A central proposal in Wahring et al.’s article is that men have a “greater dependence on their partners in romantic relationships” than women. While this characterization may hold broadly, we contend that parenthood, a common outcome of the heterosexual marriages examined by the authors, fundamentally alters patterns of interdependence between partners. The transition to parenthood creates unique circumstances: mothers may temporarily experience heightened reliance on partner support as new caregiving demands simultaneously restrict their access to external support networks. This reconfiguration during the postnatal period is both temporary and consequential. The interdependence patterns that emerge in early postpartum arrangements often crystallize into persistent, gendered divisions of household labor, ultimately reinforcing the relationship dynamics Wahring et al. identify as benefiting men.
Several converging lines of evidence point to a transient reversal of relationship interdependence in the early postpartum period. First, Western mothers often experience social isolation postpartum as early caregiving demands confine them to the home (Humenick, Reference Humenick2003), increasing their dependence on partner support. This confinement reduces mothers’ access to social networks (Taylor et al., Reference Taylor, Howard, Jackson, Johnson, Mantovani, Nath, Sokolova and Sweeney2021), the very social networks that Wahring et al. theorize support women’s greater independence from their romantic partners. Indeed, the most frequently reported challenge among new mothers is their need for social support, with many finding time at home with a newborn isolating (Kanotra et al., Reference Kanotra, D’Angelo, Phares, Morrow, Barfield and Lansky2007).
Second, mothers in the postpartum period typically show greater emotional vulnerability than fathers as evidenced by their higher rates of postpartum mood disturbances (Glasser & Lerner-Geva, Reference Glasser and Lerner-Geva2019; Khadka et al., Reference Khadka, Fassett, Oyelese, Mensah, Chiu, Yeh, Peltier and Getahun2024). Epidemiological data further demonstrate that new mothers are at raised risk for outpatient contact for mental health treatment relative to nonmothers, whereas new fathers do not show an increased risk relative to nonfathers (Munk-Olsen et al., Reference Munk-Olsen, Laursen, Pedersen, Mors and Mortensen2006). Maternal emotional vulnerability may be caused, and compounded, by their greater hormonal fluctuations, sleep loss, and need for physical recovery. The asymmetrical impact of parenthood therefore increases women’s reliance on partner support, potentially altering the balance of who provides versus receives emotional support in the relationship.
Third, mothers’ mental health outcomes are significantly dependent on partner support (Stapleton et al., Reference Stapleton, Schetter, Westling, Rini, Glynn, Hobel and Sandman2012), with many mothers identifying partners as their primary source of emotional support (Negron et al., Reference Negron, Martin, Almog, Balbierz and Howell2013; Razurel et al., Reference Razurel, Bruchon-Schweitzer, Dupanloup, Irion and Epiney2011). Partner support decreases maternal stress and anxiety in the perinatal period, but friend support does not, a pattern attributed to partners’ closer proximity and direct involvement in childcare responsibilities (Racine et al., Reference Racine, Plamondon, Hentges, Tough and Madigan2019). Concretely, fathers are often the only adults present during nighttime caregiving or for medical appointments, making them the default source for both instrumental and emotional support.
However, as families adapt to parenthood, persistent inequalities in household labor and childcare responsibilities emerge (Moberg & van der Vleuten, Reference Moberg and van der Vleuten2023; Pinho & Gaunt, Reference Pinho and Gaunt2021), with women typically assuming disproportionate burdens. Economic analyses demonstrate that the arrival of a child sets women on fundamentally different salary and employment trajectories than men, creating long-run gender gaps in earnings of around 20 percent in Denmark (Kleven, Landais, & Søgaard, Reference Kleven, Landais and Søgaard2019). Conversely, fathers consistently exhibit higher incomes than childless men (Dykstra & Keizer, Reference Dykstra and Keizer2009), suggesting that parenthood confers systematic advantages to men beyond the immediate household context. Part of the gap in earnings stems from changes in how couples allocate their time, as children increase the need for routine household labor. Mothers, on average, markedly increase their household labor but decrease their labor market participation. Such household specialization occurs, regardless of whether couples exhibited more egalitarian or traditional divisions before childbirth (Roman & Rodríguez, Reference Roman and Rodríguez2023).
Within-couple inequalities in household tasks and care are potential contributors to the benefits that men receive in relationships, as discussed by Wahring et al. We note that inequalities are far more pronounced in households with children. For example, one US study using diaries to record time allocations found that both men and women reported circa 14.5 hours of housework per week before childbirth. After childbirth, women reported 13.5 hours of housework, but 22 hours of childcare, compared to 9.5 and 14 hours for men, respectively (Yavorsky, Dush, & Schoppe-Sullivan, Reference Yavorsky, Dush and Schoppe-Sullivan2015). A German panel study similarly reported that the birth of a first child led to a unidirectional shift towards gendered divisions of household labor, a shift not observed for couples without children (Nitsche & Grunow, Reference Nitsche and Grunow2016).
In conclusion, parenthood represents a crucial factor in models of partner dependence and discussions of the greater benefits men receive in relationships. The social isolation, emotional vulnerability, and practical constraints characterizing early Western motherhood create circumstances where mothers necessarily rely on their partners for support. The transition to parenthood, therefore, is a juncture where temporary reversals in interdependence patterns occur. This period of heightened maternal dependence creates a transient window during which household arrangements are negotiated and solidified, often establishing divisions of labor that persist long after childbirth. What begins as temporary maternal dependence sets in motion role specialization patterns that become entrenched over time, ultimately allowing men to derive greater benefits from romantic relationships. Men without children, we expect, receive fewer benefits from romantic relationships than those with children.
