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Drawing on English, Chinese, and Malay newspapers, this article examines the ‘oily man’, a figure who shifted between sexual assailant, ghost, and intruder across twentieth-century Singapore and urban and semi-urban peninsular Malaya/Malaysia. It situates him not as a timeless ‘Malay’ entity but as an elastic label and repertoire, assembled and reassembled through rumours, retellings, and recurring events. Departing from most studies of Malay-world monsters, which reduce such figures to allegories or cinematic symbols of gender, modernity, or social change, this article demonstrates how the oily man’s historical force lay in intrusions, panics, and community responses—events mediated, disputed, and reworked across time and place. His history is framed through three registers: experience, person, and myth, which trace how this elastic label took shape through encounter, attribution, and retelling. Experience captures sightings, rumours, and assaults that animated fear; person traces how individuals were accused or apprehended as oily men; myth designates the narratives and repertoires that amplified these encounters in film, fiction, and folklore. Across these registers, the article shows how monsters emerge through lived circulations of testimony, attribution, and storytelling. It highlights the value of historical research that privileges experience and offers a framework for future scholarship: monsters as unstable, context-specific composites of encounter, narrative, and transmission that illuminate the entanglements of state, society, culture, and religion in post-colonial Malaysia and Singapore, with resonance for the study of rumour and monstrosity elsewhere in Asia.
This article develops the concept of a brokered dormitory labor regime (BDLR) to analyze Johor, Malaysia’s electrical and electronics export-processing zones, where debt-financed recruitment, deceptive contracting, and restricted mobility synchronize labor turnover with the accelerating demand for semiconductor manufacturing driven by artificial intelligence. Two intermediaries, the labor agent and the kadar, secure this synchronization by controlling workers’ social reproduction. Tracing this regime’s genealogy to the nineteenth-century kangani and kangchu systems in the Straits Settlements, the article argues that the BDLR reactivates a colonial infrastructure of coerced migrant labor, revealing a recurring pattern of asynchronous synchronization between capital and labor across successive industrial revolutions.
This chapter focuses on small-state defiance to show the limits of big-power influence. It compares the manners of and degrees to which Malaysia and Vietnam choose to defy China while still deferring and partnering with their giant neighbor in the development, diplomatic, and defense domains. In brief, Vietnam has demonstrated a greater readiness than Malaysia to defy China not just on security and sovereignty issues (most notably in the South China Sea disputes) but also economic and connectivity matters (primarily 5G wireless, and to some extent the BRI projects as well). Besides, Hanoi has also displayed a tendency to defy Beijing in a more direct, open, and costly manner than Malaysia. The authors argue that different combinations of legitimation pathways lead these two countries’ elites to selectively display varying degrees and patterns of defiance behavior toward a powerful neighbor, even while they continue to show deference to and collaborate with it.
To conclude, we trace the trajectory of legal imaginaries of Islam as the religion of the state into the present. Johor was one of the first states in the world to declare Islam the religion of the state; through the Johor constitution, the Malay states, and then the Federation of Malaysia, adopted this formulation. It is here that the formula “Islam shall be the religion of the state,” in legal effect since 1895, has had the longest life. When we re-place Johor into timelines of Islamic constitutionalism, an early and durable adopter of Islamic constitutional language, we gain new understandings of how Muslim legal imaginaries of the nineteenth century worked to make sense of the imperial international, beyond pan-Islamic modernism or decolonial worldmaking. Law’s travels, through cartographic and translational strategies, continued to draw elements of the international and imperial into the making of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, with important consequences for race, religion, and belonging. The case of Johor shows how the global spread of constitutional thought and the history of Islamic states have been intertwined, and continue to intertwine, into the post-colonial period.
Malaysia is a rapidly ageing country. Relative to the United Kingdom, its social protection systems are underdeveloped. What is more, its political structure and social practices are different from those of the United Kingdom. Accordingly, the political economy of ageing seems to suggest a stark contrast when the two countries are considered alongside one another. Nevertheless, when programmes concerning income for the retired and the provision of care services for the frail elderly are considered, there are more similarities than might have been expected. Both countries face problems with inadequate pension coverage, and the paper considers how more of the self-employed might be brought into savings plans. In both countries, there is debate on whether pension savings should be directed towards investments in the domestic economy. Both countries face a rapid increase in the number of the ‘oldest old’—those most likely to need support, and policymakers are asking themselves how provision for these people should be improved. This article points out how fiscal constraints have led policymakers in the United Kingdom as well as in Malaysia to encourage the family to increase the part they can play. But in both countries, family members, especially women, are no longer willing, or even able, to carry out ‘traditional’ roles. There are lessons to be learnt in both directions. Moreover, in both countries, more attention should be devoted to understanding and explaining the economic and societal consequences of demographic change.
