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Socio-legal studies on legal boundary-crossing provide accounts of how states and individuals negotiate the spatial relation between them in terms of legality/illegality. However, situations which present as both legal and illegal can unfold in ways which escape analytic capture by this polarity, posing a challenge to these approaches. In this paper, I examine examples of personal use of the common corridor by public flat owners in Singapore to test the explanatory power of Hans Lindahl’s concept of a-legality in deepening our understanding of boundary-crossings which take place in Singapore’s public housing blocks. I argue that in these situations, a-legality exposes a social and cultural latitude present in the lived experience of the relation between the social concept of ownership and the legal concept of property which would not be visible through an (il)legality analysis.
The racial wealth gap, risks of housing displacement and lack of affordability that we see in unequal racial terms today has clear roots in urban renewal policies of post-WWII America. This chapter examines how the massive urbanization of Blacks in American cities as a result of the Great Migration led to race-conscious policies at the federal and local levels, entrenching segregation as a national policy and dictating the economic terms of Black-identified neighborhoods ever since. Urban renewal was a grand racial bargain. It destroyed hundreds of vulnerable communities at the same time other U.S. policies created generational wealth for non-Blacks through policies we call the American Dream. This chapter shows the decades-long accumulation of economic harms called “racial bargaining” as an example of systemic racism by modern U.S. governments.
While the world has been undergoing a global wave of welfare retrenchment since the turn of the 21st century, China’s spending on welfare provision has grown remarkably. Through a comparative study of the public housing provision programmes in two districts within the same municipality, this paper explores models of fiscally oriented public housing provision and their underlying driving forces. Drawing on data from archives, interviews and intensive fieldwork conducted in south-west China from 2014 to 2018, we identify two prominent public housing models: the entrepreneurial model and the extractive model. We propose that the choice of different welfare provision approaches is linked to local fiscal pressures and the target responsibility system. This paper sheds light on the structure of political incentives within China’s local governments in relation to public service provision and explores how local leaders improve public welfare in a non-Western setting.
This chapter explores how Cold War liberalism’s emphasis on individualism ultimately led architects to reject an alternative vision of American modernity centered on public housing. Through a case study of Pueblo del Rio, a 1940s Los Angeles housing project designed by Paul R. Williams, the chapter reveals how progressive architects merged New Deal planning with racial uplift ideology in ways that could have complemented Cold War liberalism’s faith in expertise and managed democracy. While these California modernist architects believed government-funded, communal housing would become the template for postwar city building, McCarthyism and an emphasis on private property derailed their vision. The case of public housing demonstrates how social democratic policies in postwar America often depended on wartime imperatives. Initially legitimized as essential for housing defense workers, public housing projects became politically untenable once they became associated with socialism during the Red Scare. By the mid-1950s, modernist architects who began their careers devoted to public housing ended them building private homes for the wealthy, as the “midcentury modern” aesthetic was stripped of its progressive political vision and incorporated into a Cold War liberalism that accepted social inequality as inevitable.
This chapter explores the cities of Northern Europe as a plethora of difference and similarity, first by considering the possibility of a Northern European region as it might emerge from climate, politics or urbanisation. It traces, a double process of urban material planning, growth and building and, on the other hand, an overall notion of a (Northern) European urban and regional identity. This plays out over a broad process from the liberal cities of the later 1800s, through the inter-war crisis and post-war changes (very distinct between Nordic and Baltic cities), to the post-Cold War period (where some similarities reappear).The chapter also focuses on the welfare period, where state and municipality enter into new negotiations. The social programmes of Nordic statecraft mean large-scale public housing, regulation and institutions, causing new cleavages between city and country. The new role of the market in urbanisation from the 1970s onwards is also considered, intersecting from 1989 with the end of the Cold War, and a reconnection between Baltic and Nordic cities. The chapter evaluates the influence of globalisation and the role of modernised cities both economically and culturally, and thus the notion and identity of Nordic and Northern European cities are connected with regional urban development.
Chapter 2 explores how American policymakers built a government-sponsored housing finance model during and after the Great Depression. While the country entered the depression without major national housing programs, it emerged with an expansive toolkit of demand-side housing policies. The FDR administration discovered that subsidizing home mortgages would produce economic cascade effects by stimulating bank lending, construction, employment, wages, and consumer spending, reinforcing the country's emerging demand-led growth regime. The core idea behind New Deal housing programs was to transform mortgage markets to lower the cost for borrowers and minimize risk for creditors. These initiatives included the Federal Housing Administration's mortgage insurance program, which offered affordable mortgages to millions of homeowners - although excluding racialized minorities. These housing initiatives helped overcome the depression and permanently made housing finance a "national champion," albeit one heavily dependent on state support. Reinforcing housing-based growth became a routine response to address economic challenges well into the post-WWII period.
