival and unofficial sources, this article examines how political calculations, economic considerations, local consumption patterns and international dynamics shaped the colonial administration’s water governance strategies in Hong Kong. It focuses on how the 1967 water emergency prompted the colonial government to recalibrate its approach, from a policy of manageable dependency to one of risk aversion. After 1967, an “insurance policy” ensuring a “basic ration” was pursued. This led to the construction of the Lok On Pai desalination plant. The article then traces developments from 1976 to 1982, when Hong Kong gradually moved to a regionally integrated strategy, driven not only by improved Sino-British relations but also by economic considerations, growing public intolerance of water rationing and the Middle East oil crisis. By 1982, Hong Kong’s water insurance policy had officially ended; Chinese water was classified as “reliable.” By exploring these understudied developments and factors, the article contributes to the histories of water management, colonial Hong Kong and China.
The third arrest was of Nguyen Ai Quoc (Ho Chi Minh), since Ducroux’s address book led police directly to him. Nguyen’s arrest was critical not only because police were getting closer and closer to the FEB network in Shanghai (he reported directly to Rudnik), but because his incarceration by British police in Hong Kong demonstrated so clearly the vitriolic anti-communism of the imperial powers (especially Britain and France). Nguyen’s arrest also provided an example of the ways Soviet networks functioned to free important agents.
The second arrest, on June 1, 1931, was of Joseph Ducroux, a young French Comintern agent sent to Singapore to revive the flagging Malayan Communist Party. Ducroux attracted the attention of the anti-communist British Special Branch Police in Singapore, who then tailed him, opened his mail, and finally arrested him. Ducroux was crucial because he was carrying an address book that contained the long-sought street address of the Comintern agent Nguyen Ai Quoc (Ho Chi Minh), as well as a telegraphic address that would lead the Shanghai Municipal Police to Rudnik and Moiseenko.
This article discusses how binary thinking about colonialism obscures the complexity and interconnectedness of the Asian past, as it is portrayed primarily in the museums of East and South Asia, as well as in Asia-related historical exhibitions in Britain. Focusing especially on the societies of Hong Kong, Taiwan, and mainland China, it argues that dogmatic narratives of ‘coloniality’ prevalent in contemporary public and academic discourse in the West echo and reinforce authoritarian nationalist visions of political identity in Asia. These include the Chinese Communist Party’s neo-traditionalist, totalising vision of ‘Chineseness’, which delegitimates claims to distinct identities by Hongkongers, Taiwanese, Tibetans, and others. It is noted that in China as in contemporary South Asia, narratives of ‘civilisational’ glory threatened by ‘alien’ enemies serve to distract popular attention from structural, economic, and political causes of insecurity. By contrast, public history in Taiwan has evolved in a rather different direction, embracing diversity and questioning more simplistic accounts of colonial victimhood. In analysing the reasons for this, the article argues that the Taiwanese case offers a fresh perspective from which to reassess public debate over colonial legacies not only in East and South Asia but also in Britain and the wider West.
How does identity threat affect mass political participation during times of autocratization? Building on social identity and group threat literatures, we theorize that perceived threats to Hong Konger identity increase voter turnout; however, the political salience of this threat is contingent on the degree of autocratization. We test this argument utilizing the case of Hong Kong, whose ongoing incorporation into the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has entered an unprecedented era of autocratization. We argue that threats to Hong Konger identity came to mobilize voter participation, especially as autocratization progressed in Hong Kong. Hong Kongers resisted during this period of political change through their intention to turn out to vote. We conducted three original experiments during different transitionary periods of Hong Kong’s autocratic shift. We find that priming identity threat had no effect on voter turnout before Hong Kong’s autocratic divergence. However, once more extreme forms of autocratization began, Hong Kongers assigned to an identical identity threat treatment were substantially more likely to report a higher likelihood of voting. This mobilizing effect persisted in a third experiment. Our results suggest a paradox where citizens’ propensity to vote increases when faced with perceived shrinking opportunities to participate in elections during times of authoritarian transition.
