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This chapter explores the landscape of global AI regulation, and how these emerging technologies are being defined and conceptualised. It offers a comparative analysis across four major legislative orders, namely the European Union, the UK, China, and the USA. Each of these is adopting distinct frameworks for regulating AI, shaped by diverse ideological and normative attitudes towards human rights, innovation, and the preservation of state power. The chapter explores the legal and socio-ethical implications of governing AI, especially how differing stances on transparency and risk are set to influence its international development. Building upon current governance approaches to AI, this chapter draws on insights from interviews and focus groups with Law Enforcement Agency (LEA) experts to address the use of AI-powered solutions in law enforcement and the operational and societal challenges that they present; focusing on the impact and use value of advanced data processing and data analysis technologies for daily investigative work. Overall, the chapter contributes to a nuanced understanding of the multifaceted dimensions surrounding AI governance and its impact on law enforcement practices internationally.
The enregisterment of social classes within a division of labor organized by social relations of dominance, on the one hand, and with specific languages, on the other hand, results in tiered or ranked sociolinguistic structures characteristic of our planetary society. These sociolinguistic tiers are produced from the nexus of register and genre, such that enregistered codes like English become conventionally indexically associated with genres of command, while other languages become associated with subservience, for example. The metapragmatically regimenting register/genre nexus is, of course, indexically backed by a wide range of relatively congruent nonlinguistic tiered factors, like gender, race, and access to weapons. This article develops a semiotic view of political economy, inequality, and power, theorizing how symbolism differentially contributes to the tiering of all other semiotic kinds of signals in and through verbally mediated conative social coordination.
Building on the previous chapters, this one will uncover more of Arctic geopolitical dynamics by doing several things. It will lay out the argument for why, in fact, it makes sense to divide the Arctic into security subregional complexes (SRSCs) when we discuss security and geopolitics in the North. Thereafter, this chapter will take a dive into the two SRSCs that in fact make up security relations and dynamics in an Arctic setting, namely the Barents SRSC and the Beringia SRSC. This is arguably where most Arctic security interactions and practices have materialised over the last decades, but these domains are only slightly, if at all, interlinked.
This is the second of two chapters that will take a closer look at the national level, or the bottom-up approach, to security dynamics in the Arctic. All states are not equal. There is obviously a difference between a global superpower of almost 350 million people and Norway, with the population of 5.5 million people. Still, both are states, both are in the Arctic, and both face geographically determined security issues in their immediate Arctic domain. It is thus both highly relevant and instructive to compare how these two states have approached their respective Arctic security dynamics. US interest in Arctic security affairs over the last two decades has been a conundrum, going from relative disinterest to making use of the Arctic in global rivalry with China.
Is the Arctic destined for conflict, or can cooperation prevail? This timely book explores the complex interplay of security, geography, and regions in the Arctic. Moving beyond simplistic narratives of geopolitical rivalry, it offers a nuanced, multilevel analysis of state security practices, foreign policies, and regional cooperation across distinct subregions. Challenging conventional notions of 'regions' and re-evaluating the role of geographic proximity, it provides fresh insights into how states engage with their neighbours. It also explores the enduring relevance of geography in international relations, demonstrating how the concept of an 'Arctic region' can be a powerful framework but also rests on some false assumptions. Essential for scholars, students, and policymakers, Arctic Geopolitics reshapes our understanding of security dynamics in the Arctic and beyond. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Trade wars are a recurring theme in interstate relations, even if the anomalous period of the Cold War gave the misimpression that high and low politics were no longer connected. This chapter explains the Realist perspective on trade relations and presents a framework for understanding the perspectives and options of different types of great powers, based on their distinct levels of market power (share of global imports) and market exposure (dependence on exports). These distinctions yield three archetypes, namely commercial great powers such as Victorian England, political great powers such as the United States, and disengaged great powers such as the Soviet Union. Key to understanding the position of China is that state’s movement across all three archetypes, such that it had once been disengaged, then was en route to becoming a great power, but changed direction in 2006 to become a political great power.
