To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Societal polarization ranks among the most pressing global challenges, posing serious risks to social harmony, democratic stability, and collective well-being. This chapter draws on psychology and neuroscience to examine how ordinary differences can escalate into entrenched intergroup conflict. We review key psychological and neural mechanisms underlying intergroup conflict, including social categorization, stereotyping, personality traits, power, and echo-chambers. We then synthesize evidence-based interventions, from informational and contact-based approaches to emotion- and identity-focused strategies, that have been shown to reduce intergroup tensions and strengthen social cohesion. Together, these insights offer a roadmap for fostering more cooperative and socially harmonious societies.
This chapter examines political disagreement as a serious everyday problem, exploring why we struggle to engage with those who think differently about politics. Taking an identity-centered psychological approach, the chapter examines how political positions become tied to our sense of self, transforming policy disagreements into perceived threats. Drawing on research on social identity, motivated reasoning, and meta-perceptions, I explore how these processes create vicious cycles of avoidance in ordinary conversations – at family dinners, in workplaces, and across social media. The chapter then turns to evidence-based interventions, arguing that the solution lies not in eliminating disagreement but in building skills for productive dialogue, from conversational receptiveness to epistemic humility, alongside educational and institutional approaches that can cultivate democratic curiosity.
Football-related disorder remains a visible form of collective violence, generating substantial policing costs and persistent tensions around rights, legitimacy, and public order. Despite declines in organized “hooliganism,” football continues to be governed through highly resourced public order policing grounded in static assumptions about fan groups. We argue such approaches misdiagnose the problem. Drawing on Social Identity Theory and the Elaborated Social Identity Model, football disorder is conceptualized as an interactional and relational process shaped by legitimacy, identity, and institutional practice. Methodologically, the chapter advances an outward-facing, epistemologically pluralistic psychology integrating ethnography, interpretive analysis, and Participatory Action Research. Empirically, it compares developments in football policing in England and Wales with contemporary approaches in Switzerland. The UK case illustrates how dialogue-led, research-informed practice can foster legitimacy, self-regulation, and de-escalation, while the Swiss case shows how preemptive, legalistic controls undermine legitimacy, amplify oppositional identities, and escalate conflict.
It appears that in Quebec, liberal values are associated with support for restricting minority religious symbols, while in Canada outside of Quebec, the opposite is true (Turgeon et al., 2019). Turgeon et al. (2019) explain this in terms of Quebec’s distinct strain of liberalism. However, there is an alternative explanation: that different social groups—i.e., political parties—mobilize liberal values in different ways in Quebec as compared to the rest of Canada, and that social group members—i.e., party identifiers—adopt their group’s, or party’s, cues. We repeat Turgeon’s (2019) original study with new data but also include a measure of partisan identity to clarify whether liberal values or partisan attachments explain differences between preferences for restricting minority symbols in Quebec and the rest of Canada. We find that identification with a Quebec nationalist party explains the relationship between liberal values and support for restricting minority symbols in Quebec in our dataset.
Affective polarization is commonly defined and measured by combining positive attitudes toward one’s own political party and negative attitudes toward one or more opposing parties. It has aroused considerable public and academic attention because of its link to societal hostility, uncivil online discourse, declining cross-partisan interactions, political intransigence, and a hardening of party lines – all contributing to democratic backsliding. To better understand the impact of polarization on democracy, this chapter unpacks polarization into two key psychological components: (1) identification with one’s in-party, and (2) animosity toward an out-party. We summarize evidence on these positive and negative facets of attachment to a political party, which fuel democratic engagement but also motivate support for undemocratic practices. Out-party animosity, linked to but distinguishable from partisan identity, can promote more extreme antidemocratic behaviors, including support for political violence. We discuss implications of these dynamics for democratic backsliding in the United States and conclude that strong partisans are more concerned about their party than democracy.
Many factors influence the perceptions, attitudes and behaviour of actors in co-management, from trust and perceptions of legitimacy to the timing and extent of participation. The chapter introduces and reviews concepts that have less extensively been applied to analyses of the co-management of renewable natural resources. These concepts are personal values, behaviour, social norms, identity and agency. The chapter draws on literature from social psychology and philosophy to identify key characteristics of each concept and identify what has been learnt from application of these concepts to relevant contexts to the co-management of renewable natural resources. The chapter concludes by identifying key and recurring themes, particularly related to the need to understand the social context of co-management, the role of social norms and the links between values, behaviour, identity and agency and the rights and pursuits of justice of Indigenous Peoples and local communities involved in co-management.
This chapter critically assesses the identity approach to intergroup relations, which includes social identity theory and self-categorization theory. The identity approach has become the most important approach to understanding intergroup relations. The history of the identity approach is discussed, with a focus on Henri Tajfel, John Turner, and the European movement to establish a more social social psychology. Social identity theory proposes that people have a need for a positive and distinct identity, and experimental evidence testing this proposition is critcally discussed. The consequences of people feeling they have an inadequate social identity are also examined, with a focus on the conditions (e.g., perceived legitimacy and stability of the socio-political system) that lead to different types of individual and collective actions. The applied implications of the identity approach, and the relationship between this approach and other intergroup theories, are also examined.
