This paper examines several understudied and unusual types of copular constructions in Polish, in which the copula agrees with the predicate rather than the subject. It argues that this seemingly unexpected agreement pattern follows from a well-known principle: the controller of agreement is the highest accessible phrase in the domain of agreement. This conclusion is defended against appearances, which suggest that the controller of agreement is not the highest accessible phrase in the constructions at hand. In the process, the paper advances several theoretical claims, including the proposal that the demonstrative found in the subject position in such constructions is structurally reduced and lacks a case projection, that certain non-agreeing leftmost phrases are base-generated above TP, and that there are two flavours of Pred in Polish, including a highly defective Pred which combines with nominal predicates in the nominative instead of the usual instrumental of predication. The paper also reports the discovery of long-distance agreement in Polish, apparently not noted so far in the context of Slavic.

Northern Iroquoian languages are famous for the complexities of their agreement systems, realized through three sets of ‘pronominal prefixes’. Drawing on new and existing material from Kanien’kéha (Mohawk), this article proposes a formal model that captures the range of empirical patterns using standard assumptions about argument structure and agreement, combined with the proposal that inanimate nominals have no person, number, or gender (φ) features and are thus invisible to the agreement system. This result is important in light of the fact that Kanien’kéha and its close relative Oneida have been the subject of proposals for major parametric variation among human languages. In The polysynthesis parameter, Baker (1996) draws primarily on Kanien’kéha, arguing that a macroparameter relating to the realization of agreement morphology is responsible for a range of morphosyntactic phenomena in Kanien’kéha and other polysynthetic languages. Koenig and Michelson (2015) examine agreement puzzles in Oneida and argue for a different type of macroparameter: that Northern Iroquoian languages differ from other languages in lacking a level of argument structure and local syntactic selection altogether. In this article, I argue that the core empirical patterns can be captured through the proposal that inanimate nominals are featureless, and that reference to hierarchical structure is necessary to capture the full range of facts. The absence of φ-features on inanimates in turn has implications both for the typology of nominal features and for the Polysynthesis Parameter, a parameter that requires all arguments in polysynthetic languages to be morphologically referenced on the verb.

This article explores patterns of agreement and word order in the Central Algonquian language Border Lakes Ojibwe. This variety of Ojibwe shows alternations between VOS and VSO word orders and complex interactions between probes on Voice, Infl, and C. I show that the behaviour of lower probes feeds and bleeds the possible agreement and movement relations on each subsequent probe. These complex interactions culminate with the peripheral agreement marker on C, which shows a curious pattern that I dub reverse omnivority, where the probe agrees with lower ranked arguments over higher ranked arguments regardless of whether it is a logical subject or object. The core theoretical innovation is an extension of the syntactic operation agree to encode a relativized EPP, which captures variation and restrictions on movement and the possibility of movement and feature copying being independent. The account provides a strong case for Ojibwe as a configurational language, and is shown to capture variation in agreement and word order in various corners of Ojibwe and beyond.

The goal of this discussion note is to argue that the complex facts of hybrid agreement in Serbo-Croatian can and should be accounted for by assuming that only two sets of features are relevant to agreement: a syntactic set and a semantic set. This is in opposition to existing proposals that claim that two distinct sets of syntactic features are required in addition to the set of semantic features in order to account for those agreement facts (Wechsler & Zlatić 2000, 2003). The proposal defended here with two sets of agreement features is shown to be superior to the alternative with three feature sets because it not only is simpler and accounts for the facts just as well, but it also does not make some incorrect predictions that the alternative makes when crucial facts are considered.

The status of subject clitics in French has been heavily debated (Kayne 1975, Rizzi 1986, Roberge 1990, Auger 1994b, Miller & Sag 1997, De Cat 2007b, and many others). Distributional properties of French subject clitics have led Kayne (1975), Rizzi (1986), and others to analyze them as argument-bearing elements occupying canonical subject position, cliticizing to the verb only at the level of the phonology. While this hypothesis enjoys a wide following, a growing body of evidence suggests that it fails to capture patterns of subject-clitic use in colloquial French dialects/registers (Roberge 1990, Auger 1994b, Zribi-Hertz 1994, Miller & Sag 1997). Using new evidence from prosodic and corpus analyses, speaker judgments, and crosslinguistic typology, this article argues that (i) European Colloquial French exhibits differences from Standard French that impact how subject clitics are best analyzed, and more specifically (ii) subject clitics in European Colloquial French are affixal agreement markers, not phonological clitic arguments.

This article reexamines a controversial construction in Acehnese (Lawler 1977 versus Durie 1988). I demonstrate that the construction is a passive, even though a verbal prefix bears the features of the agent rather than the surface subject. I analyze the prefix as a morphological realization of the functional head that introduces the external argument; the features borne by this head are not agreement, but rather interpretable features that restrict the external argument position. Important consequences are that Acehnese does not counterexemplify the universality of grammatical relations (contra Durie 1988 and subsequent), and that Acehnese provides clear morphological evidence for the presence in passives of the functional head that introduces the external argument.