This chapter examines a series of court cases in Hong Kong in which a number of newly elected legislators were disqualified from taking office in part because the ways in which they took their oaths during the swearing-in ceremony were deemed too flamboyant, too extravagant and too theatrical to be taken seriously. Implicit in the legal and political objections to their oath taking is the view that theatre has no place in the hallowed chambers of the law courts or the legislature, a view that is all the more surprising given the intertwined histories and representational strategies between law and theatre. Taking these cases as a starting point, I explore what may be at stake in this legal anti-theatricality, and argue that law’s determination to expurgate the theatrical could be read as part of an attempt to render invisible its own performative nature.
Hong Kong has two established medical schools, at the University of Hong Kong and at the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), and these are soon to be joined by a new school at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (HKUST). This article outlines undergraduate psychiatry education in the 6-year MBChB programme at CUHK and in a new medical school at HKUST.
This study explored how end-of-life (EOL) care practitioners in Hong Kong engaged in emotional labor while fulfilling their professional roles in a Chinese cultural context.
Methods
A sequential explanatory mixed-methods design was employed. A quantitative survey (n = 32) using validated scales that measured emotional job demands and emotional labor strategies was followed by in-depth interviews (n = 11) with EOL care practitioners from diverse disciplines. Survey data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, while interview transcripts underwent thematic analysis.
Results
EOL care practitioners reported high emotional job demands, with deep acting being their preferred emotional labor strategy over surface acting. Three key themes emerged related to: (1) balancing emotional involvement and professional boundaries; (2) employing strategic emotional engagement; and (3) navigating cultural beliefs and family dynamics. This multidisciplinary workforce developed sophisticated practices to manage their emotions authentically while establishing protective psychological boundaries. These practices integrated the provision of emotional support with the navigation of tensions between Chinese cultural values and professional responsibilities.
Significance of results
This study used mixed-methods to explore how traditional values were integrated into the everyday care practices of EOL practitioners in Hong Kong. The findings contribute to an innovative and culturally sensitive framework for exploring emotional labor in EOL care contexts. This is useful in both Chinese and multicultural care contexts.
The Epilogue assesses the aftermath of Britain’s decision to abolish the death penalty in the Caribbean Dependent Territories. It examines the mostly critical reactions of political leaders in the Caribbean and the events that led to abolition through local action in Hong Kong in 1993 and Bermuda in 1999. In the case of Hong Kong, Britain was ambivalent about the decision, which was influenced by the pending handover to China in 1997. By contrast, Britain’s new Labour government claimed it would impose abolition on Bermuda through Westminster legislation if local authorities did not act. Even so, abolition was a local initiative led by the Progressive Labour Party, which had opposed the death penalty since the 1970s. The Epilogue also considers the fate of the last condemned prisoners in British Dependent Territories, who were reprieved in the early 1990s and eventually released in the 2010s, and the legacy of colonial capital punishment on British death penalty policy.
Chapter 7 presents the first analysis of the abolition of the death penalty in Britain’s Caribbean Dependent Territories in 1991 based on recently declassified government records. The decision to impose abolition reflected the broad changes in crime and governance in the Caribbean over the preceding decade and the new diplomatic significance of British death penalty policy, but in the short term it was entangled with a scheduled execution in Anguilla and a dozen more capital cases that were pending in other Caribbean Dependent Territories and Bermuda. Britain was forced to abolish the death penalty in part because the likelihood of an execution seemed higher than in many years. The appointment of Douglas Hurd, an abolitionist, as Foreign Secretary was also important, but even so the change of policy was motivated by politics rather than principle. Abolition had been forced on the government as the only sure way to prevent executions that – it had become clear – posed intolerable risks to British interests, but Britain was still far from adopting a consistent abolitionist foreign policy.