Oil palm is a commercially important crop that is cultivated throughout Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Due to favorable climatic conditions, oil palm cultivation is concentrated in Southeast Asia, with Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand accounting for approximately 87% of the global palm oil supply. Effective weed management is essential for maintaining oil palm productivity; however, excessive reliance on herbicides has raised concerns over herbicide resistance and environmental sustainability. This review evaluates current weed management strategies in oil palm plantations, including chemical, mechanical, cultural, and biological, with an emphasis on integrated weed management (IWM) strategies suitable for production systems in Southeast Asia. Particular attention is given to the differing weed management constraints faced by industrial plantations and smallholder producers, including variations in labor availability, operational scale, and access to weed management technologies. Current evidence suggests that combining complementary control tactics, such as integrating mechanical and cultural practices with chemical and biological control methods, offers greater long-term sustainability than reliance on herbicides alone. Individual practices, however, face significant limitations, including economic constraints, labor shortages, and inconsistent effectiveness, highlighting the importance of integrated strategies. We conclude that adaptive, multi-tactic IWM programs tailored to local production scales will be critical for sustainable weed management in future oil palm production.
During the first, long tenure of Dr Mahathir Mohamad as Prime Minster of Malaysia (1981-2003), the country embarked on a long-term strategy to achieve the status of a highly developed nation. This “Vision 2020” (Wawasan 2020) placed high-technology, especially Information and Computer Technology (ICT) at the centre of the country’s transformation, in line with the notions of “Knowledge Society” and “Knowledge Economy.” Within the political framework of that period, the government discourse was propagated through government agencies and institutions, including schools, universities, and the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (DBP), as well as by the media controlled by or in sympathy of the government. Positive visions of high technology in the future Malaysia were soon to be found in many publications, including in the now booming genre of science fiction for the youth. This article examines several of these textual scientific and technical imaginaries, including the novel Panrita by Arena Wati (1993), as well as popular science fiction novels and short stories.
It is found that often the plot centres on the notion of a journey. The youth novels mostly depict a concrete trip to planets and galaxies far away, while in one case, a time-machine brings the juvenile heroes to an early 20th century Malay anti-colonial struggle against the British. In these journeys, the utopian vehicles symbolise Malay/Malaysian agency and competence in science and high technology, being at par with other developed nations. In the award-winning novel Panrita, the voyage through these new Technoenvironments also encompasses a deep spiritual and religious meaning within Malaysian Islam. Given the great political emphasis on Malay language and culture in this period, de-centring away from the Anglosphere, the question is raised whether in the Malaysian case the English term should be localised, e.g. by the Malay term “lingkungan teknikal”, building on previous theoretical contributions in Malay, including that of Sohaimi Abdul Aziz (2013) on “teknoteks” (technotext).
The rise of “circular economy” discourse in the extractive industries has altered how researchers, laborers, activists, and consumers conceptualize movements of materials. To proponents, building a circular economy around rare earth elements (REE) production will “close the loop” around extraction, processing, design, manufacturing, and disposal practices to minimize and eventually eliminate all “waste” produced through technology development. Articulated through utopian imaginaries projecting environmental and technological futures far beyond mining, however, these conceptualizations of movement also carry far-ranging entailments for the movements of specific groups of people, including their place in future social and political orders and their capacity to plan for multi-generational futures. This article follows activists and university researchers brought into conflict through a REE processing facility in Malaysia, where research on commercial applications for post-processing wastes has been treated alternately as pathways to economic diversification and as threats to minoritized communities’ welfare and senses of national belonging. Both groups correlate “responsible” waste management to mismanaged flows of people: prospective experts drawn overseas for more sophisticated work; children emigrating for university education or middle-class jobs after struggling to find positions in Malaysia. While explicitly offering future stability and a broadened ethics of responsible attention, the visions of circularity undergirding these debates effectively collapse the many forms of movement at stake in industrial transition into a promise of transcendence, obscuring the racialized patterns of exclusion and migration that invariably accompany the extractive industries.
Although the shift from traditional to digital food environments has enhanced accessibility and convenience in food purchasing and delivery, emerging evidence suggests that current digital food environments tend to promote energy-dense foods rather than healthier options. Therefore, this commentary aims to highlight the challenges faced by healthcare professionals in shaping a healthier digital food environment and to offer practical recommendations for fostering such an environment in Malaysia. This commentary also emphasises that shaping a healthier digital food environment is not an individual endeavour but a collaborative effort among key stakeholders, including government ministries, platform operators, online food vendors and platform users.
