This article studies the commissive use of can in conditionals such as I can do the dishes, if you like. Its main goal is to spell out the semantic building blocks of what we call offer-can, arguing that the seemingly speech act interpretation is a feature of the conditional statement as a whole rather than the modal itself. To achieve this, we disentangle authority and ability at the semantic level (in agreement with Copley 2009), and single out the notions of “issue to be solved” and “preferred solution worlds” as epistemic basis and bouletic ordering, respectively, for modal quantification. We propose a comparison between the conditional offer and other non-conditional conditionals, and offer some thoughts regarding permission-can and can-you-pass-me-the-salt questions, arguing for authority shift in questions, in a way akin to the interrogative flip in questions with evidentials and epistemic modals.