Kerinci is a group of grammatically diverse Malayic varieties spoken in Jambi Province, Sumatra, Indonesia. This article focuses on a previously undescribed dialect of Kerinci, spoken in the village of Tanjung Pauh Mudik (TPM). Many Kerinci dialects have developed a morphological alternation in root-final syllables as a result of stress-related diachronic changes. In TPM, as in Sungai Penuh Kerinci (described by Steinhauer and Usman (1978), inter alia), lexical roots surface in two forms, termed ‘absolute’ and ‘oblique’, which differ in the phonological shape of their final syllable. These forms exhibit a wide array of grammatical properties that differ considerably between dialects. We focus on the function of this unique marking in the verbal domain, and argue that the oblique form marks agreement with a nominal complement. Our analysis explains why TPM, a language that retains the morphological properties of the traditional Malay voice system, unexpectedly appears to permit the extraction of nonsubject arguments from active clauses, contradicting the predictions of theories that causally link symmetrical voice morphology and a ban on nonsubject extraction from vP (e.g. Keenan 1972, 1979, Rackowski & Richards 2005, Cole et al. 2008). We argue that apparent cases of nonsubject extraction do not involve movement, but that the apparently moved argument is generated outside of vP and binds a phonologically null pronoun licensed by the oblique morphology; thus, we are able to relate TPM's unexpected syntactic behavior to the availability of the absolute/oblique marking. This analysis has broader consequences for the theory of pro-drop. Neeleman and Szendrői's (2007) theory of radical pro-drop is unable to differentiate between syntactically projected pronouns (like null objects in TPM) and nonobject pro-dropped arguments in TPM that lack the behavior of a syntactically projected argument. In light of this inadequacy, we put forward an alternative proposal regarding the universal typology of pro-drop.

Collins et al. 2008 offers a principles-and-parameters-based analysis of an AAVE construction first described in Spears 1998, in which nominal phrases such as John's ass appear to have exactly the same denotation, and behavior with respect to familiar conditions on anaphora, as the possessor [John, and similarly for pronominal possessors. Agreement, however, reflects not the properties of the possessor, but of the possessed nominal ass, which belongs to a small, closed class of lexical items that behave in parallel fashion and which the authors call ‘mask’ nominals. Collins and colleagues convincingly argue that the class of NPs consisting of possessors attached to mask nominals have the same syntactic structure as ordinary NPs displaying (pro)nominal possessors. In order to account for the split between anaphora and agreement, however, they are apparently forced to invoke a very complex derivational mechanism that includes a lowering rule, along with a number of other highly stipulative components, in order to encompass certain related constructions. I offer a far simpler and empirically more comprehensive alternative treatment in which mask nominals are nothing more than semantically parasitic heads, based on Kathol's (1999) dichotomy between AGR(eement) and INDEX specifications within head-driven phrase structure grammar representations. Collins and colleagues adduce what they take to be empirical arguments against such an approach, but these arguments are, as I show, all predicated on a basic technical misinterpretation of the nature of indices in the HPSG syntax/semantics interface, and thus have no force.

Comparison of the two approaches is interesting not only in the context of the phenomenon described by Spears, but also in terms of broader, cross-framework issues—in particular, the question of whether or not movement and feature matching are merely two alternative, interconvertible ways of expressing linkages between structurally distant categories.

Surface anthropometric measures are commonly used to assess body composition in trained individuals. Standardised pre-test guidelines (morning, fasted) present logistical concerns. The impact of daily activities on skinfold (SKF) assessment has been established in males; however, there is a lack of research examining females. The aim of this study was to assess the within-day agreement between standardised and non-standardised surface anthropometric measures in trained females. Measures including body mass, eight SKF and six circumferences were collected by an International Society for the Advancement of Kinanthropometry level 1 anthropometrist on forty trained females (twenty naturally menstruating and twenty using a contraceptive) under standardised conditions (morning, fasted, rested and hydrated) and non-standardised conditions (9–10 h later after free-living) on the same day. The menstrual or contraceptive pill phase was not controlled for. The intra-class correlation coefficient and typical error were calculated to assess reliability. Overall group means were compared to assess if a significant change occurred. The sum of eight SKF sites (∑8 SKF) displayed excellent reliability, and no significant difference was noted between conditions. Greater levels of disagreement were represented by those with ∑8 SKF > 136 mm. Significant differences in group means were recorded for body mass and waist circumference. All other five circumference sites remained unchanged throughout the day. Findings suggest that if accuracy is required, body mass and waist circumference should be collected in a standardised state. SKF and all five other circumferences can be collected in trained females at any time of day without considering pre-test standard guidelines.

This study explores which governance practices nonprofit leaders consider necessary to avoid organizational crises. Further, it explores whether these leadership mental models of crisis resistance depend on the organizational context. This helps determine whether practical learning points are organization specific or can be applied broadly. With a multilevel sample of 304 leaders from 44 Belgian nongovernmental development organizations, an exploratory path analysis reveals that nonprofit leaders consider continuous improvement, as a governance practice, particularly relevant for effective organizational crisis resistance. A multilevel analysis also shows that variations in leadership mental models cannot be explained by the organizational variables used in this study (organizational size, leadership group size, operational activities, and languages in the leadership group). This article concludes with a discussion of consequences for further research.