Chapter 3 focuses on Hong Kong, where there were 261 death sentences but no executions after 1966. Chinese hostility to democratic reforms prevented the constitutional advances that occurred in other colonies in this period and left the British government vulnerable to parliamentary scrutiny in the wake of an execution. Previous studies argued that Britain required Hong Kong’s governors to commute death sentences from the mid 1960s, but colonial correspondence shows that clemency was not automatic until a decade later. Clemency appeals were judged on a case by case basis, even after Governor Murray MacLehose’s decision to uphold Tsoi Kwok-cheung’s death sentence was overruled by the British government in 1973. MacLehose thereafter played a central role in negotiating the Hong Kong Executive Council’s support for reprieves and eventually oversaw de facto abolition, as he strived to prevent capital punishment compromising his administration’s reform agenda. MacLehose also set a precedent for future governors by opposing reforms to the death penalty in other British Dependent Territories, which he feared would draw unwanted attention to Hong Kong’s anomalous position.
Research on the relationship between inequality and political engagement has yielded varying conclusions. Some studies suggest that inequality fosters political action, while others indicate the opposite, and some find no significant connections. This study demonstrates that individuals’ reactions to inequality are influenced by their attribution of the causes of low income. Based on a survey of over 3,700 residents in Hong Kong, a region known for its high levels of inequality, this research finds that blame attribution significantly affects intentions to participate in collective action. Individuals often attribute income inequality to three types of factors: structural, fatalistic, and individualistic. Those who attribute inequality to structural factors are more likely to engage in collective and disruptive actions, whereas those who attribute it to personal factors are less likely to participate. Consequently, reducing inequality can contribute to social stability by decreasing the potential for collective action.
Prevailing wisdom suggests that sentencing guidelines may constrain judicial discretion and hinder individualised justice; however, our cross-jurisdictional analysis indicates that they might actually better protect these principles than unrestricted discretion. Utilising two large-scale datasets from England and Wales, and Hong Kong, we examine sentences for burglary, assault, and drug trafficking. The results reveal a paradox: guidelines in England and Wales contributed to greater consistency in retributive proportionality and enhanced consideration of personal mitigating factors. Conversely, Hong Kong’s discretionary approach resulted in inconsistent application of sentencing considerations and personal mitigating factors. Both systems prioritised procedural efficiency, with guilty pleas markedly reducing sentences across various offences. These findings challenge the ‘bias effect’ critique by demonstrating that well-structured guidelines can safeguard individualised justice better than unfettered discretion can. The study offers robust empirical evidence for institutional design in criminal justice systems.
The global ornamental fish trade presents significant challenges to the conservation of biodiversity. In this study we explore patterns in the freshwater ornamental fish market in Hong Kong, one of the largest wildlife trading hubs. We conducted weekly surveys over a 3-month period in Hong Kong’s primary aquarium shop district to document species diversity, conservation status, native origin and market value. A total of 540 freshwater fish species of 73 families were recorded. We found that species occurrence in the market was largely price-driven, and minimum retail price was the strongest predictor of how frequently we encountered a species in our surveys. We assessed each species’ placement along the market occurrence–price gradient and found that potentially undescribed species dominated the expensive/rare end of the market, where the anthropogenic Allée effect (in which novelty/rarity exacerbates exploitation because of increased demand) may be influential. Alarmingly, 86 (16%) of the species in the market were potentially undescribed, and 38% of species in the market were either not evaluated or categorized as Data Deficient on the IUCN Red List at the time of our surveys. The significant proportion of unassessed and potentially undescribed species is of concern because of the potential for unsustainable exploitation prior to consideration of appropriate regulatory frameworks. Although our data suggest that cheaper, common species dominate the trade, the substantial presence of little-known species is of conservation concern, underscoring the need for more extensive monitoring.