While today's global trade war may seem like a radical break from the established system of inter-state relations, history shows that states have been fighting trade wars as long as there have been states, trade, and war. The current rivalry between the United States and China is among the most pressing contemporary issues that may define international relations for the next decade. Craig VanGrasstek's On Trade War explains the theory and practice of trade war, placing the current conflict in an analytical framework that provides insights from history, political science, economics, and law. Pioneering a new way of examining trade and military relations between states, VanGrasstek's analysis identifies patterns from past trade wars that may shape our future.
This chapter introduces an oceanic-vertical perspective on Asia’s Anthropocene, focusing downward from offshore oil platforms to oil fields beneath the seabed. It emphasizes the overlooked role of marine regions in Asia’s contribution to global carbon emissions. It highlights how Asian political elites, particularly after decolonization, played a central role in developing offshore oil fields, synchronizing terrestrial and oceanic energy transitions by the mid-twentieth century. Unlike land-based infrastructures constrained by colonial legacies, marine regions offered greater autonomy, allowing Asian political elites to assert judicial control. The chapter spans from the 1880s to the 1970s, tracing offshore oil’s rise first across Japanese and US waters, later followed by various Asian marine regions. It argues for recognizing Asia’s marine regions as critical sites of environmental transformation and Asian political agency. By foregrounding offshore fossil fuel development, the chapter reframes the Asian Anthropocene within global histories of energy, development, and technology—beyond terrestrial confines and explanations focused on Western colonial and capitalist elites.
Given that many species with documented cultures are also species of conservation concern in the USA, the concept of non-human animal culture could have considerable implications for laws and policies affecting wildlife conservation. Consequently, we examined the integration of non-human animal culture into (1) the designation of distinct population segments under the Endangered Species Act (ESA), and (2) recovery plans, recovery outlines and 5-year reviews for ESA-listed cetaceans. We found that non-human animal culture has almost never been considered in the determination of distinct population segments and, even for cetaceans, culture has relatively rarely been considered in ESA recovery-related documents. Therefore, we recommend that the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and National Marine Fisheries Service take the following actions to ensure they follow the ESA’s best available science mandate to list appropriate entities and manage their recovery: (1) prepare a guidance document specifically tailored for practitioners; (2) use a more expansive, scientifically rigorous definition of representation, including extrinsic characteristics such as how species interact in communities and ecosystems through cultures; and (3) where relevant, take actions to protect non-human animal cultural diversity, such as through consideration in the determination of distinct population segments under the ESA and through recovery plans that recognize the importance of cultural transmission of behaviour. More generally, we also recommend action to expressly integrate non-human animal culture into the concept of biodiversity in relevant USA laws and policies affecting wildlife conservation, particularly the ESA.
The National Project on Achievement in Twins (NatPAT) is a twin project based in the United States (US) that began in 2017. Using a cohort sequential design, the overall goal of the initial project was to uncover salient factors, including genetic and environmental influences, which contribute to the co-development of reading and math performance during elementary school. In 2022, the focus of NatPAT pivoted towards a new focus on the COVID-19 pandemic’s short- and long-term impacts on children’s reading achievement. In addition, a genomics data collection began. New enrollment into the registry continues every year, but currently NatPAT follows 1997 twin pairs and their families as they progress through school. The project supports open science principles, with open materials and code, preregistration, and shared data. Here we present the goals of the project, summarize recent results, methods and materials, with a focus on the integration across many different data sources, and future directions of the project.