A central proposal in Wahring et al.’s article is that men have a “greater dependence on their partners in romantic relationships” than women. While this characterization may hold broadly, we contend that parenthood, a common outcome of the heterosexual marriages examined by the authors, fundamentally alters patterns of interdependence between partners. The transition to parenthood creates unique circumstances: mothers may temporarily experience heightened reliance on partner support as new caregiving demands simultaneously restrict their access to external support networks. This reconfiguration during the postnatal period is both temporary and consequential. The interdependence patterns that emerge in early postpartum arrangements often crystallize into persistent, gendered divisions of household labor, ultimately reinforcing the relationship dynamics Wahring et al. identify as benefiting men.
Several converging lines of evidence point to a transient reversal of relationship interdependence in the early postpartum period. First, Western mothers often experience social isolation postpartum as early caregiving demands confine them to the home (Humenick, Reference Humenick2003), increasing their dependence on partner support. This confinement reduces mothers’ access to social networks (Taylor et al., Reference Taylor, Howard, Jackson, Johnson, Mantovani, Nath, Sokolova and Sweeney2021), the very social networks that Wahring et al. theorize support women’s greater independence from their romantic partners. Indeed, the most frequently reported challenge among new mothers is their need for social support, with many finding time at home with a newborn isolating (Kanotra et al., Reference Kanotra, D’Angelo, Phares, Morrow, Barfield and Lansky2007).
Second, mothers in the postpartum period typically show greater emotional vulnerability than fathers as evidenced by their higher rates of postpartum mood disturbances (Glasser & Lerner-Geva, Reference Glasser and Lerner-Geva2019; Khadka et al., Reference Khadka, Fassett, Oyelese, Mensah, Chiu, Yeh, Peltier and Getahun2024). Epidemiological data further demonstrate that new mothers are at raised risk for outpatient contact for mental health treatment relative to nonmothers, whereas new fathers do not show an increased risk relative to nonfathers (Munk-Olsen et al., Reference Munk-Olsen, Laursen, Pedersen, Mors and Mortensen2006). Maternal emotional vulnerability may be caused, and compounded, by their greater hormonal fluctuations, sleep loss, and need for physical recovery. The asymmetrical impact of parenthood therefore increases women’s reliance on partner support, potentially altering the balance of who provides versus receives emotional support in the relationship.
Third, mothers’ mental health outcomes are significantly dependent on partner support (Stapleton et al., Reference Stapleton, Schetter, Westling, Rini, Glynn, Hobel and Sandman2012), with many mothers identifying partners as their primary source of emotional support (Negron et al., Reference Negron, Martin, Almog, Balbierz and Howell2013; Razurel et al., Reference Razurel, Bruchon-Schweitzer, Dupanloup, Irion and Epiney2011). Partner support decreases maternal stress and anxiety in the perinatal period, but friend support does not, a pattern attributed to partners’ closer proximity and direct involvement in childcare responsibilities (Racine et al., Reference Racine, Plamondon, Hentges, Tough and Madigan2019). Concretely, fathers are often the only adults present during nighttime caregiving or for medical appointments, making them the default source for both instrumental and emotional support.
However, as families adapt to parenthood, persistent inequalities in household labor and childcare responsibilities emerge (Moberg & van der Vleuten, Reference Moberg and van der Vleuten2023; Pinho & Gaunt, Reference Pinho and Gaunt2021), with women typically assuming disproportionate burdens. Economic analyses demonstrate that the arrival of a child sets women on fundamentally different salary and employment trajectories than men, creating long-run gender gaps in earnings of around 20 percent in Denmark (Kleven, Landais, & Søgaard, Reference Kleven, Landais and Søgaard2019). Conversely, fathers consistently exhibit higher incomes than childless men (Dykstra & Keizer, Reference Dykstra and Keizer2009), suggesting that parenthood confers systematic advantages to men beyond the immediate household context. Part of the gap in earnings stems from changes in how couples allocate their time, as children increase the need for routine household labor. Mothers, on average, markedly increase their household labor but decrease their labor market participation. Such household specialization occurs, regardless of whether couples exhibited more egalitarian or traditional divisions before childbirth (Roman & Rodríguez, Reference Roman and Rodríguez2023).
Within-couple inequalities in household tasks and care are potential contributors to the benefits that men receive in relationships, as discussed by Wahring et al. We note that inequalities are far more pronounced in households with children. For example, one US study using diaries to record time allocations found that both men and women reported circa 14.5 hours of housework per week before childbirth. After childbirth, women reported 13.5 hours of housework, but 22 hours of childcare, compared to 9.5 and 14 hours for men, respectively (Yavorsky, Dush, & Schoppe-Sullivan, Reference Yavorsky, Dush and Schoppe-Sullivan2015). A German panel study similarly reported that the birth of a first child led to a unidirectional shift towards gendered divisions of household labor, a shift not observed for couples without children (Nitsche & Grunow, Reference Nitsche and Grunow2016).
In conclusion, parenthood represents a crucial factor in models of partner dependence and discussions of the greater benefits men receive in relationships. The social isolation, emotional vulnerability, and practical constraints characterizing early Western motherhood create circumstances where mothers necessarily rely on their partners for support. The transition to parenthood, therefore, is a juncture where temporary reversals in interdependence patterns occur. This period of heightened maternal dependence creates a transient window during which household arrangements are negotiated and solidified, often establishing divisions of labor that persist long after childbirth. What begins as temporary maternal dependence sets in motion role specialization patterns that become entrenched over time, ultimately allowing men to derive greater benefits from romantic relationships. Men without children, we expect, receive fewer benefits from romantic relationships than those with children.
Acknowledgements
None.
Financial support
This work has been funded by a grant from the Carlsberg Foundation (CF19-0715) to C.E. Parsons.
Competing interests
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.