This discussion paper by a group of scholars across the fields of health, economics and labour relations argues that COVID-19 is an unprecedented humanitarian crisis from which there can be no return to the ‘old normal’. The pandemic’s disastrous worldwide health impacts have been exacerbated by, and have compounded, the unsustainability of economic globalisation based on the neoliberal dismantling of state capabilities in favour of markets. Flow-on economic impacts have simultaneously created major supply and demand disruptions, and highlighted the growing within-country inequalities and precarity generated by neoliberal regimes of labour market regulation. Taking an Australian and international perspective, we examine these economic and labour market impacts, paying particular attention to differential impacts on First Nations people, developing countries, women, immigrants and young people. Evaluating policy responses in a political climate of national and international leadership very different from those in which major twentieth century crises were addressed, we argue the need for a national and international conversation to develop a new pathway out of crisis.
The decision in the early 1990s to cut back on the building of public housing intensified the already dire shortage of affordable housing and increased the marginalisation of the sector. To be eligible for public housing, new entrants usually have to be in ‘greatest need’. This study argues that the shift in the eligibility criteria for accessing public housing means that public housing estates increasingly reflect what Loïc Wacquant calls ‘advanced urban marginality’. The article assesses whether the features of advanced urban marginality that are identified by Wacquant capture and can be usefully used to analyse the shifts and contemporary characteristics of public housing. The article draws on existing data and in-depth interviews with 33 older (aged more than 65 years) public housing tenants in Sydney, Australia, to analyse the residualisation of public housing using the features of advanced marginality identified by Wacquant – ‘wage labour as a vector of social instability and life insecurity’, ‘functional disconnection from macroeconomic trends’, ‘territorial fixation and stigmatisation’, ‘spatial alienation and the dissolution of place’, ‘loss of hinterland’ and ‘social fragmentation and symbolic splintering’. The study concludes that although Wacquant’s analysis is useful and captures much of what has occurred in public housing estates in Sydney, in many instances, public housing remains a source of pride for its tenants and provides them with the basis for a good life.
For an increasing proportion of Australian households, the Australian dream of home ownership is no longer an option. Neoliberal housing policy and the financialisation of housing has resulted in a housing affordability crisis. Historically, Australian housing policy has afforded only a limited role to local government. This article analyses the results of a nation-wide survey of Australian local governments’ perceptions of housing affordability in their local government area, the possibilities for their meaningful intervention, the challenges they face, the role of councillors and councils’ perceptions of what levels of government should take responsibility for housing. Almost all of the respondents from Sydney and Melbourne councils were clear that there is a housing affordability crisis in their local government area. We apply a framework analysing housing policy in the context of neoliberalism and the related financialisation of housing in order to analyse the housing affordability crisis in Sydney and Melbourne. We conclude that in order to begin resolving the housing crisis in Australia’s two largest cities there has to be an increasing role for local government, a substantial increase in the building of social and affordable housing and a rollback of policies that encourage residential property speculation.
Community support services are an integral enabler of aging in place. In social housing, older adult tenants struggle to access these services because of the siloed nature of housing and health services. This study examined the provision of government-funded community support services to 83 seniors’ social housing buildings in Toronto, Ontario. Although there were 56 different agencies operating within the buildings, only about one third of older tenants were actually receiving services. There was a subset of services that were available in more than 80 per cent of the buildings, and the most widely accessed services were food supports, crisis intervention, transportation, caregiver support, and hearing/vision care. There were also many cases in which multiple agencies offered duplicative services within the same building, suggesting that there are opportunities for improving service coordination. Practice recommendations for increasing access to community support services among low-income older adults in social housing are provided.
Behavioural science has found growing application in applied public policy settings, offering a vast literature to bring to bear on apparent cognitive errors. The potential, however, is not without peril. Policymakers and scholars may draw unwarranted confidence that successful behavioural interventions from elsewhere will replicate in their institutional settings. In this research, I partner with Minneapolis Public Housing and use a design-based approach to identify interventions that can reduce eviction actions. This study presents three vignettes that demonstrate and categorize the mistakes behavioural science can make when it fails to understand how formal and informal institutional features influence decision-making. But, in integrating methods and theories from the design sciences, public policy and public administration, we have the potential to create behavioural interventions that fit the social context.
Access to affordable housing is a rising concern, and social housing is one approach to support low-income, older renters. A scoping review was undertaken to understand the characteristics of older tenants and social housing services to identify strategies to promote aging in place. Seven peer review databases were searched to identify relevant articles. A total of 146 articles were included. Almost all examined socio-demographic and health characteristics of older tenants, while 72 per cent examined social housing services, including eligibility policies, staffing, and access to on-site services. This review points to a high vulnerability among older tenants and highlights the importance of co-locating services on-site with a tenant-facing support staff to identify vulnerable tenants and link them to services. More research on tenancy issues (e.g., unit condition, rental management) is needed to identify new opportunities for social housing landlords to help older tenants age in place.