Europeans promoted many alternatives to what became in the 1990s ‘neoliberal globalisation’. In the 1970s and 1980s, they promoted a vision of globalisation that was a compromise between liberty capitalism, solidarity capitalism, and community capitalism with its STABEX programme in 1975, which aimed to stabilise export revenue for some associated countries in the Global South. Thatcher’s policy with Nissan or shipyards shows that even a neoliberal leader such as she could practice neomercantilism, but in a much less systematic and showy manner than in Colbertist France. For all that, there was no common promotion of ‘European preference’, despite numerous talks. A minimal promotion of community capitalism emerged through the notion of ‘normative power’. The failure of the most ambitious projects should not obscure the weight of (often EC-level) protectionist regulations in numerous international markets during the 1970s and 1980s. This came in sectors such as agriculture, steel, textiles, and automobiles, before the advent of a more neoliberal form of globalisation after the completion of the Uruguay Round of the GATT (1986–1994).
The rise of community capitalism since the mid-2010s is reflected in the return of protectionism, authoritarianism, nativism, and violent conflict. European capitalism was forced to adapt by being more assertive. Europeans have embraced solutions that were previously refused as too protectionist, such as European preference, free trade contingent on adhering to social and environmental norms, subsidies to industry for strategic reasons, and competition policy decisions based on reciprocity. Some of these ideas were long defended by France. Germany previously criticised them, but has embraced some in trade since 2016, and others in foreign policy since 2022. The management of Brexit has reaffirmed the basis of European soft power, which depends on the unity of the Single Market. The Covid-19 pandemic (2020–21) forced the Union to adopt protectionist and interventionist measures. The Russo-Ukrainian War has led to very strong sanctions packages, as well as the Union’s foray into military matters. But the Europeans still remain heavily dependent on the US for defence. Donald Trump’s return to power in 2025 has forced Europe to think harder about organising community capitalism.
The notion of truth is a powerful one within transitional justice, and truth-telling and truth-seeking are considered to be a necessary part of any justice pursuit. Also in the US, official government actors are creating truth commissions (or truth commission-like processes) in order to acknowledge and address a wide range of violent and discriminatory contexts, both historical and present-day. This chapter explores two such truth commissions operating at the sub-national level, namely in the states of Maryland and California. Drawing from participatory scholarship, the chapter evaluates these examples and highlights how current and future truth processes can better conceptualise and implement victim participation in order to have deeper engagement and impact with affected communities. Examining these efforts around agency and empowerment can shed light on broader developments around formalised participation, thereby contributing to a better understanding of the second generation of victim engagement in transitional justice practices in the US.
The rights of Deaf persons need to be respected in order to prevent discrimination and ensure equality in Kenya’s criminal courts. Inclusive communication in the country’s criminal justice system is key and can only occur when information that is passed and received is understood by both the Deaf and hearing parties. The aim of this article is to determine how Deaf people can be supported and accommodated in order to ensure their effective participation at all levels of Kenya’s criminal justice system. With the backdrop of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the author contends that the State has an obligation to put in place reasonable accommodation and other accessibility measures that go beyond the provision of mere sign language interpretation, if the right to participation of Deaf witnesses is to be fully realized in the country’s criminal justice system.
Greater consumption of red meat has been linked to a higher risk of mortality and chronic diseases, including diabetes. We aim to examine the associations between total, processed and unprocessed red meat intake and diabetes and to evaluate the substitution effects of other protein sources for red meat on diabetes. This population-based cross-sectional study utilised data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) 2003–2016. Diabetes was defined as a self-reported diagnosis by a physician or other health professional, having a fasting plasma glucose of 126 mg/dl or higher, an HbA1c level of 6·5 % or higher, or the use of antidiabetic drugs. Multivariable logistic regression models were conducted. The study included 34 737 adult participants (mean (sd) age of 45·8 (17·5) years) from NHANES 2003–2016. After adjusting for major confounders, compared with the first quintile, higher intakes of total, processed and unprocessed red meat were positively associated with higher odds of diabetes, with adjusted OR of 1·49 (95 % CI 1·22, 1·81), 1·47 (95 % CI 1·17, 1·84) and 1·24 (95 % CI 1·06, 1·44), respectively. The corresponding P-trend values were (< 0.001, 0.001, and 0.006). In this nationally representative sample of US adults, participants in the highest quintiles of total, processed and unprocessed red meat intake had higher odds of diabetes than those in the lowest quintile. Substituting 1 serving/d of dietary protein from foods of plant origin (including nuts, seeds, legumes and soya) for total, processed or unprocessed red meat was associated with 9 % to 14 % lower odds of diabetes.