Understanding children’s diet quality is crucial for developing effective interventions to address dietary-related issues. Thus, this study examines the distribution of energy and nutrient intakes across meals and snacks among primary schoolchildren aged 6·0–12·9 years in Peninsular Malaysia and the implications of meal skipping on their nutritional status. Data from 1102 children in Peninsular Malaysia from the South East Asian Nutrition Surveys (SEANUTS) II were analysed. Children’s height, weight and waist circumference were measured. Questionnaires captured sociodemographic information and meal consumption patterns. Nutrient distribution across meals and snacks was assessed through a 1-d 24-h dietary recall approach. Logistic regression analysed the association between meal skipping and nutritional status. Breakfast contributed significantly to essential micronutrients but provided the least energy and macronutrients compared with lunch and dinner. Approximately one-third of daily nutrient intake came from snacking, with contributions ranging from 25 % for cobalamin to 36 % for both Ca and thiamine. Children who skipped main meals had higher odds of being overweight/obese (skipped one type of meal at least once weekly (1·59; 95 % CI (1·08, 2·33)); skipped > 1 type of meal (1·77; 95 % CI (1·12, 2·79)) and abdominal obese (skipped > 1 type of meal (1·91; 95 % CI (1·17, 3·12))). In conclusion, primary schoolchildren in Peninsular Malaysia tended to have higher micronutrient intakes at breakfast and higher energy and macronutrients in subsequent main meals. Meal skipping was linked to elevated body fat. This study underscores the need to prioritise continued education on the importance of healthy dietary habits among children.
Why are cash waqfs administered and regulated by the state in some countries but by non-state entities in others? I present a twofold argument to explain this puzzle. First, colonial policies shaped the baseline framework for the regulation of religion, well into the postcolonial period. However, political actors in the postcolonial period then made specific choices within those regulatory frameworks, with implications for the administration and regulation of cash waqfs. In British India, legal arbitration became the primary framework for religious regulation. In postcolonial Bangladesh, successive governments politicized the bureaucracy as they prioritized survival, and so cash waqfs exist within the Islamic banking and finance sector. In British Malaya, local sultans were able to bureaucratize all aspects of Islam. The bureaucratization of Islam proceeded in a centripetal manner from the state to the federal level in postcolonial Malaysia, with the federal government taking charge of cash waqfs.
This study investigated factors influencing insect phobia among older adults in Iran and Malaysia using a quasi-experimental design with individual and group-based teaching models. The study included 151 older adults (82 Iranians, 69 Malaysians). Baseline and post-intervention scores were analyzed using paired t-tests, MANOVA, regression analysis, path analysis and a neural network model. Malaysians scored higher on EVI: Disgusting Pre (mean = 8.03 vs. Iranian mean = 7.46, p < 0.05) but showed greater reductions post-intervention (mean difference = 1.03 vs. Iranian mean difference = 0.63, p < 0.01). OAEAS scores decreased more among Malaysians (mean difference = 14.45 vs. Iranian mean difference = 15.08, p < 0.05). Males reported higher fear and disgust levels than females (p < 0.05). Pet ownership reduced phobic responses (p < 0.05), while chronic conditions heightened baseline scores but limited reductions over time. Group-based interventions were more effective for Malaysians, while individual-based approaches worked better for Iranians. The neural network model explained 82% of EVI variance and 79% of OAEAS variance. Culturally tailored interventions effectively reduce insect phobia among older adults. Future research should explore longitudinal effects and broader cultural contexts.
Seema Elizabeth Isoy wrote in a condominium owner Whatsapp group that developer David Chiu had been arrested for fraud several years earlier. She knew but left out that he had later been acquitted. In holding her liable for defamation, the Malaysian Federal Court in Seema Elizabeth Isoy v Tan Sri David Chiu Tat-Cheong relied on the concept of a half-truth – a statement that is literally true but omits key information that would change the statement’s meaning – raised by Lord Shaw in Sutherland v Stopes. This note suggests that, while the Federal Court’s conclusion ultimately may have been justified, it should have more carefully considered whether a report of a preliminary act such as an arrest or charge necessarily implies guilt and whether an acquittal actually lessens the sting of an arrest and charge. Judgments cited by the Federal Court – from India, the US, Malaysia, Canada and South Africa – did not adequately address these issues, making this note of potential interest to readers across the common law world.
Rice is the foremost foodstuff in terms of caloric intake for Southeast Asians and for bolstering national food security, yet writings on the region's politics have overlooked the crucial role rice production programs have played in shaping signal political and development outcomes. In this comparative historical analysis, Jamie S. Davidson argues that the performance legitimacy stemming from the Green Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, along with the formation of rice import regimes, best explain durable rice protectionism in the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia, the region's large rice importers. Even though the direct effects of the Green Revolution eventually faded, he demonstrates that past policy success can inform policymaking for decades after remarkable sectoral performance subsides. This innovative account and its conclusions will be of interest to scholars and students of development studies, comparative political economy and Asian studies.