Drawing on Sheila Foster and Christian Iaione’s generative work, The City as a Commons, this chapter applies commons theory to public housing in the United States, which, despite decades of disinvestment and mismanagement, remains a significant community asset serving affordable housing needs. Using New York City’s embattled Housing Authority (NYCHA), the nation’s largest public housing agency, as a case study, the chapter argues that public housing, though not a classic common-pool resource, serves a broad swath of vulnerable urban residents and can be reimagined under an urban commons framework. Doing so ensures that, in a time of transitioning uses of public housing assets, residents have meaningful input concerning disposition of space within public housing campuses.The democratizing implications of commons theory respond to NYCHA residents’ essential exclusion (despite requirements in federal law) from revenue-driven decisions increasing private developers’ control over NYCHA properties through long-term land leases and public-private partnerships. A commons analysis, grounded in residents’ urban knowledge, experience, and need, and informed by the social function of property theory, adds normative and theoretical heft to residents’ equitable stake in decisions concerning public housing’s increasingly threatened spaces.
Continuing the work of Chapter 9, this chapter looks at business site leasing and public housing on the reservation. It highlights the dynamic potential of local experimentation, coupled with an allowance for localities to capture some of the benefits of experimentation, to facilitate development. Both public housing and business site leasing offer lessons from past successes and past failures, but, as the chapter explains, local empowerment could help spur deeper capital investment in parts of the reservation that are currently neglected.
This chapter considers the challenges facing contemporary architecture from factors including the economy, climate change, and social justice within the practice of architecture as well as within wider society. It discusses ways in which architects are meeting these challenges through adaptive reuse, sustainable construction, and innovations in planning and housing.
Chapter 10 zooms in on resistance in public-housing estates, a most unlikely setting because residents are transient and vulnerable. The chapter presents two pairs of cases, in Toronto and Melbourne, each city displaying a success and a failure in both mobilization and impact. The Toronto cases show how cultural producers engaged in boosterish programming that distracted public opinion from ongoing displacement in one site, while, in the other, experiential tools and preexisting networks combined to foster a strong residents’ voice in revitalization plans and prevented displacement. The analysis of Melbourne’s estates confirms the powerful role of union support and shows how a councillor’s ideology gains salience in the context of multimember districts.
Chapter 4 provides background on the ten aspiring global cities and their theoretical and empirical comparability. Despite important variations, the cities examined share these core features: (1) They are key national and regional nodes of business and politics. (2) They experienced major and controversial redevelopment, which has caused different forms of displacement. (3) They have intensified the use of branding and cultural policies as engine of economic growth, often thereby promoting the “creative class.” The chapter presents data showing their shared prominence and discusses the high degree of institutional variation between the cities.There is significant variation in how markets and governments combine to pursue international competitiveness policies and the associated urban redevelopment. In developmental states, an essential feature is the elimination of informal settlements, with the consequent massive and brutal displacement of the poor, as examined in Seoul, Istanbul, Buenos Aires, and Santiago. In more advanced economies, a key dynamic is the erosion of public-sector housing, as illustrated for Hamburg. Redevelopment policies weresupported by city branding and legitimized by connections to cultural industries as new engines for economic growth, as examined in Tel Aviv, Seoul, Buenos Aires, and Los Angeles.
İstanbul has undergone a neoliberal restructuring over the past two decades. In this paper, we focus on two urban spaces that we argue to have emerged as part of this process—namely Göktürk, a gated town, and Bezirganbahçe, a public housing project. We examine these spaces as showcases of new forms of urban wealth and poverty in İstanbul, demonstrating the workings of the neoliberalization process and the forms of urbanity that emerge within this context. These are the two margins of the city whose relationship with the center is becoming increasingly tenuous in qualitatively different yet parallel forms. In Göktürk's segregated compounds, where urban governance is increasingly privatized, non-relationality with the city, seclusion into the domestic sphere and the family, urban fear and the need for security, and social and spatial isolation become the markers of a new urbanity. In Bezirganbahçe, involuntary isolation and insulation, and non-relationality with the city imposed through the reproduction of poverty create a new form of urban marginality marked by social exclusion and ethnic tensions. The new forms of wealth and poverty displayed in these two urban spaces, accompanied by the social and spatial segregation of these social groups, compel us to think about future forms of urbanity and politics in İstanbul.
Many seasonal workers are housed in transitory accommodations, including tents and vehicles. In this study, we analyze the supply side of this problem by assuming that a public agent must house the workers through direct public investment. A peak load model is adapted to develop investment rules for the least-cost provision of seasonal worker housing, adding an interacting multi-season component to existing models. Based on this model and the data from three prototype projects, the majority of the least-cost investment would be in permanent, but seasonally occupied, housing.
In 1985, the Pinochet dictatorship reversed radical neoliberal urban development policy in response to economic crisis and political pressure mounted by the urban poor in alliance with the Catholic Church and the Left. The regime's free-market policies conflicted with a popular sector political culture that considered housing a right which the state must uphold. To implement its radical policies, the regime sought to change the understanding that housing was a right and the state a legitimate target of demand. However, it was unsuccessful. In the early 1980s, organised pobladores successfully brought the affordable-housing crisis to the forefront of public attention via the resurrection of pre-coup forms of direct action and pressured the dictatorship to back down from neoliberal dogmatism.