With the rise of the global associational revolution and the expansion of neoliberalism across the world, nonprofit organizations (NPOs) have increasingly tended to adopt market values and approaches in many countries. A recent debate has concerned the impacts of nonprofit marketization on the civil society sector. A primary concern among Western scholars is the potential harm that marketization may cause to the traditional roles of NPOs, especially in their ability to create and maintain a strong civil society. This article joins the debate by engaging in a comparative analysis of China and the USA to answer the following question: Are the same concerns in the West applicable to non-Western countries, particularly those gradually liberalizing but still highly controlled authoritarian countries? By exploring the variations in objectives, models, and effects associated with the marketization taking place under different political–social systems, we find that unlike the nonprofit marketization in the USA, the similar yet distinct process in China is facilitating rather than inhibiting the development of civil society. On the other hand, our findings also provide nonprofit practitioners with a contextual guideline to help them devise more effective service strategies tailored to fit diverse sociocultural settings.
Racism and xenophobia are no longer isolated issues affecting only small portions of a society. Rather, these issues are now at the forefront of debate and have assumed a position on the frontlines of political warfare. In 2016, both the UK and the USA found themselves embroiled in bitter battle, a battle wherein the citizens themselves became their own worst enemies. The Leave/Stay campaigns in the UK and the 2016 US presidential campaign precipitated a rebirth of nationalism, reinvigorating entire populations and charming even the casual observer into political action and discourse. Yet in both cases, what began as an endeavour to serve the needs of the citizenry morphed into a battleground of derision and division. As this article reveals, the parallels between campaigns are not merely provocative they are disarming.
Inspired by Foucault’s genealogical approach, this paper examines the historical discourses of popular engagement in the USA—specifically how volunteering and civic action have been treated in relation to politics and public opinion over time. The paper describes that throughout US history, the relationship between volunteering and civic action has evolved from being more or less blurred in distinction—and has had different meanings for different groups of people. With the election and policies of the current president, we may be entering a new era of increased and politicized volunteering and civic action.
This paper presents a comparative analysis of giving ethos and behavior in the United States and the United Kingdom, in particular the relationship of giving to civic life. Obvious disparities between the two countries exist when overall levels of giving are considered. In the United States, individual giving as a percentage of gross national or domestic product has consistently hovered around 2% of Gross Domestic Product. By contrast, charitable giving in the United Kingdom has yet to reach 1% of GDP. The paper identifies the differences in giving ethos and behavior in the two countries in relation to the complexity of the differences between the political structures, social attitudes, and the role of charitable giving in the two countries. In particular, the paper postulates a set of models—generosity and altruism—for explaining the differences.
In response to First World War propaganda campaigns and the emerging science of behaviorist psychology, which downplayed or even denied the existence of “mind” (understood as an agency directed by human cognition and will), American modernists performed the mind in and as writing: as a potentiating agent of mental plasticity to reshape habits, modifiy beliefs and behaviors, and dramatize the strategies by which consent is “manufactured.” An American modernist literary “aesthetics of exposure” sought to arrest habitual thought by exposing the behaviorist strategies of conditioning behavior and regimenting beliefs. The major works examined in this chapter – Ernest Hemingway’s A Farewell to Arms (1929) and John Dos Passos’ the U.S.A trilogy (1936) – deploy strategies of psychological and textual fracture and fragmentation in order to make state-sponsored propaganda technique visible and available for critique.