The introduction presents the main theoretical and empirical justifications of the book. It begins by highlighting the longstanding problem governments face as they puzzle over securing adequate amounts of staple foods: either to grow more of the foodstuff or purchase it from abroad. This historical and contemporary food security dilemma sets the stage for introducing the three primary cases of this study, those that struggle to find that ideal balance between promoting expensive domestic rice cultivation and buying cheaper foreign imports. It then explains how success in the Green Revolution radically shifted the views of the Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia of their position along this continuum. The introduction establishes the significance of the Green Revolution, substantiates its success, and addresses how this legacy over decades has shaped acute rice policy debates – and hence larger questions about rural development, poverty alleviation, and national food security. The introduction closes with a brief recapitulation of the main argument and an outline of the book’s chapters.
This chapter begins with Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad’s decision to privatize his country’s rice parastatal, rather than liberalize the rice trade. In the late 1990s, Mahathir formed a new entity, called Bernas, whose shares were traded on the country’s stock exchange. Through dense patronage networks, and despite Bernas’s “public” status, amplified capital accumulation remained closely tied to the state and its ruling party, UMNO. After Mahathir retired in 2003, the party-state complex went a step further to allow the country’s richest non-Chinese businessman, Syed Mokhtar Albukhary, to delist Bernas by purchasing its shares to become the principal owner. As a result, this one tycoon has since controlled some seventy percent of the country’s rice supply. The political opposition cried foul, and when it shockingly won the 2018 elections, it studied ways to reform this arrangement. But the coalition government was toppled by a party coup in 2020 and the more pro-Malay regime that succeeded it swiftly reached a new accord, extending Syed Mokhtar’s rice import monopoly permit to 2031. Malaysia thus stands as instructive case of near-miss institutional change.
This chapter reviews how the Green Revolution unfolded in each of the three countries. It does not shy from reporting the mistakes and mishaps that transpired, from corruption and the hubris of policymakers to pest outbreaks and coercive policy implementation, on the ground. Crucially, the program’s legitimacy was saved by the state-managed, and western funded, rice imports in overcoming food shortages of the early Green Revolution. The chapter then covers how the cultivation surge finally came to fruition, birthing the production nationalists. Two of the more famous examples include Indonesian president Soeharto and Philippine president Marcos. In this way, rice imports, and later Green Revolution production, were decisive factors in prolonging the rule of each of these pro-West, conservative regimes. The chapter is also arranged per case study and chronologically within each case.
There has been a decade-long debate in the studies of Malaysian politics on whether there is indeed an urban–rural difference when it comes to elections. Studies using aggregated election data suggest stark differences in parties’ performance in urban and rural electoral districts, while studies relying on survey data tend to downplay urban–rural differences in voting patterns. Notwithstanding the ecological fallacy problem inherent in studies using aggregated election data, the consistent differences between studies using individual and aggregated data are puzzling, and cast a shadow over our understanding of electoral politics in Malaysia. This article argues that in Peninsular Malaysia the urban–rural differences supported by aggregated election data may have been overestimated due to results being driven by a few large urban centers. Combining survey data from the fifth wave of Asian Barometer and aggregated election data from the fourteenth general election in Malaysia, this article demonstrates that both kinds of data in fact point to the same conclusion. Once we specifically control for inter-state and local heterogeneity in population density, the association between population density and party performance attenuates.
This chapter explores how judicial mechanisms employed by apex courts have migrated across South Asia and Southeast Asia, using India, Pakistan, and Malaysia as examples. The chapter focuses on two case studies – Pakistan and Malaysia – to examine how judicial mechanisms, like the basic structure doctrine articulated by the Indian Supreme Court, have been strategically adapted by courts in Pakistan and Malaysia to strengthen their institutional power. This chapter considers the use of judicial rhetoric and constitutional comparativism in crafting opinions of popular salience by examining the distinct ways in which these Asian courts have engaged with foreign and comparative case law.
This chapter introduces an unexpected analogy between marriage and anthropology, both being encounters with difference that have transformative capacities – themes that are returned to throughout the book. Research on marriage in Penang recalls the author’s earlier fieldwork on kinship and domestic relations on the island of Langkawi in Malaysia in the 1980s. The chapter reflects on the author’s decades-long anthropological engagement with Malaysia and traces some of the major changes that have occurred there. It considers the very different contexts of research – rural and urban – over these years and the concomitants of a long-term anthropological commitment.