While the politicization of ethnic identities is readily observed around the world, a generalized understanding of what makes members of a particular group more likely to coordinate their votes towards a single party or candidate remains elusive. This Element scrutinizes voting patterns at the social group level based on individual-level survey data and controlling for country-level variables across 115 countries. The findings highlight how the characteristics of ethnic groups, especially size and crosscutting patterns, interact within political institutions. Three group-level characteristics are especially influential to bloc voting – stronger geographic concentration, greater internal alignment of group members across other identity dimensions, and groups whose members are more distinctive across identity dimensions compared to the broader population. When analyzed across political institutions, the highest rates of bloc voting occur among small groups with low crosscutting in permissive settings and medium groups with low crosscutting in restrictive settings.
This paper develops an interdisciplinary perspective, which combines ideas from anthropology, sociolinguistics and interface design, on how AI chatbots project recognizable social identities. Specifically, it brings together Silvio’s notion of animation, the social practices through which “humanness” is projected onto nonhuman entities, and Blommaert’s notion of enoughness, the idea that the authenticity of linguistic performances is a matter not of the accuracy of a performance but of how audiences collectively evaluate it as socially recognizable. The analysis draws on a corpus of metapragmatic artifacts posted on social media sites related to ChatGPT’s advanced voice mode and Sesame.ai’s hyper-realistic voice interface. Analysis of these artifacts reveals how designers, users and AI systems co-produce boundaries of authenticity through the deployment and uptake of linguistic and discursive features such as accent and stance. In doing so, they continually recalibrate what counts as culturally competent performances, shaping emergent norms of identity and sociality around AI. The paper highlights how humanness and culturality are distributed across technical systems, corporate discourse, and human interlocutors, with important implications for understanding how generative AI reproduces cultural stereotypes by drawing on the linguistic labor of users.
The expansion of developer-funded archaeology in Britain since 1990 has generated a wealth of information about the rural settlement and landscape of Roman Britain. Using the rich dataset pulled together by the ‘Rural Settlement of Roman Britain’ project, this paper highlights several key elements of the distribution, type and morphology of the multitude of known settlements of this period, with reflections provided on the agricultural economy and the social identities of the people who lived in these places.
We commend developing a processual, relational and experiential psychosocial framework for exploring the human impacts of crises, disasters and extreme events that encompasses multidisciplinary contributions interactively. We suggest a paradigm shift employing the notion and properties of liminality, because this refers directly to change and meets the challenges we outline.
Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is increasingly recognised as a social identity as well as a medical diagnosis. Social identity theory suggests that group identification can benefit self-esteem, well-being and mental health, but little is known about ADHD social identification or preferred terminology in English.
Aims
We aimed to measure ADHD social identification and preferred terminology in a sample of adults with ADHD in the UK and to understand whether ADHD social identification is related to improved self-esteem, well-being and mental health.
Method
Three hundred and nineteen adults with ADHD in the UK participated. They were aged between 18 and 73 years and 59% were female. Participants completed self-report measures of ADHD social identification, self-esteem, well-being, anxiety, depression, terminology preferences, medication use and sources of learning about ADHD. Descriptive statistics were used to identify the percentage of participants who preferred ADHD-first versus person-first terminology. Pre-registered serial mediation models tested hypothesised pathways from ADHD identification to mental health via self-esteem and well-being. Further analyses examined associations between terminology preferences, medication use and sources of learning about ADHD.
Results
ADHD identification was not significantly correlated with self-esteem, anxiety or depression. Most participants (77%) preferred person-first terminology (‘person with ADHD’). Higher ADHD identification was associated with identity-first language preference and medication use. Social media was the only source of learning about ADHD related to higher ADHD identification. In mediation models, ADHD identification was not associated with self-esteem or well-being; however, a subcomponent of ADHD social identification – satisfaction – was indirectly related to better mental health via self-esteem and well-being.
Conclusions
These cross-sectional findings indicated that ADHD identification did not show the hypothesised protective associations with mental health. Preferences for person-first terminology suggest ADHD is not always central to identity. Longitudinal and qualitative studies are needed to clarify causal relationships and clinical implications.
