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This chapter examines vowel reduction in a New Zealand English speaker, arguing that it involves three independent processes: mora loss, feature loss, and mora restoration. The study challenges traditional accounts by showing that vowel reduction is not merely a feature change but a systematic process affecting moraicity. The speaker’s vowel system shows considerable complexity, with surface schwa types shaped by stress, moraicity, and phonological context. Notably, the speaker distinguishes between super-short, short, and long schwas, with short and long schwas alternating with super-short schwa in unstressed positions. In the speaker’s speech, unstressed vowels first lose their moras and then undergo feature loss, becoming non-moraic schwa. Some vowels undergo mora restoration, regaining moraic status in specific environments. The chapter also examines unstressed vowel alternations, showing that vowel reduction operates differently in lexical and function words. Acoustic data from experiments confirm that duration serves as a key indicator of moraic status. These findings show that vowel reduction results from interacting phonological mechanisms.
This article follows a change in pronunciation of word-medial intervocalic /t/ in New Zealand English, as it unfolds over 120 years. Data are analyzed in the context of questions about the role of experience-based lexical representations and their potential impact on the time course of sound change in progress. Three major results are reported. First, frequent words lead the change. Second, the distributions of individual words affect their participation in the change: words favored by younger speakers are produced with newer variants. Finally, the topic of conversation affects which variant is favored: older topics elicit older variants. Together, these findings provide evidence that phonetic distributions of word-level representations are implicated in the course of sound change.
Recent research into vowel covariation has suggested that speakers can be identified as leaders or laggers in multiple ongoing sound changes. What remains unclear is how stable a speaker’s patterns of covariation are over time and whether these leaders and laggers of sound changes remain leaders and laggers over time. We employ corpus data from 51 New Zealand English (NZE) speakers who were recorded at two time-points (eight years apart) and explore covariation between 10 monophthongs using principal component analysis (PCA). The results indicate significant stability across the time-points in two unique vowel clusters, suggesting that speakers’ covariation position within their community remains stable over time. The overall covariation patterns also replicate patterns previously observed in a different corpus of NZE, indicating that patterns of vowel covariation observed with PCA can be stable and replicable across multiple corpora.
This study investigates the use of double modals in Australian and New Zealand English using Twitter/𝕏 data. Double modals are rare grammatical constructions long believed to be limited to regional dialects in the Northern UK and the Southern US. Utilizing a geolocated corpus of over 80 million tweets, the study identifies 314 authentic double modal instances across 51 types, primarily occurring in informal tweets. Findings reveal widespread, albeit low-frequency, usage across both countries without clear geographical patterns. The results align with recent studies suggesting double modals are not confined to specific regions but are possible for most English speakers. The study also questions the traditional Scots-Irish origin theory, proposing an alternative view where the feature is a broader syntactic possibility. Future research should explore larger datasets and extend investigations to outer-circle English varieties to understand better the historical spread and syntactic nature of double modals.
In this chapter we discuss the results of the experimental component to the study, which is designed to examine the degree to which the probabilistic contrasts uncovered in the corpus analysis are also discernible in language users’ introspective preferences. These experiments were designed to corroborate and interrogate the scope of the patterns observed in our corpus models.
This chapter includes a succinct review of World Englishes and dialect typology literature, with a focus on the main theoretical paradigms within this sphere (e.g. the Three Circles model and the Dynamic Model). We then introduce the nine regional varieties of English under study in the book: British English, Canadian English, Irish English, New Zealand English, Hong Kong English, Indian English, Jamaican English, Philippine English, and Singapore English. The discussion includes a brief summary of relevant aspects of these varieties’ sociohistories as well as their linguistic profiles.
This chapter gives an overview of the development of lexicography in New Zealand before and after the publication of the landmark Dictionary of New Zealand English in 1997. Attention is given to the importance of the Maori language in New Zealand English and the ways in which slang has been over-emphasised as a characteristic of this variety of English. As well as monolingual English dictionaries, the chapter includes some discussion of dictionaries in New Zealand's two official languages, Maori and New Zealand Sign Language.
This chapter looks at the spread of English to countries of the Southern Hemisphere, notably Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. These “Southern Hemisphere Englishes” (including the islands of Tristan da Cunha and the Falklands in the South Atlantic) have been found to have a lot in common both historically and linguistically: similar settlement periods (the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries) and strategies (typically large-scale, organized settlement moves of lower- and middle-class people from the British Isles, mainly southern and south-eastern England). Their descendants today constitute large native-speaking communities of direct British ancestry. They faced similar situations – unfamiliar territory and climate and, most importantly, the need to deal and communicate with earlier residents of the areas they migrated to. In the long run, these peoples – Aboriginals in Australia; Maoris in New Zealand; Africans, Afrikaners, and later also Indians in South Africa – have adopted and transformed English, using it for their own purposes, and many of them have shifted to it, thus producing new ethnic varieties like Aboriginal English or Maori English. Cast studies and language samples focus on Australian English (including a discussion of pronunciation features in a "footie" sports program) and South African varieties of English.
Australasia and the Pacific encompass a range of diverse native and non-native Englishes, including contact varieties such as pidgins and creoles. The chapter provides a new approach to these varieties by focusing on their geographical closeness and structural patterns that have the potential of being areal features of Australasian and (South) Pacific Englishes. Owing to the interaction of conditioning factors in language evolution, such features are not only difficult to define but also difficult to trace. Therefore, a significant section of the chapter provides a detailed theoretical discussion on areal features in Australasia and the South Pacific. Finally, three different scenarios are outlined in which the emergence of areal features for at least a number of these varieties seems to be apparent: parallel developments of Australian and New Zealand English; the possible influence of Pasifika Englishes in New Zealand on other varieties; and the effect of similarities in substrate languages, cultural practices, and in the external ecology as a precursor to areal features for ESL, EFL, ethnic varieties, pidgins, and creoles in Australasia and the Pacific.
This article documents novel uses of the noun heaps in New Zealand English, namely as quantifier and intensifier, by means of quantitative and qualitative analyses of corpus data. Closely following in the footsteps of lots, heaps is the second most frequent size noun in New Zealand English. On the basis of exhaustive coding of four corpora of New Zealand English (spoken and written), the article describes and exemplifies the various uses of heaps in this English variety. Results show heaps is preferred in speech compared to writing, and that its most common use is as a quantifier, followed by an extension to an intensifying use, which has received comparatively less attention in the literature (and never specifically in the context of New Zealand English). An examination of early New Zealand English in the ONZE Corpus testifies to this incoming change, with heaps grammaticalizing into an adverb and bearing the semantic role of intensifier. Multivariate statistical tests show that innovative uses of heaps are largely driven by younger speakers.
The language spoken in New Zealand at the time of the arrival of the Europeans was a Polynesian language Maori. This chapter presents description of present-day New Zealand English phonetics and phonology, and discusses the history of the pronunciation of English in New Zealand. It has generally been assumed that the morphology and syntax of New Zealand English is indistinguishable from that of British English. Most of the vocabulary that is found in New Zealand English is general to all varieties of English. Despite the fact that many New Zealanders have an ambivalent attitude to America and Americanisms, there are a number of Americanisms in New Zealand English which are normal, and a lot more which are stylistically marked. The chapter discusses the regional variations in New Zealand English, and suggests that the most likely origin of New Zealand English is as an exported variety of Australian English.
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