Sea cucumber fisheries have continued to expand during the past decade at a fast rate, despite the predictable drop during the COVID-19 period. The exploitations are now qualified as ‘serial’ and ‘contagious’. The most recent trends are shown through the analysis of Food and Agriculture Organization’s capture data, collected from different countries and territories. The mean captures per year, in fresh weight, are over 90.103 tonnes. The mean trade data for years 2019–2021 are given by category of commodities, which complicates the trade analysis. The imports, in quantity and value, show the usual importance of China and Hong Kong, and now of Saudi Arabia. The exports show the importance of the frozen products from Canada. The statistics from Hong Kong in quantities and values (for imports and re-exports) are analysed for the past decade. Globally, catches have increased in comparison to previous studies, with new countries and territories developing export fisheries, new species targeted from new regions, and new products traded. The continued growth and expansion of the global sea cucumber trade is alarming as the sustainability of many species-specific fisheries remains of great concern. Stronger conservation measures, and their implementation, at national, regional, and international levels, are required to effectively protect biodiversity, promote sustainable resource use, and address the escalating impacts of the increasing exploitation efforts.
Theatre reviews have long shaped artistic discourse, but their role in capturing the cultural depth of global majority theatre is seldom addressed. HOME X, a collaboration between East Asian artists in London and Hong Kong, highlights the rich interactions between theatre, diasporic identity, and Chinese literary traditions. However, its British theatre reviews largely ignored these cultural references, prioritizing the production’s technological aspect over HOME X’s deep-rooted engagement with Chinese literature including mythology, fable, poetry, and the novel. This article foregrounds the cultural and literary depth of HOME X, and contrasts it with the limited lens of existing British theatre reviews, further drawing on such theories as Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s concept of ‘epistemic violence’ and Ric Knowles’s ‘new interculturalism’ to address the controversies surrounding such reviews. It thus argues for a more inclusive and culturally aware approach to reviewing East and South East Asian (ESEA) performances in an era when global majority theatre practices and audience are visibly increasing.
The influence of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the law and legal order of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region might seem not to be a case of inter-Asian law because it occurs within a single jurisdiction. Yet, Beijing has employed a wide range of means to shape Hong Kong’s legal order, ranging from making or interpreting PRC law for Hong Kong, to mandating or pressing for local lawmaking in Hong Kong, to more diffuse influences on Hong Kong’s legal order and its context. Chinese influence has made Hong Kong law less liberal and democratic and more like the PRC’s. The China–Hong Kong case shows the spectrum of modes of inter-Asian legal influence, the complexity of the relationship between transplants or exports of legal models and legal influence, and the issues that lie ahead in an era of possible competition between China and the United States/the West for legal influence.
This chapter examines what is known about China’s remedied wrongful convictions including three well-publicized “back from the dead” cases. The predominant cause was false confessions obtained through police torture. As in the United States, remedied cases typically involved multiple rounds of litigation that establish proven or obvious innocence. China’s responses to well-publicized wrongful convictions from 2006 to 2013, including the introduction of an exclusionary rule for involuntary confessions, are assessed. These reforms may help legitimate or wrongful conviction wash an unjust system. Unremedied wrongful convictions may increase under a 2018 law to encourage guilty pleas. The precarious and marginal role of defence lawyers is examined. Compensation has increased for the wrongfully convicted and is available to the wrongfully detained. The extension of the authoritarian Chinese system would have regressive effects, given Hong Kong’s broader focus on miscarriages of justice and Taiwan’s more democratic approach and lesser reliance on guilty pleas.
The contemporary expansion of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) in Asia has been unparalleled in the world. While London and other traditional forums remain a vital jurisdiction for Asian parties, those constructing ADR regimes in Asian jurisdictions increasingly turn to their neighbors – other Asian jurisdictions. This chapter analyzes the interactions between the prominent ADR hubs in Asia and their neighboring jurisdictions. Topics include the race between Singapore and Hong Kong for the crown, Singapore’s impact on Vietnam, and the implications of Singaporean promotion of mediation on the practice of ADR in Asia. The chapter argues that ADR centers, viewed from the perspective of legal transplantation, provide successful models for secondary markets, although such transplantation is far from seamless. This chapter suggests that Singapore and Hong Kong, as established hubs, will remain influential and play a critical role in shaping ADR legal developments in Asia, although competition may result in disparate effects.