The rise of nationalist and populist candidates worldwide provides compelling evidence that parties win elections, not by appealing to voters’ policy preferences alone, but rather by connecting those preferences to group identities. This state-of-the-field article argues that party scholars need to integrate constructivist insights from neighboring fields to better understand the role of group identities in party competition. We review recent demand- and supply-side studies on the role of group identities in elections and bring them into conversation with the literature on ethnic politics and nationalism and political economic models of identity politics. On this basis, we suggest a research agenda that models voters as having both policy preferences and desires for self-esteem and self-consistency, which are mediated by their identification with social groups. Voters want to benefit others they see as being similar to themselves, to raise the status of the groups they identify with, and to maintain self-consistency by narrowing the gap between themselves and members of groups with which they identify. Political parties strategically combine policy offers with group appeals to address – and shape – all these motivations. Shifting from a ‘policy-only’ towards a ‘policy-cum-identity’ paradigm will enable the field of party politics to better understand the dynamics of real-world electoral competition and to reconcile its models with the latest developments in the political theory of representation.
Discussions of social organisation in early complex societies often rely on traditional narratives of a linear progression to hierarchy, but archaeological evidence is increasingly showcasing a spectrum of social structures. Here, examination of burial practices in 50 tombs from Kedurma, Sudan, helps illustrate social stratification and identity negotiation beyond the binary rendering of elite/non-elite during the Meroitic period (third century BC to fourth century AD). The diversity of architectural forms and grave goods highlights the importance of inter-regional exchange networks and a more fluid social dynamic, contributing to our understanding of early African state formation.
Can territorial disputes within countries be a basis for affective polarization? If so, how does it vary across territories? A burgeoning literature on affective polarization has largely focused on partisan divisions; we argue that contentious political issues such as those relating to territorial integrity can also be a basis for such affective polarization, where citizens feel concord with those sharing such policy preferences and animus for those who do not. We specify hypotheses about territorial‐policy‐based affective polarization and bring comparative survey evidence from three European regions with salient and contentious territorial claims: Scotland, Catalonia and Northern Ireland. While these three cases encompass different outcomes of territorial disputes, our results show strikingly similar levels of affective polarization.
This response memo offers a critical reassessment of the claim that ideological self-placement in Chile reflects a form of social identity. While the article under discussion provides compelling evidence of ideological stability, it risks conflating political linkage with social identity formation. In contexts of partisan decline, such as Chile’s post-authoritarian landscape, ideological categories may persist not as thick communal identities but as affective rejection fields. Drawing on insights from political psychology and Latin American party system research, this memo proposes an alternative hypothesis: ideological stability is structured by negative partisan identities—emotionally charged, ideologically coherent rejections that shape voter behavior without requiring strong organizational anchors. A stylized conceptual map illustrates the geometry of rejection in Chile’s political space. These affective coordinates help explain voter alignment in the absence of coherent in-groups or traditional parties. While preliminary, this framework underscores the importance of moving beyond ideological self-placement as a proxy for social identity and calls for renewed attention to the emotional architecture of opposition. In doing so, it invites a broader research agenda on how negative partisanship operates across fragmented democracies in Latin America.
This chapter focuses on Alcibiades’ love–hate relationship with the people of Athens to explore the notion of hybris in the context of leadership. Drawing on the social identity theory of leadership, I argue that the Athenians’ ambivalent attitude towards Alcibiades was a result of his complex interaction with two central aspects of Athenian social identity. Insofar as the Athenians perceived themselves as an imperialist and aristocratic city, Alcibiades was a ‘prototypical’ Athenian in that he embodied and articulated the most extreme form of Athenian imperialism. Insofar as the Athenians perceived themselves as ‘middling’ citizens, however, Alcibiades’ private and public conduct (couched by Thucydides in the language of transgression and hybris) was an affront to the dominant egalitarian political ethos. The analysis of Alcibiades’ mutable relationship with the Athenian people highlights the ways in which a leader’s hybris can manifest itself and how it can impact negatively on the leadership process.
Volume I offers a broad perspective on urban culture in the ancient European world. It begins with chronological overviews which paint in broad brushstrokes a picture that serves as a frame for the thematic chapters in the rest of the volume. Positioning ancient Europe within its wider context, it touches on Asia and Africa as regions that informed and were later influenced by urban development in Europe, with particular emphasis on the Mediterranean basin. Topics range from formal characteristics (including public space), water provision, waste disposal, urban maintenance, spaces for the dead, and border spaces; to ways of thinking about, visualising, and remembering cities in antiquity; to conflict within and between cities, economics, mobility and globalisation, intersectional urban experiences, slavery, political participation, and religion.
Interest in the influence of subjective perceptions of social groups on political behaviour is increasing. While most extant work has focused on voters’ social identities and their related, expressive considerations about the social bases of parties, this article directs attention to two other considerations that may also influence the vote: voters’ evaluations of social groups, as suggested by reference group theory, and their instrumental considerations about the extent to which parties work to advance the interests of specific groups. Using both an observational (N = 2,065) and a preregistered experimental study (N = 7,090) about voter evaluations of social classes and the extent to which parties are seen as fighting for them in Denmark, the study shows how these considerations influence party choice over and above the influence of identity-based considerations. Thereby, the study is the first to show experimental evidence for the effect of group evaluations on vote choice.